HEINE: National Case Study Austria

Transcrição

HOFO Working Paper Series: IFF_hofo.98.001
Markus Arnold / Hans Pechar /
Martin Unger (1998)
HEINE:
National Case Study
Austria
Abstract
This report explores national higher education policies to adapt Austrian universities to their
socio-economic environment. It describes the characteristics of two major reform cycles,
which lead to paradigm shifts in the national higher education policy of the last 30 years.
Kurzfassung
Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht Maßnahmen der staatlichen Hochschulpolitik, um die
österreichischen Universitäten an die sozio-ökonomischen Bedürfnissen ihrer Umwelt
anzupassen. Im speziellen wird die Charakteristik zweier Reformzyklen herausgearbeitet, die
zu markanten Paradigmenwechseln in der staatlichen Hochschulpolitik der letzten 30 Jahre
führte.
Key Words
Higher education policy; economy; labour market
Schlagworte
Hochschulpolitik; Wirtschaft; Arbeitsmarkt
Context Information
Research report produced as part of the Austrian contribution in an international consortium
for HEINE (Higher Education Institutions and the National Economy), a project commissioned
by the EU in the TSER (Targeted Socio Economic Research) framework.
Copyright and Citation Information
This article may be used for educational and non-profit purposes if the following reference is
acknowledged and stated:
Arnold, Markus / Pechar, Hans / Unger, Martin (1998) HEINE: National Case Study Austria
HOFO Working Paper Series 98.001
Vienna, IFF (Faculty for Interdisciplinary Studies)
http://www.iff.ac.at/hofo/WP/IFF_hofo.98.001_Pechar_heine_ncs.pdf
Markus Arnold
Hans Pechar
Martin Unger
HEINE: National Case Study
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iff, 9/98
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Content
1 POLICIES AND PROGRAMMES AT NATIONAL LEVEL........................................................................4
1.1 TRADITIONAL DEGREE PROGRAMMES .............................................................................................................4
1.1.1 Student Advising: information and counselling:.....................................................................................4
1.1.2 Economy related programmes for graduates (Akademikertraining) ......................................................6
1.1.3 Placement centres ...................................................................................................................................7
1.1.4 The curricula reform: e.g. the case of the social- and economic sciences..............................................8
1.2 NEW EDUCATIONAL STRUCTURES FOR WORKING-LEARNING RELATIONSHIPS ...............................................12
1.2.1 Distance Learning.................................................................................................................................12
1.2.2 Continuing education at the universities and the „Danube-University Krems“ (Universitätszentrum
für Weiterbildung)..........................................................................................................................................15
1.2.3 The “university qualification examination” („Studienberechtigungsprüfung“) and the so-called
“vocational certificate” (Berufsreifeprüfung) ...............................................................................................18
1.2.4 Exchanging staff....................................................................................................................................20
1.2.4.1 Academics for the Economy (Wissenschafter für die Wirtschaft) ...................................................................20
1.2.4.2 Academics + Media (Wissenschafter + Medien) .............................................................................................21
1.2.4.3 Academics found firms (Wissenschafter gründen Firmen) ..............................................................................22
1.2.5 Extension centres (Außeninstitute)........................................................................................................22
1.3 INVOLVEMENT OF EXTERNAL STAKEHOLDERS IN INTERNAL PROCESSES .......................................................23
1.3.1 Business membership in governing bodies ...........................................................................................23
1.3.2 Business membership in quality assessment .........................................................................................25
1.3.3 Relationship to economic environment .................................................................................................26
2 ANALYSIS OF THE POLICY CONTENT AND PROCESS ......................................................................28
2.1 GENERAL GOVERNMENTAL VIEW ON THE ROLE OF HIGHER EDUCATION ........................................................28
2.2 POLICY DIMENSIONS .....................................................................................................................................30
2.2.1 Policy problems ....................................................................................................................................30
2.2.1.1 Traditional degree programmes .......................................................................................................................30
2.2.1.2 New educational structures for working and learning relationships.................................................................31
2.2.1.3 Involvement of external stakeholders in internal processes .............................................................................33
2.2.2 Nature of policy objectives....................................................................................................................34
2.2.2.1 First reform cycle (in the 70ies) .......................................................................................................................34
2.2.2.2 Inbetween the first and the second reform cycle (the 80ies) ............................................................................35
2.2.2.3 Second reform cycle (in the 90ies)...................................................................................................................36
2.2.3 Normative Basis – the policy ideology..................................................................................................37
2.2.3.1 The political ideology of the social democratic government: The 1st reform cycle ........................................38
2.2.3.2 The political ideology of the coalition: The 2nd reform cycle ..........................................................................41
2.2.4 Policy instruments.................................................................................................................................44
2.2.5 Political Links .......................................................................................................................................46
2.2.5.1 Research Policy................................................................................................................................................48
2.2.5.2 Labour Market..................................................................................................................................................49
2.2.6 Policy networks .....................................................................................................................................50
2.2.6.1 Universities: 1st reform cycle ...........................................................................................................................50
2.2.6.2 Universities: 2nd reform cycle ..........................................................................................................................53
2.2.6.3 Fachhochschulen ..............................................................................................................................................55
3 CONTEXTUAL FACTORS ............................................................................................................................61
3.1 FACHHOCHSCHULEN: A NEW SECTOR OF HIGHER EDUCATION IN AUSTRIA ..................................................61
3.1.1 Background: Some specifics of the Austrian system of secondary education.......................................61
3.1.2 The foundation of the Austrian Fachhochschulen – a long history ......................................................61
3.1.3 Positions of political parties and interest groups concerning the establishment of Fachhochschulen 64
3.1.4 Fachhochschulen: Main differences in contrast to the universities......................................................65
3.1.5 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................68
3.2 THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE UNIVERSITY AND THE NON-UNIVERSITY SECTOR .....................................69
3.3 THE EUROPEAN DIMENSION .........................................................................................................................72
3.3.1 Growing importance of internationalisation ........................................................................................72
3.3.2 Infrastructure to facilitate the internationalisation process .................................................................74
3.3.3 Concerns about the competitiveness of Austrian higher education at an international level...............75
3.4 GOVERNMENTAL APPROACH TO POLICY MAKING AND STATE CONTROL/ STEERING OF HIGHER EDUCATION..77
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3.4.1 The type of state governance installed by the first reform cycle:..........................................................77
3.4.2 The type of state governance installed by the second reform cycle: .....................................................81
4 APPENDIX........................................................................................................................................................85
4.1 STATISTICS ...................................................................................................................................................85
5 INTERVIEW PARTNERS, OTHER SOURCES OF INFORMATION .....................................................91
6 DOCUMENTS AND LITERATURE..............................................................................................................93
1
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Policies and programmes at national level
1.1 Traditional degree programmes
1.1.1 Student Advising: information and counselling:
As the ministry stated at the parliament in 1987: „Because the Austrian higher education
policy adheres to the principles of an open access policy in higher education („offener
Hochschulzugang“), high value is ascribed to counselling and information and thereby to
harmonising the educational and employment system“.1 In order to reduce the high drop out
rate, guidance is used to provide as much information as possible about the courses of study
and their professional applications in the various fields of employment. However, the
philosophy of these activities is and was not to steer student enrolment towards certain
studies.
Since the beginning of 1969 the government argued conclusively, that the possibilities for
giving detailed prognosis of employment prospects for single degree programmes are in most
cases too limited.2 Above all, because of the time lag between the beginning of studies, when
the definite choices are made, and the moment when they enter the employment market as
graduates.3 In Austria the average length of university studies is approximately seven years.
The difficulties to draw more than only general conclusions from the existing statistics to the
future employment prospects for the students who start their studies now directed the students
information programmes to a more supporting approach: Helping the students to get as soon
as possible to a decision appropriate for their personal interests and aptitudes is considered as
a means to shorten the drop-out rates and the duration of study, which are focused as the main
1
BMWF, Hochschulbericht 1987, p. 383; Study information and counselling was mentioned even before the government inauguration
speech in 1970, 1971 and 1975 as one of the main policies in higher education. In the 70ies the social democratic government generally
favoured information as a means to strengthen the „democratisation“ of the society by providing equal opportunities for all classes of the
society (see inauguration speeches: Erkl.d.österr.BReg. v. 27.4.1970, StProtNR 12.GP 10-28; Erkl.d.österr.BReg. v. 5.11.1971, StProtNR
13.GP 14-35; Erkl.d.österr.BReg. v. 5.11.1975, StProtNR 14.GP 17-30).
2
BMWF (1978), p.35; BMWF (1981), p.9, 122; BMWF (1990), Vol.1, p.329f
3
BMWF (1984), p.230-231
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targets to reduce the higher educational expenses – and furthermore, to stop loosing „highqualified manpower“.4
Nevertheless, since the end of the 70ies – as the ministry emphasised – the government tried
to concentrate more on information about professional fields corresponding to certain
studies.5 Because there was a significant change in the unemployment statistics over the
years, which allowed to give more precise information about job opportunities, the ministry
stated explicitly in 1984, that academic unemployment „is not concentrated – as often
suggested – in a few studies, the persons concerned are likewise graduates of all kinds of
studies.“6 Six years later it had to report that unemployment was more and more concentrating
on the humanities and natural sciences. Their discipline-oriented education was viewed as the
major cause for the limited employment prospects of their graduates outside traditional
research institutes, where far more problem-driven thinking is required.7
But the development of counselling and information can be described as a continually
increasing sector over the years and as very successful: Starting in 1969 on three different
locations (Vienna, Linz, Salzburg) with study counselling services, the ministry focused from
the very beginning on psychological problems as the main objective of counselling (besides
providing pure information), because only „a relative small percentage of students attend the
counselling services because of study problems which are not related to personal problems“.8
Therefore: “the counselling of students with learning difficulties should be a priority“.9 – In
the year of study 1994/95 the „psychological student information centres“ (Psychologische
Studentenberatungsstellen) in Austria had 4.920 clients, 45 % of the subjects under
consideration were related to questions of orientation and decision making in the domain of
the curricula or in occupational matters.10
4
BMWF (1972), p.181; last time reaffirmed in BMWV (1996), Vol.1, p.85
5
BMWF (1990), Vol.1, p.331
6
BMWF (1984), p.162
7
BMWF (1990), Vol.1, p.225-228; The need of more problem-driven curricula – especially in the humanities – will become one of the major
arguments promoted by the Ministry in the discussion concerning the reform of the University Study Acts, which preceded the UniStG 97.
8
BMWF (1972), p.182
9
BMWF (1975), p.138
10
BMWV (1996), Vol.1, p. 88
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Informations are regularly provided in co-operation with the Ministry of (School) Education
(Ministerium für Untericht und kulturelle Angelegenheiten)11, the Ministry of Labour
(Ministerium für soziale Verwaltung), the Labour Market Service (Arbeitsmarktservice), and
the Austrian Student Union (Hochschülerschaft) for the students at schools, when they attend
university, during their studies, and when they leave the university to enter the labour market.
This kind of advising and counselling is accepted by the public: As an empirical study
confirms one third of the „traditional students“ and one fifth of the „non-traditional-students“
contacted one of the information centres for support before deciding which subject to
choose.12
Study and Vocational Information Fairs (Studien- und Berufsinformationsmessen), organised
since 1986 by the Ministry of Higher Education together with the higher education
institutions and different representatives of labour, industry and management in each
university city every year (or every second year), are overrun. For instance the information
fair in Vienna alone has approximately 60.000 visitors (and 200 exhibitors) every year. These
Fairs concentrate on information about educational courses at the universities and in the nonuniversity sector (e.g. private enterprises present their continuing education programmes for
their staff members to recruit new employees).13 It is discussed to extend the presentation of
job opportunities in the future.
1.1.2 Economy related programmes for graduates (Akademikertraining)
The ”Akademikertraining” (training of young graduates) is a programme of the National
Labour Market Service14 and not really part of the national university policy. Therefore it is
an example of the formal separation of the Austrian university policy and the concern for the
graduate labour market.
11
There are ‚school psychologists‘ and ‚education advisers‘ (Bildungsberater) at the schools, who try in a „non-directive“ mode to help to
find the appropriate decisions (see Franz Sedlak, Grundlinien der Bildungs- und Schullaufbahnberatung im österreichischen Schulwesen
und die Rolle der Schulpsychologie, in: Studien- und Berufswahl, Bd. 1 (hrsg.v. M.Schilling / H.Turrini), Wien 1989, p.197-211
12
13
Pechar, Hans / Wroblewski, Angela (1998): „Non-traditional-Students in Österreich“, Research report, Wien, iff, unpublished, p.48
Christa Brückschlögl / Gertraud Seiser, Studien- und Berufsinformationmesse: Von der Gegenwart der Zukunft, in: Studien- und
Berufswahl, Bd.1. (hrsg.v. M.Schilling / H. Turrini), Wien 1989, p. 169-175; BMWV / BMUkA / Arbeitsmarktservice, ‚Wegweiser Durch das Dickicht der Beratungsinstitutionen ´98. BeSt Die Messe für Beruf und Studium‘, Wien 1998.
14
Subordinated to the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs
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During the seventies the labour market for graduates and especially the unemployment of
graduates were no major topic because there were enough jobs for graduates. This changed
during the eighties and became an even wider discussed subject in recent years (although the
average unemployment rate of young university graduates did not increase during the last 10
years15). The Labour Market Service for the placement of executives used to be in charge of
university graduates. When unemployment rose, a new Labour Market Service for the
placement of young graduates, especially graduates from social sciences and the humanities,
was established.
The training of unemployed persons as well as subsidising the trial period of newly hired
persons was always part of the labour market policy. University graduates (better: their
employers) could therefore always apply for this kind of a subsidy. In the beginning of the
eighties when the unemployment of graduates rose the new placement centre for graduates
tied the subsidising and training programs together an offered a ”package” which was called
”Akademikertraining” (training of academics) after the model of the ”Absolvententraining”
for graduates from business schools.
The rationale of the programme is to facilitate the entrance into the labour market for young
graduates, especially for graduates from the humanities through an on-the-job-training. The
participants work for some months (first for three) for a company or an organisation in a
position adequate to their field of study. They get a subsidy (”which cover their costs of
living”) from the Labour Market Service but no salary. The company has therefore no labour
costs but is expected to hire the participant after the training period. Because mostly small
firms or associations take part in this programme the main problem is the abuse of it by firms
that can (or want) not afford a new employee and therefore do not fulfil their obligations.
1.1.3 Placement centres
The history of placement centres and similar activities goes back to an initiative of one
professor at the Business University in Vienna around fifteen years ago. At that time some
people inside the universities began to feel that the universities have some responsibility for
their graduates. But, as the idea of a placement centre has to do something with the labour
market, the National Labour Market Service regarded the initiative as an invasion in its
competencies. Therefore the Ministry of Higher Education stepped in as a mediator. It did not
15
The unemployment rate of academics grew, but this was a growth of unemployed elder academics and not of the young ones.
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take over the initiative but granted a start-up help for the establishment of similar initiatives
(e.g. it pays the salary of the employees for the first year).
After the establishment of the first placement centre (ZBP16) at the Business University in
Vienna in 1983 another professor of that university tried to convince other universities in
Austria of the idea. That resulted in a similar project at one Institute of Economics at the
University of Vienna (which did not work very well. A branch of the ZBP got later
established at the Economic Faculty), in a rejected initiative at the Faculty of Law in Vienna
(which developed later on a lawyer fair) and in a failed trial at the Institute for Interpreters of
the University of Vienna.
During the last years almost all the other universities established placement centres (Univ. of
Klagenfurt, Univ. of Graz, Agricultural Univ. of Vienna, Univ. of Salzburg, Univ. of Linz) or
a similar initiative (Univ. of Innsbruck, TU Graz17) with the exemption of the Technical
University of Vienna and the largest university (Univ. of Vienna). In 1997 the Ministry tried
to connect theses centres through a network and to establish a databank of graduates. But this
attempt failed, because the meanwhile very well established ZBP (it has now about 20
employees and many co-operation partners from the business sector) feared the competition
for its graduates.
After all, the Austrian placement centres can not be regarded as a real governmental policy as
they go back to individual initiatives. The Ministry did not promote such centres very widely
(probably because of the demarcation dispute with the Labour Market Service) and it regards
placement centres as a task of the universities. But it supports these initiatives with money
and recently tried to play a co-ordinating role.
1.1.4 The curricula reform: e.g. the case of the social- and economic sciences
Economic issues were in the 70ies part of an overall modernisation of the ‘society’ (as
described in the chapter ‚The normative basis – the political ideology‘). Although the ministry
called for a more practical and occupational orientation of the degree programmes in the mid
70ies its statement was mitigated by declaring, that the higher education reform is directed
16
Zentrum für Berufsplanung (Center for professional planning)
17
At the TU Graz are placement activities included at the extension centre.
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(“perhaps even in the first place”) to satisfy the demands of the “modern democratic
society”.18
But this was not the only reason why the universities were not effected by a more
occupational orientation until the 80ies.19 It was the higher education system’s organisation
which prevented an immediate curricula reform in that direction. In the first reform cycle
(about the differentiation between 1st and 2nd reform cycles see chapter 0) it was the ministry,
which had by law the responsibility of an intermediary between the universities and the
demands of the society, respectively of the economy and their representatives. The
proceedings to change curricula therefore turned out to be very long lasting: two efforts were
made in that direction (the curricula reform of the technical degree programmes and the one
of the social and economic sciences) and both of them lasted about 8-10 years from the
initiative to the implementation.
Although the ministry has the legal authority to decide, in reality it neither has the economic
nor the academic competence to decide on its own when universities and representatives of
the business community have not come to terms about specific questions concerning the
university curricula. This became obvious when neither the universities by themselves were
able to reach an agreement about the necessary subjects of the curricula nor the business
community on the other side was able to speak ‘with one voice’. For that reason the ministry
called the parliament’s attention to the ministry’s dependence on the initiative of the
universities to formulate an informal curricula plan in 1972. The curricula reform for degree
programmes (a major issue of the first reform cycle) was despite of its legal top-down
approach a bottom-up process. The ministry had to mediate between the different groups of
interest without the possibility to use its legal authority to decide on its own. 20
18
„Der Ausbau und die Reform des Hochschulwesens ist demnach nicht nur zwecks Verwirklichung des Rechtes auf Bildung, nicht nur
zwecks Sicherstellung des Bedarfes an hochqualifizierten Fachleuten erforderlich, sondern ebenfalls – und vielleicht sogar in erster Linie –
um den Bedarf der modernen demokratischen Gesellschaft zu entsprechen.“ (Hochschulbericht 1972, p. 250) In 1975 the necessity of a
more occupational orientation of the curricula (in the future) is balanced with the demand for a (critical) „political education (politische
Bildung)“ as an important aim of the University Study Acts of 1966 (Hochschulbericht 1975, p.105-106).
19
in interviews the education spokesman of the Industriellenvereinigung declared, that in the 70ies the demands of the business community
were ignored by the social democratic Minister of Higher Education Hertha Firnberg. The interviewed education spokesmen of the
political parties however stated, that the business community was disinterested in the university curricula (with only a few exceptions like
the reform of the social and economic sciences).
20
Hochschulbericht 1972, p.216; reaffirmed in Hochschulbericht 1975 and (retrospective) in Hochschulbericht 1993; (to comparable
problems in the reform process of the technical degree programmes, see: Hochschulbericht 1992, p.211 and 218). see therefore the chapter
‘Government approach to policy making and state control’; especially for the problems of this bureaucratic steering approach.
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Perhaps the most important initiative by the government to strengthen the relationship
between a university degree programme and the economy was the reform of the social- and
economic studies (SOWI-Reform). The reform discussion started in the 70ies but the reform
was implemented actually about ten years later in the 80ies. 21
The importance of these studies as part of an overall social policy was emphasised in an
inaugural address at the parliament in 1975 in which nevertheless no economic goals were
mentioned.22 The main reasons, why only a few years later these degree programmes became
the subject of a more occupation oriented reform (besides the economic and society oriented
subjects), were:
•
The social- and economic sciences were established in Austria in 1966 (although some
predecessors existed which were incorporated23). As compared with the traditional studies
this part of the university was a rather young one, therefore these degree programmes
were in the process of organisation and expansion.
•
These studies produced new kinds of graduates, which were searching for employment
opportunities (in competition with graduates of traditionally established degree
programmes, like jurists); as the new universities and institutes themselves were searching
for opportunities to legitimate their claims for increased financial support by the ministry
(and by the business community).
•
Unlike the traditional universities, the academic values of the Humboldtian ideal were
much weaker in the newly founded university for social and economic sciences in Linz.24
•
In contrast to the disinterestedness of the business community in questions of a national
higher education policy, local demands of firms (e.g. the state-owned chemical industry in
21
22
Eva Götz, Evaluierung der Reform der SOWI-Studien 1983; Hochschulbericht 1996, Vol.1, p.109ff.
„Hohes Haus! Wissenschaft und Forschung ragen im wesentlichen Ausmaß zur Erreichung gesamtgesellschaftlicher Ziele bei.
Wissenschafts- und Forschungspolitik verstehen sich heute als Teil der allgemeinen Gesellschaftspolitik. Die Förderung der Sozial- und
Arbeitswissenschaften soll unter dem Gesichtspunkt der Lösung von Gesellschaftsfragen besonderer Vorrang zukommen …“ (Reg.Kreisky
III.; XIV. G.P.-5.Nov.1975).
23
predecessors were a degree programme for merchants (Diplom-Kaufmann) in Vienna and another one for (political) economists (DiplomVolkswirt) in Innsbruck.
24
The provincial University of Linz was founded in 1966 as a university for social and economic sciences but soon expanded and opened
faculties of law, engineering and natural sciences. Different degree programmes in social and economic sciences were established also at
the following universities: the University of Vienna, the University of Economy (Vienna), the University of Graz and in Innsbruck.
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Linz) were a strong stimulus for the reform activities in the ministry and at the universities
as well.25
There were some preliminary debates in the ministry, but the more occupation oriented
reform discussion actually started in 1977, when the representatives of employers presented
an empirical study, in which the demands of the ‘economy’ for graduates of the social and
economic sciences were detected, as well as the skills requested by the business community
and the business community’s criticism of the existing curricula.26 As the education
spokesman of the Chamber of Commerce explained their rather late activities:”... till then the
business community had simply neglected the foundation of the University in Linz and the
establishment of the social and economic sciences in 1966.27”. At that time they put the
curricula reform on their agenda. Three years later the ministry ordered a summary of the
outcome of the discussions within the business community.28 The requests were:
•
more foreign languages (application oriented, not in a philological way)29
•
more emphasis on ‘soft skills’ and management qualities (Führungsqualitäten)
•
the integration of computer application courses
•
to institutionalise contacts between students and firms during their education (practice
orientation)
•
to reduce legal subjects (till then a priority subject in the curricula), and to rearrange the
remaining courses towards more general occupational needs of non-jurists
•
to extend specialisations to meet the specific needs of the Austrian companies
While the first four issues were finally supported by the universities, legal subjects were
higher valued by them. After all, the importance of different subjects in the curricula was a
25
The state-owned industry in Linz was a social democratic „stronghold“. Maybe this was, the reason why in the social democratic party
there was no resistance against their demands of a more occupational orientation of the curricula comparable to the one against demands by
the (conservative) business community alone.
26
Werner Clement / Christoph Badelt / Dieter Lukesch / Stefan Titscher, Quantitative und qualitative Aspekte der Beschäftigung von Sozialund Wirtschaftswissenschaftern in der Wirtschaft (Studie des IBW), Wien 1977.
27
interview, 19. 8. 1998
28
Österreichischs Institut für Berufsbildungsforschung, Qualitätsanforderungen und Erwartungen betreffend SOWI-Studien, Wien 1980
29
this was one of the main issues for the business community. Later on firms and the Chamber of Commerce actually in some cases provided
financial support to establish and maintain language courses at the universities.
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very dominant issue widely discussed by the academics. Predominantly the Austrian Student
Union was against the specialisation of the studies and against reducing social sciences to a
mere hand-maid of the business communities interests. Economic and social issues should be
provided together in the curricula, their aim was to bring up graduates with a more critical
attitude meeting mainly the demands of a democratic society.
After long discussions and hearings the parliament passed a reform act in 1983, in which
nearly all demands of the business community (which were finally backed by the major part
of the universities) were integrated. The implementation of the new curricula was not finished
until 1985.
The experiences of the study reform in the first reform cycle lead to a new approach in the
second cycle. As the ministry in 1993 formulated the aims of the highly debated new
University Study Acts (definitely passed in 1997): law as steering instrument should be
replaced by more appropriate ones like evaluations.30 The decisions are decentralised from the
national level of the ministry to the institutional level of the (local) curricula commissions.
Contacts between universities and the economy (so far mediated by the ministry) are now
institutionalised at the universities. The ministry will evaluate the study programmes regularly
Before new courses of study can be established, an expert opinion is requested about the
future labour market prospects of their graduates.
In both reform cycles the issue of shortening the length of studies was a very prominent
objective in curricula reform discussions (not achieved to a great extent).
1.2 New educational structures for working-learning relationships
1.2.1 Distance Learning
As Austria is a small country it renounced to promote a national distance learning university
on its own, but decided on an international solution by co-operating with the German
‚Distance University Hagen‘ (Fernuniversität Hagen) since 1981 and also with the British
‚Open University‘ in the 90ies. This international character, which is very specific for
30
“der Ersatz von Studienvorschriften durch sachadäquate Steuerungsinstrumente, wie z.B. Evaluationen” (Hochschulbericht 1993, p.57).
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Austrian distance learning, was improved last year by an Euro Study Centre in Vienna, where
it is now possible to study almost at every European distance university in every language.
Distance learning started in Austria as one of the policies to „open“ the universities for people
who traditionally stand far away from the universities.31 At the same time it was a solution to
an initiative launched by a local representative from the province of Vorarlberg for a
university in its capital Bregenz.32 Even though no university was founded, distance learning
provided the facilities to meet the local demands for higher education. One of the first
distance learning centres (Studienzentren) was founded in Bregenz (in 1981). Nevertheless
the main argument was to reach new groups of occupational students, who otherwise would
not have the opportunity to attend university. For that reason, a “strong vocational
orientation” was demanded, to raise the attractiveness of this kind of studies for the
employees..33 But while in the 70ies and 80ies the „opening“ of the universities was the main
political argument for promoting this kind of studies, in the 90ies economic arguments on the
grounds of „life-long-learning“-concepts have dominated the discussion.
But until the end of the 80ies even the business community was disinterested in distance
learning universities. Then the Minister of Higher Education ordered a study by the „Institute
of the Economy for Education Research“ (Institut für Bildungsforschung der Wirtschaft)
which investigated the possibilities to apply distance learning courses to company’s
educational programmes. The authors were optimistic. Nevertheless, it was the year 1989, and
so the study came to the conclusion that „the enterprises´ main problem was that they had an
information deficit with regard to distance learning study courses in general and did not know
too much about ‚Hagen University‘, either.“34 This study stands at the beginning of a slowly
increasing interest by the business community in this kind of learning.35
The promotion of distance learning by the European Union was certainly another important
reason for changing perceptions in the last years. But still distance learning certificates are not
31
Hochschulbericht 1984, p. 105
32
Vorarlberg is – besides Lower Austria and Burgenland - one of the provinces, which has no university on his territory. In the late sixties,
when in Austria like in other countries the higher education sector expanded, in other provinces universities where founded: in Upper
Austria the University of Linz (1966) and in Carinthia the University of Klagenfurt (1970).
33
34
Hochschulbericht 1975, p.107
Norbert Kailer / Peter Ballnik: Einsatzmöglichkeiten des Fernstudiums in der betrieblichen Bildungsarbeit (Studie im Auftrag des
Bundesministeriums für Wissenschaft und Forschung v. Institut für Bildungsforschung der Wirtschaft), Wien 1989, p.111
35
The Institute itself is part of the „business community“, because it was founded and is financed by the Chamber of Economics
(Wirtschaftskammer) and the Chamber of Industrialists (Industriellenvereinigung).
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very appreciated by the employers: Until the University Study Act reform in 1997 (UniStG)
distance learning graduates of the university of Hagen got (on application) an ordinary
certificate by an Austrian university. This was changed because in some cases the
applications were turned down by the university authorities. Now the foreign distance
learning certificates are automatically accepted in Austria as regular leaving-certificates by
the officials, but so far theses new certificates are still unknown to the employers. They don’t
see them as comparable to traditional university certificates.
Perhaps one reason for disregarding distance learning by the business community in the past
was also a political one. Not so long ago distance learning was viewed more or less as a kind
of social democratic policy project. But this political labelling seems to vanish since the
University of Linz36 „adopted“ it in 1992 as a program of internationalisation – maybe this
occurred only because of the international character of Austrian distance learning.
Until that time the universities – with the exception of Klagenfurt – were reserved and in a
way disinterested in the enrolment of more occupational students. This way many hopes were
disappointed in the past. E.g. when introducing the concept of distance learning to the public
in the early 70ies one aim, also mentioned by the supporters, was to influence ordinary
curricula at the universities by exemplary study material developed for occupational students.
This did not happen in the first twenty years, but now – since universities like the University
of Linz are beginning to consider how to integrate distance learning modules into traditional
courses of studies – at least a beginning is made.37
But it is a fact that occupational students and their interests are still neglected by the
governmental policy: It exists no formal status as part-time student, neither any other policy
for part-time and sandwich learning (which is blamed as one reason for the high drop out
rates).
Since the beginning almost 2000 students enrolled in the Distance learning University Hagen
(Fernuniversität Hagen), 90% of them are occupational students.38
36
The „Johannes Kepler University of Linz“ consists of three faculties: the Faculty of Social and Economic Science is by far the largest,
followed by the Faculty of Technical and Natural Sciences and the Faculty of Law. The university has well established contacts to the
(local) business community of Linz, which is one of the most important industrial towns in Austria.
37
In the second reform cycle the legal opportunity was established by the government with the University Study Acts in 1997 to integrate
distance learning modules into traditional curricula.
38
BMWV, ed., Weiterbildung an Universitäten und Hochschulen 1997/98, Wien 1997, p.177
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1.2.2 Continuing education at the universities and the „Danube-University
Krems“ (Universitätszentrum für Weiterbildung)
Although life-long-learning was mentioned in the government inauguration speech in 1970,
the priority was given to vocational training and to the non-university adult education
sector.39 Besides that most universities were disinterested although continuing education for
their graduates was one of their responsibilities since 1966.40 But in 1978 the ministry
declared again the installation of continuing education courses at the universities to a main
political objective.41 In 1986 the ministry tried to promote co-operations between the
universities and the non-university (adult) education sector by financing some research
projects with 5 million Austrian shillings (357.000 ECU).42 The objective was to promote
„the scientific preoccupation with important social, economic, and cultural subjects in
connection with the development of new kinds of teaching and knowledge transfers
appropriate to adults at the universities.43
The government provided a legal framework for continuing education at the universities
already in 1966 with the General University Study Acts (AHStG 1966). The general aim of
continuing education was focused by law on the needs of university graduates, nevertheless,
when the universities began to take these issues more seriously, they extended in practice
their target group to non-graduate students.44 The reason was probably a financial one
because “Hochschulkurse45 universities in Austria are allowed to take tuition fees from their
students (in contrast to their normal courses of studies).46
39
Erkl.d.österr.BReg. v. 27.4.1970 (StProtNR 12.GP 10-28)
40
see AHStG 1966, § 1 Abs.2 lit. d
41
42
43
ibid., p.179-180
44
This was possible because it is legal to substitute the required university degree by certificates „of equal standard“. This paragraph was
interpreted very extensively: some interpreters are very restrictive but others are open to anyone „who is interested“ („school leaving
certificate not necessary“) (BMWV, ed., Weiterbildung an Universitäten und Hochschulen 1997/98, Wien 1997). In fact, the
Universitätslehrgänge seem to undertake in some cases the function of short study courses (which do not exist in Austrians higher
education system).
45
46
Hochschulkurse (UniStG §23) former Universitätslehrgänge and Hochschullehrgänge (AHStG § 18).
UniStG 1997, § 41 (1) seems to take this development into account because it tolerates Hochschullehrgänge without any terms of
admission.
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Nevertheless, this expanding sector of university activities is a rather young one. Still in 1993
the ministry complained about the inactivity of most of the universities.47 Perhaps two reasons
for their long lasting disinterestedness can be mentioned: first the traditional (Humboldtian)
distance of the Austrian universities to occupational students in general, and second the fast
increase of students in the 70ies with all its consequences for the academic life which did not
make it very tempting to look for additional students at all.
But there came no significant pressure neither from the business community nor from the
labour unions. In fact, they did see continuing education („Weiterbildung“) not primarily as
responsibility of the universities. In 1989 the „social partners“ presented a study in which
continuing education was largely promoted as a duty of the non-university sector.48
One national initiative, with the objective to satisfy the occupational demands for life-longlearning, was the founding of the so called „Danube-University Krems“ (Donau-Universität
Krems), a university centre for postgraduate education, in 1994, which is dedicated
exclusively to the realm of post-graduate professional and continuing education and offers
application oriented course programmes.49 The initiative was launched by the provincial
district authorities of Lower Austria (Niederösterreich) who wanted a university in their own
district and realised by the federal government. For historical and geographical reasons,
Lower Austria did not only have its provincial government located in the foreign district of
Vienna ( in 1986 Lower Austria founded its own capital in St.Pölten), but also students from
Lower Austria enrol traditionally in the universities located in Vienna. The so called
„Danube-University Krems“ (which is in fact only a university centre, not a university) was a
kind of compromise between the local and federal interests: The university sector in Austria is
located on a federal level. And in addition to that the authorities hope for private endowments
and each course of studies has to be financed by tuition. When it was founded the ministry
47
Hochschulbericht 1993, Vol.1, p.38; likewise: BMWV, ed., Weiterbildung an Universitäten und Hochschulen, Wien 1997, p.7-8; with the
exception of the University of Klagenfurt and especially the Institut of Interdisciplinary Research and Distance Learning
(Hochschulbericht 1984, p.88, Hochschulbericht 1987, p.179).
48
Beirat für Wirtschafts- und Sozialfragen, Qualifikation 2000, Wien 1989, p. 15; this distance to the university in that question was
confirmed in an interview by the education spokesman of the Austrian Chamber of Economy (Wirtschaftskammer; part of the
representatives of employers) The reason is the very strong non-university sector for continuing education in Austria in an international
perspective. (Interview, 19.8.1998).
49
BGBl.Nr. 269/1994
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saw this kind of financial organisation as a „test model (Pilotprojekt)“ for the financial
organisation of public duties outside the federal budget.50
Good results are reached up to now especially in (European) Law courses which meet the
needs of professional lawyers who have to „update“ their knowledge in a fast developing
field. Application oriented studies are provided in media and communication, European
integration, economy and management, environmental and medical sciences. Graduates
acquire the certificate of „Master of Advanced Studies“ (MAS), „Master of Business
Administration“ (MBA) or the title „Academic …“.51
Nevertheless, this initiative is a relatively young one, it can be said, that the financial
structure so far did not work very well. Austria seems to be too small for a considerable
private fund raising. The expanding ‚Hochschulkurse‘ provided by the traditional universities
on one side and the existing private (further) education market on the other give little room
for a university centre like the Danube-University Krems. Particular because its competitors
can often provide their offer at lower prices.52
Table Fehler! Unbekanntes Schalterargument.: Budgetary plan of the Danube-University
Krems 1997 (kind of income)
Federal state
3.721.500 ECU
46 %
Lower Austria (province)
2.050.150 ECU
25 %
Student fees
1.385.300 ECU
17 %
999.200 ECU
12 %
8.156.150 ECU
100%
Other revenues (research, donations, …)
Total
50
Hochschulbericht 1996, Vol.1, p.25; the Ministry called this kind of financial organisation – a little bit misleading – a „private market“
organisation, presumably because of the tuition fees paid by the students and the expected donations from private enterprises. But today the
federal and the provincial financing holds by far the decisive share.
51
52
In 1997/98 17 Universitätslehrgänge are provided.
Students who want to attend courses at the small city of Krems have to take into account also night-lodging allowances and travel costs
while e.g. Hochschulkurse, provided by traditional universities in Vienna, can do it without because most of their attendants live in Vienna.
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Some months ago the ministry declared, that the ‚Danube-University Krems‘ will be
reformed, because outside the universities it is „not developable enough“.53
In 1996/97 almost 4600 students enrolled in this postgraduate university courses
(Hochschullehrgänge), 200 students more then the year before; 172 of them at the ‘DanubeUniversity Krems’.54
1.2.3 The “university qualification examination”
(„Studienberechtigungsprüfung“) and the so-called “vocational
certificate” (Berufsreifeprüfung)
„Modernisation“ and „democratisation“ of the society – two of the main topics of the general
social democratic governmental policy in the 70ies – was seen as a way to combat social
exclusion and „old-fashioned“ class-distinctions. One of the issues in higher education policy
was to increase the permeability between working life and the higher education system55. For
this reason new educational channels were established to give those without a regular leaving
certificate from upper secondary school the opportunity to enter university („Studium ohne
Matura“). No economic purposes were considered.
Beginning in 1978 the „Studienberechtigungsprüfung“, a certificate restricted to one or two
selected courses of studies, started first by the way of an experiment and was then continued
since 1985.56 Preparation courses („Vorbereitungslehrgänge“) made it possible to increase the
number of graduates to almost 3 % of all academic beginners per year in 1996.
But – as mentioned before - the position of the universities to their „opening“ was not very
enthusiastic. At the beginning they feared that the Studienberechtigungsprüfung could
provide a low standard access to higher education. So they insisted in having the monopoly
over obligatory preparation courses to prevent the worse. This caused problems, because not
every university organised such courses for every subject, as a result regional undersupplying emerged. This situation did not change until 1985 when also adult education
53
BMWV, Weißbuch zur Hochschulbildung in Österreich, Wien 1998
54
BMWV, ed., Weiterbildung an Universitäten und Hochschulen 1997/98, Wien 1997
55
56
There was a precursor established in 1945 for war veterans which were not able to graduate at school because of their conscription into the
army. This „Berufsreifeprüfung“ did still exist but was not often used (0,5% of all academic beginners per year). It was unknown to the
wider
public
and
without
any
institutionalised
preparation
courses
Studienberechtigungsprüfung superseded the old Berufsreifeprüfung in 1988.
the
potential
clientele
was
limited.
The
new
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classes („Volkshochschulen“) were allowed to offer preparation courses and at the same time
the preparation itself was not obligatory anymore.
Since 1997 another access is opened to university studies in addition to the existing
“Studienberechtigungsprüfung”. Austria like Germany has a so called „dual“ educational
system: beside the upper secondary schools there are also vocational schools as part of the
training while serving an apprenticeship. To make it easier to join higher education for the
graduates of the dual system, a new „Berufsreifeprüfung“ was established which enables them
to get full access not only to one or two selected courses of studies, but to all subjects in
higher education (Universities and „Fachhochschulen“) as if they had a traditional secondary
school leaving certificate („Matura“).57
One target is to make apprenticeship more attractive in an increasing complicated job
situation. As the representatives of labour explained “the vocational training of the apprentice
should not lead to a dead end”.58 The opportunity of life-long-learning is viewed as a means
to give people more job opportunities, or to put it another way, to give them - as labour
market statistics suggest - the same job opportunities as the well-educated already have. So
combating social exclusion is still a major issue in the debate concerning the permeability of
the higher educational system.
Today universities have accepted these non-traditional-students, but actually do not really
care for them. University representatives – including representatives of the Austrian Student
Union (Hochschülerschaft) – are still preoccupied with the model of the „traditional student“
who enters university directly after school59.
57
Bacher, Marion / Blumberger, Walter / Grausgruber, Alfred / Weilguni, Roswitha, Studium ohne Matura. Motivation. Probleme.
Studienverläufe, Linz 1994; BMWV Studienberechtigungsprüfung. Studieren ohne Matura, Wien 1996.
58
Chamber of Workers, ‚AK fordert Berufsmatura für Lehrlinge und Weiterbildungszeit für Arbeitnehmer‘ (Presseaussendungv.
23.04.1996), Chamber of Workers, ‚AK-Präsident Tumpel: Berufsreifeprüfung für Lehrlinge rasch beschließen ‚Mauer am Ende der
Bildungssackgasse niederreißen‘ (Presseaussendung v. 29.04.1997), Chamber of Workers, „AK Wien Vollversammlung:
Berufsreifeprüfung, das Ende der ‚Bildungssackgasse‘ Lehre naht Berufsreifeprüfung erhöht Durchlässigkeit des Bildungssystems“
(Presseaussendung v. 06.05.1997).
59
Hans Pechar / Angela Wroblewski, Non-traditional-Students in Österreich, Research report, Wien, iff, unpublished Wien 1998
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1.2.4 Exchanging staff
1.2.4.1 Academics for the Economy (Wissenschafter für die Wirtschaft)
The programme ”Wissenschafter für die Wirtschaft” (academics for the economy) started in
1982 on a joint initiative of the National Chamber of Commerce60, the National Conference of
junior faculty members61 and the Ministry of Higher Education. Nobody wants to claim the
”copyright” for the idea, but it is very likely that a member of the Chamber of Commerce
heard about a similar initiative in a foreign country and developed an Austrian copy of it in
discussions with members of the ministry.
This programme is directed towards junior faculty members and gives them an uncomplicated
possibility to work for a maximum of two years in a private firm without quitting their
university job. Companies that employ a junior faculty member who is participating in that
programme will get a yearly subsidy to the amount of an average three-months salary of an
assistant professor. The universities are allowed to employ somebody else for the vacant
position in an unbureaucratic way.
The aim of the programme is ”science transfer through personnel transfer”, or more concrete:
a) increasing the co-operation between universities and firms through personnel contacts, b)
bringing scientific experiences and results into the Austrian business sector as well as
questions relevant in the practice into the universities, c) make it possible for assistant
professors to collect experiences about working conditions outside the universities and d)
make it easier for assistant professors to change into the business sector if they want to. At
least during its first years the programme brought many advantages for this kind of a
sabbatical. Outside of the programme three ministries had (in the eighties) to admit a
sabbatical of a university employee and there were many difficulties concerning the pension
scheme or the promotion of the junior faculty members.
Assistant professors as well as firms have to apply for a participation in the programme, and a
common commission of the three supporting organisations decides about it while the head of
the concerned university institute has to admit the sabbatical. They can apply jointly (what is
60
61
Bundeswirtschaftskammer
I.e. the organisation of scientific university employees except the professors (Bundeskonferenz des wissenschaftlichen und künstlerischen
Personals)
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mostly the case) or separately and the ministry then functions as a co-ordinator between
assistant professors and firms. From the very beginning about twice as much firms were
willing to employ a junior faculty member than the other way round. But soon (1984) the
programme reached its financial limits, when yearly about 50 assistant professors were
employed in the industry.
Most of the participants come from ”economy near subjects”. More than half of the
participating assistant professors are from a technical faculty and about a quarter from a
socio-economic faculty. Natural scientists sum up to about 8% of all participants, human
scientist almost do not participate. The majority of the assistant professors look for a
possibility to change to the business sector and about 75% of them really succeed: they do not
come back to their old position at the university. For that reason the economy regards the
programme as a service from the universities for the economy. All together, the programme
reduces the risk of job changing and thereby increases the mobility of the university staff.
The participating firms most of the times look for somebody assisting them in an innovation
project (product, process, EDP or organisational innovation). Their motive is that R&D
projects can then be done in-house and with a lower risk of failure, because the assistant
professor and the firm can stop their co-operation easily. Another positive effect of that
initiative is that it reduces the common fear of university graduates in the SME-sector,
because it reduces the risk of employing an academic indefinitely.
1.2.4.2 Academics + Media (Wissenschafter + Medien)
Because the above described programme ”Wissenschafter für die Wirtschaft” worked quite
successfully but almost no assistant professors from the humanities took part, the Chamber of
Commerce introduced in 1989 the idea of a programme called ”Wissenschafter + Medien”
(academics and media). It was organised in the same joint manner as the other programme
(Economy, Ministry and Conference of junior faculty members) and was stimulated by a cooperation between British universities and the BBC. It offered academics the possibility to
work for 6 till 8 weeks for the mass media. But this programme was not so successful because
”we have no BBC in Austria” and was not continued after its test phase of three years.
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1.2.4.3 Academics found firms (Wissenschafter gründen Firmen)
The 1986 established programme ”Wissenschafter gründen Firmen” (academics found firms)
is still entitled as a ”model trial” (Modellversuch). It is regarded as a transfer step from
science to economy and provides a start-up help for young academics, which developed
innovative ideas at the university and want to exploit them as entrepreneurs. The programme
is intentionally not only directed to high-tech start-ups but to innovative setting-ups of
companies in all fields. Therefore also academics from non-technical studies can participate.
The programme is a co-operation between the Ministry of Higher Education, the National
Chamber of Commerce (Bundeswirtschaftskammer) and the National Conference of Junior
Faculty Members (BUKO). The idea for that programme was developed in discussions
between the three organisations in the frame of the programme ”Wissenschafter für die
Wirtschaft” (see above).
Within the scope of the programme the Ministry grants a subsidy of ATS 100.000 (around
7.150 ECU) for the founding of a company which can be increased under special conditions
up to ATS 350.000 (around 25.000 ECU)62. In addition, the participants get individual
consultation and can (since 1992) apply for additional subsidies for the participation in
exhibitions and courses for company founders. Another point in the programme is that
academics who take part in the programme have to leave the universities. During the first ten
years of the programme 98 projects have been supported (i.e. 73% of all applications), 81% of
them in the service sector (mostly software development and consulting) and 15% in the
production sector.
The results of the programme are very positive. The proportion of successful start-ups lies
significantly over the average of newly founded firms in Austria and a relatively big
proportion reported in an evaluation study (1992) a more than average growth.
1.2.5 Extension centres (Außeninstitute)
The establishment of extension centres at Austrian universities goes back to a single initiative
of a member of the Technical University of Vienna in the beginning of the eighties. This
extension centre is still one of the most active ones and functions as a model for other
initiatives. It promoted and still promotes the establishment of similar centres and develops
62
As of 1995
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continuously new working fields for extension centres. In the eighties Austria took part in the
EC programme COMET and co-operations between firms and universities in the field of
practical training for students were established. These co-operations and financial start-up
helps from the Chamber of Commerce lead then to the establishment of other centres.
Meanwhile extension centres are established at 10 from 12 Austrian universities, although
they have sometimes different names. But what they offer differs widely. From an
”extension” centre that is mostly directed to members of the university (Veterinary
University) over mostly PR-activities to a centre with a very broad supply of different
services first of all for companies (University of Leoben). In the latter case it is stated that the
university has steadily been redirected towards the needs of the business sector during the last
years, and the task of the extension centre is the technical advise of companies and the
preparation of developing co-operations between the university, other technology offering
institutions and firms. The aim is to meet all demands from the business sector quickly, in an
unbureaucratic way and efficiently as well as to find (technical) solutions and developments
to give the universities access to the economy. In some other cases the extension centres
publish a paper with news from the university, try to establish and to keep contact to the
alumni of the university, offer further education, function as a placement centre, offer a
databank of research projects, supply information about EU research projects (for university
members as well as for firms), offer patent advise, offer advise how to found a company and
try to find students a subject for their thesis within firms.
Extension centres are (and have always been) a task of the universities themselves and
therefore belong to university (or individual) initiatives. The ministry just provides some
support.
1.3 Involvement of external stakeholders in internal processes
1.3.1 Business membership in governing bodies
According to the Humboldtian tradition, which is still strongly embedded in academic beliefs,
there is no legitimate reason for the business community to be involved in the governance of
higher education institutions. It is the mission of an enlightened state ("Kulturstaat") to
protect the universities against external pressure. Already the first reform cycle challenged
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this view. The focus of this reform cycle was to "open" the "ivory towers" to societal
demands. This was also reflected in the reform of the governance structures.
However, during the first reform cycle business interests did not play an important role
among external stakeholders. The then dominant social-democratic paradigm treated business
interest, which were regarded to represent a quite narrow view of the role of universities, in a
rather hostile way. On the other hand, the co-determination of students and junior faculty
(UOG 1975) was regarded as a way to "open" decision making at universities with a broad
range of societal interests. This policy was probably the most decisive one during the first
reform cycle. The professoriate, backed by conservatives, tried to prevent the implementation
of the UOG 1975.
However, there have been some rather narrow ways for business interests to exercise
influence on higher education policy. Following the tradition of Austrian social partnership,
the ministry established a variety of advisory boards. Business interests and interests of
employees were equally represented on these boards which worked at the system level.
During the 80ies universities gradually got used to the new culture of the "group university".
At the same time the belief of the political system, that more co-determination of the students
and junior faculty would "open" the universities for external interests, vanished. The new
paradigm which led to the 2nd reform cycle was characterised by two convictions:
•
Higher education institutions must pay more attention to the needs of the economy which
is expected to employ the majority of the graduates.
•
Managerial capacities at universities should be strengthened.
The new paradigm had most dramatic consequences for Fachhochschulen. The establishment
of a new Fachhochschul-sector was in itself a recognition of the legitimacy of business
interests in higher education because they are expected to responsive much more to external
demands than universities. To make sure that Fachhochschulen are actively looking for links
to their environment, governance and funding are shaped differently as at universities.
Fachhochschulen depend much more on a variety of external stakeholders than universities
because part of their income comes from regional and local governments and business
communities. The federal law on Fachhochschulen (FHStG) says nothing about the
representation of business interests in governing bodies. However, due to the "quasi-private"
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ownership of Fachhochschulen and to the strong links to their regional and local environment,
business members are usually included in the governing boards.
The situation is quite different at universities. There it is considerably more difficult as in a
new sector to change the traditional attitudes of academic escapism. A broad majority of
academics sees an increased influence of business interests as well as a stronger academic
management rather critically. The government attempted to strengthen both tendencies. The
UOG 1993 which is the outcome of a very conflicting process is a rather soft compromise.
The position of the rector is significantly strengthened, but the rector is still elected by
representatives of the faculty. Universities do not have an external governing board as an
ultimate authority. However, they must establish a consultative board (Universitätsbeirat),
where among other business interests have to be represented (UOG 1993, § 56). This board
has to consult the university with respect to the following issues: long-term demand for
graduates; internal distribution of resources; evaluation; co-operation with external
stakeholders.
Another innovation of the UOG 1993 was the establishment of a consultative board at the
system level (Universitätenkuratorium, § 83). It consists of 4 academics and 4 external
members, all appointed by the Minister of Higher Education. It is chaired by an external
member. Its function is to advise the ministry with respect to the demand of new courses, the
co-ordination of the system, the distribution of resources, and evaluation.
1.3.2 Business membership in quality assessment
The debate about evaluation and assessment is a rather recent development in Austria. Until
the mid-80ies, it was taken for granted that a strong ex ante control exercised by the ministry
is a sufficient safeguard for the quality. In the late 80ies, evaluation became an important
issue in higher education policy. In 1989, an amendment to the UOG 1975 introduced the
possibility of evaluation of universities by the minister.
Again, the impact of the new paradigm was much stronger in the Fachhochschul-sector than
at universities. From the beginning, quality assurance was completely taken away from the
ministry and left to the institutions on the one hand, to the Fachhochschulrat, a professional
accreditation body, on the other hand. The Fachhochschulrat consists of 16 members
appointed by the Minister of Higher Education; 4 of them are recommended by the social
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partners. 8 members must have professional qualifications in the fields of study covered by
the Fachhochschul-sector.
After an initial accreditation of courses by the Fachhochschulrat which decides whether or not
a course entitled to receive subventions from federal funds, Fachhochschul-courses are
required by law to be evaluated every 5 years. If serious problems occur, accreditation and the
federal money is withdrawn. The evaluation process is organised by the Fachhochschulrat. It
nominates a review team consisting of 4 members; one is chosen from the economic
environment of the course.
At universities, the evaluation culture has not yet developed as deep roots as in the
Fachhochschul-sector, although the UOG 1993 deals extensively with matters of quality
assurance (§ 18). On the one hand, the UOG 1993 requires some measures of internal
evaluation. On the other hand, this act authorises the Minister of Higher Education to organise
an external evaluation. The details of external evaluations have been issued in a ministerial
decree in 1997. In the short run it is unlikely that business members will be appointed to
review teams. However, the advisory board which concludes one business member gives
recommendations to the university with respect to matters of evaluation.
1.3.3 Relationship to economic environment
In the past, the traditional academic beliefs that autonomy requires the absolute protection
from external influences was a serious constraint for developing relations to the economic
environment. While in the 70ies the social democratic government tried to "open"
universities, it has only reluctantly encouraged stronger links to the business community.
However, business interests could exercise an influence on higher education policy via the
social partners, who were represented at various advisory boards of the ministry. In the 70ies,
higher education policy was guided by a manpower approach with the ministry as a central
steering agency which was advised by the social partners. From that point of view there was
no need for the single institution to strengthen its links to the economic environment.
During the 80ies that attitude changed. The government now encouraged the looking for
stronger relations to the business world. While some policies have been relatively successful
(cf. extension centres, placement centres, policies for exchanging staff), there was significant
resistance form most academics to take into account the needs of the economic environment
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for the curriculum development and the provision of courses. In the mid-90ies that caused
serious conflicts between the government and the universities. An initiative of the government
to reform the legal regulations of study courses intended to deregulate the curriculum
development and on the other hand universities are required to specify the profile of their
courses and the qualification they aim to deliver in terms of external demands.
After protests that this approach would subordinate the cultural mission of the university to
business
interests
the
ministry
softened
its
approach.
Instead
of
requiring
a
“Verwendungsprofil” a term which by some academics was felt to be humiliating) the act,
which was passed by the parliament in 1997 now requires a profile of qualifications
(“Qualifikationsprofil”).
Still, curricula commissions which now have to adapt the curriculum to the new legislation,
must involve the economic environment of their respective academic fields in this reform
process. Whether or not that is done seriously is an open question and will probably vary
widely between institutions and academic disciplines.
Again, relations with the economic environment are much stronger in the Fachhochschulsector. Fachhochschulen have the legal obligation (FHStG § 12) to proof the demands of their
economic environment for the qualifications they intend to offer. Without that the
Fachhochschulrat will not give an accreditation. Given that legal circumstances and the fact
that business members are involved in governance and quality assurance, it is quite obvious
that curriculum development at Fachhochschulen takes place in strong interaction with the
economic environment. Another way of strengthening those relations are internships
(Praktika) as part of the study course. While internships are not completely lacking, but are
rare exceptions at universities, virtually all Fachhochschul-courses require one semester of
internship as part of their degree course. While it is sometimes challenging for
Fachhochschulen to find sufficient firms which are ready to co-operate, the results of that
strong links to the economic environment are encouraging. By and large, graduates of
Fachhochschulen seem to be better accepted by the business community than their
counterparts from universities. (However, due to the brief history of Fachhochschulen and the
small number of graduates, such a judgement must be made cautiously.)
2
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Analysis of the policy content and process
2.1 General governmental view on the role of higher education
We distinguish two reform cycles with different paradigms and different styles of policies.
Starting in the 60ies, policy makers looked at universities not only from a cultural point of
view, but increasingly emphasised their economic role. During the 70ies this paradigm
became more important and quite popular. We refer to that period as the 1. reform cycle. It
can be characterised by the following assumptions:
•
There is a strong economic demand of manpower educated and trained at universities. For
that reason, the government encouraged and stimulated increased participation at all levels
of higher learning. The first reform cycle intended to open up the ivory tower of the old
age. The metaphor of opening alludes to different facts, it refers to increased participation
of students from a certain social background who formerly had no access to higher
education; it is related to new fields of content, new fields of study which formerly have
not been regarded as "respectable" in academic terms; and it is related to new forms of
decision making which distribute academic authority more evenly between the different
groups within the university. At that time, a very optimistic view dominated: That the
economic role of universities is best served by increased participation and
democratisation.
•
It is the role of the government to co-ordinate supply and demand for graduates. For that
purpose, the government and the federal administration widened their policy instruments
with particular emphasis on planning tools. The legal framework of higher education was
completely restructured. The aim was to give a uniform legal basis to all institutions and
all study courses. While it was the intention to harmonise and simplify legal structures,
the new legislation in fact resulted in strengthened regulation and increased complexity.
•
During the 1. reform cycle funding of higher education was not of particular concern.
The first reform cycle, the process of opening and democratisation, culminated in the
University Organisation Act (UOG) 1975. In some ways the early 80ies were a time of
consolidation in higher education policy. In the late 80ies and early 90ies, a new reform cycle
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emerged. At that period, funding became an important and conflicting issue. The 2. cycle can
be characterised by following assumptions:
•
There was shift of emphasis from issues of quantity to issues of quality. It was
controversial whether university graduates still were in short supply or in excess.
However, there was agreement at policy level, that some quality problems exist.
Indicators are the long duration of studies and the high drop-out rate.
•
Opposite to the tendency to uniformity, the new policy intended for increased
differentiation of higher education. An important step for sectorial differentiation was
taken in the early 90ies by the establishment of a new Fachhochschul-sector. In addition,
institutions are encouraged to develop individual profiles.
•
The trust in the wisdom and planning capacities of the government became weaker. The
demand for more autonomy of universities became one of the primary issues of higher
education policy during the late 80ies. The entrepreneurial functions and management
capacities of individual institutions are strengthened. It is now regarded to be the
responsibility of the individual institution to pay attention to the labour market prospects
of its graduates.
•
Internationalisation of higher education became an important issue.
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2.2 Policy Dimensions
2.2.1 Policy problems
2.2.1.1 Traditional degree programmes
POLICIES
SINCE
MAIN ISSUES / PROBLEMS
Study information, counselling
1969
to cut the number of ‚drop outs‘; to
shorten the average time of study
(by strengthening the position of the
individual student)
Study and vocational
information fairs
1986
Economy related programmes
for graduates
(Akademikertraining)
Placement centres
In the
beginning
of the 80ies
to facilitate the entrance into the labour
market for young graduates (by
subsidising the employer) (national
programme)
1983
To function as a bridge between the
university and the labour market, to
facilitate the entrance into the labour
market for graduates (institutional
programmes)
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2.2.1.2 New educational structures for working and learning relationships
POLICIES
Distance learning
SINCE
1979
in the 80ies: the ‚opening‘ of the universities
(for new social groups), ‚exoneration of the
mass-universities‘, and the education policy
for vocational and general education
in the 90ies: as life-long-learning‘-policy (and
for internationalisation‘)
Continuing education:
Hochschulkurse (at the universities)
AHStG
1966
‚Donau-Universität Krems‘
(university centre for continued
education)
1994
New educational channels
(substitutes for the “Matura”):
1978
Studienberechtigungsprüfung
To ‚update‘ the knowledge of university
graduates to the last findings in science (since
UniStG 1997: as life-long-learning‘-policy not
only for university graduates)
To provide a regional educational supply
as a ‚test model‘ for the financial organisation
of public duties outside the federal budget
a ‚vocation‘-oriented life-long-learning
initiative
to increase the permeability between working
life and the higher education system
to open the universities for new groups of
students
Berufsreifeprüfung
1997
‚Academics for the economy‘
(Wissenschafter für die
Wirtschaft)
1982
To close the gap between the scientific and the
business community (science transfer through
personnel transfer)
1989-1992
to close the gap between the scientific
community and a special labour market
(humanities)
1986
to provide start-up help for spin-offs
The 80ies
To build bridges between the university and its
environment
(institutional initiatives)
„Academics and media“
(Wissenschafter + Medien)
‚Academics found firms‘
(Wissenschafter gründen
Firmen)
Extension centres
(Außeninstitute)
Foundation of the polytechnics
(„Fachhochschulen“)
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1993
– 32 –
As a new form of adjusting the education
system and the labour market
to establish a new organisational form besides
the universities
to supply more accurately the regional
demands for education
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2.2.1.3 Involvement of external stakeholders in internal processes
POLICIES
SINCE
„Akademische Rat“
UOG 1975
no clear policy
(national; as consultative commission for the
ministry)
(reformed,
but existent
since 1955)
(in fact, in the ‚Akademische
Rat‘ all the important parts of
the academics and of the
‚society‘; and the ministry (as
the main decision maker) were
represented, it was thought to
be the unifying representative
of the ‚national interests‘.
„Universitätenkuratorium“ (national;
consultative commission for the ministry and
the universities; for delivering opinions; 4 out
of 8 members external stakeholders)
UOG 1993
to mediate between the
national university sector and
the economy (in both
directions)
„Universitätsbeirat“ (at every university;
consultative commission; only external
stakeholders as members)
UOG 1993
to mediate between the
university and the regional
economy and society (in both
directions)
representatives of political parties (5 members)
representatives of labour (2 members)
representatives of employers (2 members)
representatives of the universities (9 members;
since 1990: 12)
optional: representatives of (professional) interests
„Hearings“ by the Curricula commissions
(at the institutes)
„Fachhochschulrat“ (at the new polytechnics)
„Kuratorium“ (at the ‚University centre for
continued education in Krems‘) a ‚mixed‘
commission of external academic, political
and economic stakeholders appointed by the
ministry (with the competence for evaluation
and financial controlling, decides about
general schemes and targets)
UniStG 1997 to adjust the curricula better to
the demands of the labour
market; to institutionalise a
response of the „clients“ and a
communication process
between university teachers
and the society
1993
to adjust the new polytechnics
better to the demands of the
(local) labour market
to adjust the new ‚Danubeuniversity Krems‘ better to the
demands of the (local) labour
market, but also to involve the
(provincial) government and
the university system
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2.2.2 Nature of policy objectives
Over the whole period: The policies/programmes were mainly aimed at changing the
institutions. The government as the main responsible for the management of the universities
saw itself also as responsible for adjusting the institutions of higher education to new social
circumstances. Since the institutions themselves were seen as rather unwilling to change or to
adjust themselves to new circumstances on a voluntary basis, the government preferred in
both reform cycles a rather „strong“ approach of changing the institutions to a mere
adjustment. It was the attempt to change the whole national system of higher education within
the (unchanged) framework of state owned public institutions run by ministries on the basis of
legal reforms.
2.2.2.1 First reform cycle (in the 70ies)
The main policies and programs of the first reform cycle were directed towards the whole
national system of higher education:
The reform aimed at an opening of the old feudal university: opening (1.) in the sense of
participation of a new and wider group of students (socially and geographically) and (2.) in
the sense of opening the university for the demands of the ‚society‘.
The organisational reform increased the participation of the students and junior faculty in the
internal decision making process at every level of the university and centralised the decisionmaking process in the ministry. The debate concerning this organisational reform was very
controversial and the majority of professors totally opposed the UOG 1975. The driving force
behind the reform was the social democratic government in alliance with members of the
(junior) faculty and parts of the university students. The representatives of employers were
strictly against it while the representatives of employees supported this reform.63 The increase
of participation in the university system seemed to be viewed as part of (or first step to) a
general „democratisation“ of the society (including the places of work).
63
for the analysis of the approximately 500 statements (it was one of the most intensively debated Laws in the Austrian history) see:
Bettina Frey
/
Marina
Fischer-Kowalski,
Inhaltsanalyse
der
Stellungnahmen
und
Gutachten
zum
Entwurf
eines
Universitätsorganisationsgesetzes, in: Marina Fischer-Kowalski / Hermann Strasser: Gesellschaftliche Entwicklung und Hochschulreform
in Österreich II. (IHS / BMWF), Wien 1975, S. 58-138.
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A new University Study Act was implemented in the whole university system which led to a
reform of every degree programme in Austria. It was intended to „modernise“ the contents of
the curricula. A main objective was not only a better didactic presentation, but also a principle
change of teaching contents. One important aim was to increase the „variety of scientific
teachings and methods (Vielfalt der Lehrmeinungen und Methoden)“ in the whole curricula
system.
In addition some policies were directed to individuals:
Increasing the participation of the junior staff and the students was also seen as a way to
establish a closer contact between universities and the outside world (the „society“ and their
problems), since the younger ones represented also different world views opposing the
conservative „ivory tower ideas“ of the professorial. „Democratisation“ was therefore meant
as a means to change the academic attitude and individual behaviour of the university staff
and the students.
policies of information and counselling were directed to problems of individual students. This
was and still is a necessary supplement to the open access policy in the Austrian university
system (free choice of institution and of the field of studies).
Different aspects should be affected (in the 1st reform cycle):
•
the decision making process
•
the curricula
•
the participation rate
•
the individual behaviour of the academic staff (towards the society)
2.2.2.2 Inbetween the first and the second reform cycle (the 80ies)
(policies directed to individuals)
Programmes like „Academics found firms“ (Wissenschafter gründen Firmen) and „Academics
for the economy“ (Wissenschafter für die Wirtschaft) were seen as a way to initiate a change
in the behaviour of individuals towards the economy by giving incentives.
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2.2.2.3 Second reform cycle (in the 90ies)
However, the goal of the second reform is to strengthen the steering capacities and the
decision making power at the institutional level, the main policies and programmes of the
second reform cycle were again directed towards the whole national system of higher
education (the policies/programmes the reform used are very well comparable to those of the
former reform cycle):
Again a new act had the objective to change the organisation at the level of the whole
national university system, but this time the reform aimed primarily at strengthening the
institutional level of the university system. To a great extend the decision making process is
„decentralised“ and therefore shifted from the ministry to the universities. The universities
got a legal status so they became able to make contracts with third persons without asking the
Ministry of permission. On the other hand, the ministry (now mainly responsible for the
nation-wide co-ordination and for the general regulations) is getting more effective
instruments of evaluation and ‚controlling‘.
A new University Study Act is implemented in the whole university system which will lead to
a reform of every degree programme in Austria. It is intended to „modernise“ the contents of
the curricula, and to make them more flexible in the future for gradual changes. The act
institutionalised „hearings“ of the representatives of the supposed future employers of the
graduates, with the intention to strengthen the relationship between the universities and the
labour market.
In addition to that a second sector of higher education (the polytechnics / „Fachhochschulen“)
was established, as an alternative to universities and was based on a different
legal/organisational model.
In this second reform cycle, there are no new programmes directed to individuals:
Information and counselling are still adequate; the programmes „Academics found firms“
(Wissenschafter gründen Firmen) and „Academics for the economy“ (Wissenschafter für die
Wirtschaft) are still in operation.
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Different aspects should be affected (in the 2nd reform cycle):
•
the decision making process
•
the curricula
•
the individual behaviour of the academic staff (towards the labour market qualifications of
their graduates)
Until now there were no policies directed to single institutions, but this will change in the
future. The „decentralisation“ (which is hoped to stimulate some forms of competition in the
higher education sector) changes the relations between the ministry and the higher education
institutions: a diversification of the institution’s development is supposed to encourage the
ministry to address some policies to single institutions. The second reform cycle is still an
ongoing process.
2.2.3 Normative Basis – the policy ideology
One of the specifics about Austrian politics in the last decades is the existence of one party
which is in governmental power over the whole period of time. The Social Democratic Party
(SPÖ, formerly Socialist Party) has formed the government alone since 1970, between 1983
and 1986 in coalition with the Freedom Party (FPÖ) and since then up till now in coalition
with the Conservative Party (ÖVP). In both coalitions the social democrats were the senior
partners holding the post of the head of government. This is perhaps one of the main reasons
why there has been a significant continuity in Austrian politics in the last three decades.
Changes in the argumentation emerge slowly. A second reason for the long lasting conceptual
frames in the Austrian higher education sector is a high consensual policy which is
traditionally aimed at.64 E.g. the first reform cycle started with a new University Study Act
(AHStG) in 1966, at a time when the Conservative Party formed the government on her own.
But at the same time the reform was one of the main topics in the social democratic
programme and their successful election campaign.65 So the new social democratic
64
see the former conservative education spokesman: Heinrich Neisser, Konsens and Dissens in der Hochschulpolitik, in: Paul Kellermann
(Hrsg.), Universität und Hochschulpolitik, Wien-Köln-Graz 1986, 428-434.
65
But the AHStG was not a genuine product of the conservative party because it was initiated by the social democratic-conservative
coalition government which preceded the conservative government. For that reason the AHStG was also called the „last coalition law act”
(Henrik Kreutz/Heinz Rögl: Die umfunktionierte Universitätsreform. Von der Steigerung der Produktivität zur staatlichen Förderung
sozialen Aufstiegs politischer Kernschichten, Institut für Angewandte Soziologie, Wien 1994).
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government could adopt the reform where the former government had left it. Transforming
the reform to a social democratic one only by supplementing some additional topics.
Despite of the largely consensual character of Austrians higher education policy it is possible
to link the main ideologies of the two reform cycles in higher education to the changing
political influence of the different parties. Nevertheless the first cycle which started even
before the Social Democratic Party formed the government, can be seen as one of the
important social democratic policies of the 70ies (determined by the person of the long-time
social democratic Minister of Higher Education Hertha Firnberg). On the other hand the
second reform cycle, starting under the leadership of the conservative Minister of Higher
Education Erhard Busek, was dominated by concepts which initially were genuine part of the
ideology of the Conservative Party (ÖVP), although they were now adopted with slight
changes by their coalition partner, the social democrats.
So we will start with the political ideology of the SPÖ as the dominant party during the last
decades and will continue with the coalition government from 1989 on, when the
conservative ÖVP became part of the government and one of its ministers responsible for the
higher education sector.66
2.2.3.1 The political ideology of the social democratic government:
The 1st reform cycle
Education was not a minor matter for the Social Democratic Party when she came into power
in 1970. In his first inaugural speech the social democratic Chancellor Bruno Kreisky
mentioned this topic in a prominent and extensive way (in fact no inaugural speech before or
after his one has given as much time to educational matters). Education was part of the
dominant issue of „modernisation“ and „democratisation“. Education was viewed as a means
to help citizens to develop their ability to participate in the democratic process („Vorbereitung
des Staatsbürgers für seine Mitwirkung in der Demokratie“)67. For that reason the social
democrats wanted to „open“ the universities to provide equal opportunities for all
(„Chancengleichheit“) and to prevent „social exclusion“. In 1979 the social democratic
chancellor stated in his inaugural speech that „education and knowledge as such are basic
66
The short time coalition between the Social Democratic Party (SPÖ) and the Freedom Party (FPÖ) made no significant changes in the
higher education policy.
67
Erkl.d.österr.BReg. v. 5.11.1971 (StProtNR 13.GP 14-35)
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requirements for a higher quality of life“, and pleaded for the „right of education“ („Recht auf
Bildung“).68 „Democratisation“ meant for social democrats to increase the opportunities of
co-determination, an opinion which is still very dominant in the SPÖ and the employee’s
associations.
The general aim was the strengthening of the relationship between universities and the
society, not the relation to the labour market. The chancellor said in 1975: „the science and
research policy is today part of a general social policy“69. And although in 1977 the Minister
of Higher Education Hertha Firnberg stated that the universities should become more
responsible for the changing employment prospects of their graduates70, in the first reform
cycle employment and economic issues were not the main topics. The social democratic
programme of 1969 stated the following long-term aim: to adjust the educational supply to
the ‘social demand’ of those who are interested to get educated („subjektiven Nachfrage“),
even if it will exceed „the momentary ‚objective‘ demand of the economy or of the
administration [as main employers]“.71 (at the same time the conservative party and the
representatives of the employers began to warn of an overflow of academic graduates
(„Akademikerschwemme“).
In fact, satisfying the demands of the economy and the labour market was to a certain extent
seen as not in the interests of the employees. The two main reasons for that were: (1.) The
demands of the labour market were identified more or less with the demands of the employers
and not with that of the employees. The interests of the latter were seen as not restricted to
vocational interests (which where already satisfied by non-university vocational trainings), as
critical citizens they should have the right to get a more comprehensive education
(„Bildung“), (2.) Too specialised study courses designed for certain job opportunities were
seen as creating unnecessary dependencies in times of changing labour situations: The
graduates would be restricted to only a few jobs. A more general education
(„Allgemeinbildung“) would provide them with a wider range of employment opportunities
68
Es gewinnt „die Überzeugung immer stärker an Boden, daß Bildung und Wissen an sich schon Voraussetzungen einer höheren
Lebensqualität darstellen. Daher soll in immer stärkerem Maße das Recht auf Bildung ähnlich wie das Recht auf Arbeit den Charakter
eines gesellschaftlichen Grundwertes erlangen.“ (Erkl.d.österr.BReg. v. 19.6.1979; StProtNR 15.GP 17-36)
69
„Wissenschafts- und Forschungspolitik verstehen sich heute als Teil der allgemeinen Gesellschaftspolitik.“ (Erkl.d.österr.BReg. v.
5.11.1975, StProtNR 14.GP 17-30)
70
71
in: Österreichische Hochschulzeitung 4/1977, p.5
„langfristig der subjektiven Nachfrage (Bildungsinteressierte) anzupassen … auch – und gerade – wenn diese über den momentanen
‘objektiven’ Bedarf der Wirtschaft oder der Verwaltung hinausgehen sollte” (Sozialistische Partei Österreichs, Hochschulkonzept der SPÖ,
Wien 1969).
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and especially better opportunities for promotion. This was also a favoured argument of the
social democratic government and the ministry.72
As the education spokesman of the Austrian Labour Union (ÖGB) and the education
spokesman of the Austrian Chamber of Workers (Arbeiterkammer / AK) still argued in 1991,
a strengthening of the influence of the business interests in the education sector would in the
long run abolish an education which tries to provide a broader qualification for their
graduates.73 This topic is not restricted to the higher education sector but is very prominent in
the discussions between employer’s and employee’s representatives about the optimal
teaching contents of vocational schools which are part of the training while serving an
apprenticeship.
So when the university institutes were getting their legal status to co-operate financially with
the industry in research („Drittmittelforschung“) in 1987, there were strong protests in the
social democratic party (and by left wing student representatives) against the „sell-out of the
universities“ (Ausverkauf der Universitäten). 74 They feared that the university could loose its
critical distance towards the particular interests of the business community. But as a matter of
fact the universities are still financed by the public (they mentioned: social and ecological
questions where the industry would have interests to ‚buy‘ the so far independent scientific
researchers and experts).
There were only a few attempts made by the social democrats to strengthen the relationship of
the university curricula to the demands of the labour market, but many attempts to strengthen
the relationship to the problems and demands of the „society“ in general (to get the
universities out of their „ivory tower“ is a very popular phrase).75 Therefore it is important to
recognise also the slight shift away from the traditional ideal of the Humboldtian University:
The social democratic concept of a general education („Allgemeinbildung“) is not eliterian or
in the curricula bound to the traditional humanist canon.
72
see e.g. BMWF, Hochschulbericht 1978, p. 47f.
73
Interview in: Lorenz Lassnig / Susanne Loudon, Die aktuelle Bildungsstrukturdebatte in Österreich (Forschungsbericht für das BMUK),
Wien 1991, p. 108 u. 110
74
a former social democratic education spokesman in an interview (27.5.1998)
75
The Social Democratic Programme 1989 (Sozialdemokratie 2000): „Forschung – am Bedarf der Gesellschaft orientieren” (ibid., p. 85) and
„die Möglichkeit, durch Kooperation mit der Wirtschaft neue Finanzquellen zu erschließen, sollen den Universitäten die für ihre Arbeit
notwendige wirtschaftliche Basis sichern. Engere Kooperation mit der Wirtschaft ... dürfen aber nicht dazu führen, daß die universitäre
Forschung einseitig dem Anforderungsdruck auch unmittelbarer Verwertbarkeit ausgesetzt ist. Sie muß Formen wissenschaftlicher
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Nevertheless, in questions of the university’s role in the economy the social democratic
education policy was in coalition with the more traditional Humboldtian ideal, which serves
the interests of the academic professions (the „Bildungsbürger“). A leading Government
official in the ministry stated in an interview, that in his opinion the representatives of the
employees as well as of the employers do in fact promote until today those
(„bildungsbürgerliche“) interests.76
The political ideology of the first reform cycle has still impacts on the higher education: The
„open access“ to the universities has always been a very important part of the social
democratic ideology, the leading party in the government (and party of the today’s Minister
of Higher Education). No student fees, no numerus clausus, and no other restrictions for the
student’s choice of a field of study are viewed as major achievements of the social democratic
government in the 70ies, achievements that have to be defended.77 In this political context the
promotion of the ‚Human-Capital-Theory” by the representatives of employers did not have
any chance to be implemented in the governmental policy since 1975. The main reason is that
student fees as means to give the educational ‚product‘ a price would be recognised by the
public as the symbolic end of the former social democratic educational project.
2.2.3.2 The political ideology of the coalition: The 2nd reform cycle
In the first reform cycle the strengthening of the relationship between the universities and the
society meant also a strengthening of the state influence on the universities. The state as
representative of the society has to control elite tendencies and „old fashioned“ classdistinctions which were supposed to be very resistant at the traditional, more conservative
universities. So the „autonomy“ of the universities (against the social democratic policy) was
at that time a rather conservative issue, but that changed.78
One reason was the economic breakdown of the large state controlled industries, which forced
the social democrats to privatise. Now the state was not seen anymore as the most efficient
way to provide public goods. In addition, there were the increasing financial needs of the
Kommunikation Raum bieten, in denen experimentiert werden kann, in denen alternative Lösungswege gesucht werden können.” (ibid., p.
84); see also: Weißbuch zur Hochschulbildung in Österreich (BMWV), Wien 1998.
76
The conservative representatives of employers e.g. in their insistence on Latin as matriculation standard (Interview, 10.6.1998).
77
e.g. in the latest programme of the Minister of Higher Education: Weißbuch zur Hochschulbildung in Österreich (BMWV), Wien 1998
78
Lorenz Lassnig / Susanne Loudon, Die aktuelle Bildungsstrukturdebatte in Österreich (Forschungsbericht für das BMUK), Wien 1991
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university sector after a period of expansion. And it was also the time when the Conservative
Party (ÖVP) entered coalition.
In contrast to the first cycle the reformers of the second argued „pragmatically“ and viewed
themselves primarily as „good managers“ without any idealistic „visions“. Their main
arguments were „economic efficiency“ (together with „evaluation“) and institutional
„autonomy“ (together with „deregulation“ and „decentralisation“).79 The university reform
was presented together with the privatisation of the state-owned industries and the fiscal
conciliation as part of an overall policy which had to strengthen Austria’s international
competitiveness (to get the Austrian universities „on international standard“80).
But in the higher education debate economic issues were (with only a few exceptions)
concentrated on the economic efficiency of the university organisations and not on the
relationship of the university curricula to the economy (with the exception of the
„Fachhochschulen“-debate). At the beginning there was a formulation in the coalition
treatment of 1990 („Arbeitsübereinkommen“) which left it to the reader to decide whether
economic
demands
were
focused
or
not:
„more
practice
orientation“
(„mehr
Praxisorientierung“) of the curricula was mentioned. But at that time it was not clear if this
meant a strengthening of the relationship to the economy or to the „society“ (for the
„ideological“
significance
of
this
distinction:
see
above).
But
in
the
next
„Arbeitsübereinkommen“ of the coalition in 1994 (in the middle of the reform-process) the
coalition partners where more precise: „Reform of the University Study Acts: …
Strengthening the autonomy and at the same time (strengthening) the orientation along the
demands of the occupations from outside.“81
Presumably as a consequence of the strong protests of the universities against the „economic
instrumentalisation“ of the universities the government and the ministry tend to emphasise in
official statements rather on the strengthening of the institutional „autonomy“ than on the
79
e.g. see the programmatic article of the then Minister of Higher Education Erhard Busek: Zur Aufklärung. Die Universitätsreform, in:
Österreichisches Jahrbuch für Politik 1992, Wien-München 1993, p.619-636.
80
in: „Arbeitsübereinkommen zwischen der Sozialistischen Partei Österreichs und der Österreichischen Volkspartei über die Bildung einer
gemeinsamen Bundesregierung für die Dauer der XVIII.Gesetzgebubgsperiode des Nationalrates” (1990)
81
„Reform des Studienrechts: … Stärkung der Autonomie und gleichzeitig der Orientierung an den von außen kommenden Anforderungen
für Berufe.” („Arbeitsübereinkommen zwischen der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Österreichs und der Österreichischen Volkspartei”, 29.
Nov. 1994, p. 37)
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„demands of the occupations“.82 Nevertheless, in the last programmatic statement (spring
1998)
the
ministry
declared
to
rationalise
the
supply
of
study
courses
(„Studienangebotsstruktur“) in Austria. The demands of the labour market will be a decisive
factor for the ministry. The overall aim is to raise the efficiency of the higher education sector
by concentrating some courses of studies in a few universities („Schwerpunktbildung“) to
prevent „double-tracks“, the strengthening of the relationship to the economy seems to be one
of the means to reach this goal.83 - So the main topic of the (official) political ideology of the
second reform cycle remains as follows: „to raise the efficiency of the organisation to get
more (and perhaps better) results from the universities with the same input of money“.
Strengthening the relationship to the economy is seen as part of this policy.
In the same way the institutional „autonomy“ is part of the general „raising-the-efficiency“
policy, which links the higher education debate to other policy fields like the privatisation of
the state controlled industries, the debates about the autonomy of the schools
(„Schulautonomie“)84 and the autonomy of the museums.
Although both coalition parties promote „autonomy“ today, there are still slight differences in
their use of this term: The education spokesmen of the conservative side think of autonomy
mainly in terms of a market economy (to enable a more competitive and efficiency-increasing
system between the institutions); while social democrats on the other hand see autonomy
more in terms of „democracy“ (to give the citizens the possibility to take their own business
in their hands).85 But this is a difference which perhaps should not be emphasised too much,
because e.g. in the Social Democratic Party there are influential and very economy oriented
politicians (e.g. the chancellor), who think of „autonomy“ presumably also in economic
terms, but these politicians seem to prefer not to engage themselves too much in the very
emotional public conflict between the ministry and the universities. - Both parties,
nevertheless, regard autonomy as a means to cut „bureaucracy“ and to strengthen the „service
orientation“ of the institutions.86
82
The only „strengthening of practice orientation“ which was explicitly named in the coalition treaty of 1996 was the „strengthening of
practice orientation in medicine.“ („Der Koalitionspakt” (1996), p. 6)
83
„Weißbuch zur Hochschulbildung in Österreich” (BMWV), Wien 1998
84
Peter Posch / Herbert Altrichter et al., Schulautonomie in Österreich (Bildungsforschung des BMUK, Nr. 1), Wien 1992
85
see the analysis of the educational debates in the late 80ies: Lorenz Lassnig / Susanne Loudon, Die aktuelle Bildungsstrukturdebatte in
Österreich (Forschungsbericht für das BMUK), Wien 1991 (this distinction is not specific for the members of parliament, it includes the
statements of the ‘social partners’, which are in Austria very close to their political parties).
86
see „Weißbuch zur Hochschulbildung in Österreich” (BMWV), Wien 1998, p. 10
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The today (social democratic) Minister of Higher Education argued in an article that the
accusation is justified, that the university’s education is not enough orientated in the practical
requirements. But „practice orientation“ and openness for questions of the society should not
be mistaken as the need of vocational training only, which is the primary object of the new
polytechnics (Fachhochschulen); the universities in contrast have to provide a more complex
and general education.87
In both reform cycles the argument of „modernisation“ was prominent (with slight differences
in the meaning).
2.2.4 Policy instruments
The Law is until now certainly the main instrument in the Austrian case, according to the
specific structure of a centralised and bureaucratised higher education system. The change of
the legal regulations for organisation, study and personnel was used as a major policy
instrument. – This predominance of law as an instrument is mainly caused by three reasons:
First, the long bureaucratic tradition in Austria; second the long-lasting „strong“
interpretation of the „rule of law“ by the Constitutional Court (public institutions have to act
under the direction of clear [parliamentarian] laws; the aim to ‚deregulate‘ the higher
education sector in the second reform cycle was only possible, because since the first reform
cycle the legal opinion of the court and the jurisprudence has shifted to a more pragmatic
interpretation), and third, the Social Democratic Party insisted – more then the conservative
party - in detailed legal regulations, because, while the university’s and the ministry’s
officials were predominantly associated with the conservative party, the parliament was the
only institution where the social democrats – even in opposition – could be sure of being
involved in the decision process to a significant extent.88
87
„Praxisnähe, Offenheit für gesellschaftliche Fragestellungen bei gleichzeitiger Fähigkeit, in einem Fach vertieft arbeiten zu können, sollte
nicht mit bloßer Berufsausbildung verwechselt werden. Universitäten müssen – nicht bloß ihres Namens wegen – einen universellen
Bildungsanspruch vertreten und aufrecht erhalten. Das heißt, daß sie mehr als eine bloße Berufsausbildung bieten müssen – und auch im
Umkehrschluß: Daß primäre Berufsausbildung an die Fachhochschulen abgegeben werden soll.” (Caspar Einem, Gedanken zur
Weiterentwicklung des postsekundären Ausbildungs- und Bildungssektors, in: Österreichische Hochschulzeitung / ÖHZ, Oktober 1997, p.
14)
88
for the last point, see the interviews in: Henrik Kreutz/Heinz Rögl: Die umfunktionierte Universitätsreform. Von der Steigerung der
Produktivität zur staatlichen Förderung sozialen Aufstiegs politischer Kernschichten. Eine empirische Untersuchung auf der Basis von
Dokumentenanalysen, ‚oralhistory‘ und quasiexperimentellen Verfahren (Institut für Angewandte Soziologie), Wien 1994, p. 74
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Organisation as policy instrument is closely connected to the policy instrument law,
especially in the case of organisation law. Altering parts of the university organisation require
the altering of the relevant laws. The establishment of the second sector of Austrian higher
education – the polytechnics (Fachhochschulen) – can also be seen twofold: the establishment
of a new type of organisation, with the aim of stressing the relation between higher education
and economy, by using new laws. New types of buffer organisations (Fachhochschulrat,
Universitätenkuratorium) were created.
Information is a major policy instrument used by the higher education bureaucracy in Austria,
either by the way of written materials and publications or through fairs. But regular
information is predominantly directed to students to support them. With the exception of the
time of „big“ reform steps (e.g. when a new law is in examination) until the recent years
information was not used to make internal decision processes and debates visible for the
public (this is not specific for the higher education politics, in Austria exists a long tradition
of ‚back room‘-decisions e.g. by the social partners, representatives of interest and the two
major political parties89 outside the parliament. This was the price for a very consensusorientated and corporate political climate since 1945 in Austria). The bureaucratic top-down
state model was at the same time a necessary precondition and an unavoidable consequence.
The gap between the universities and the economic sector was also interpreted as caused by a
lack of information (on both sides) and therefore efforts were made to increase the
information flow from one side to the other (e.g. providing information about the research
activities and results of the universities for the economy; involving external stakeholders as a
means to get information about the ‚outside‘ into the universities and information about the
universities to prospective co-operation partners of the economic sector; similar intentions
shaped the support of placement centres and programmes like ‚academics for the economy‘).
Money is partly used as an incentive to strengthen the relationship between the universities
and the economy: an action programme for transferring academics into firms
(„Wissenschafter für die Wirtschaft“), and another one to support academics who want to set
up
enterprises
(„Wissenschafter
gründen
Firmen“),
subsidise
personnel
costs
(„Akademikertraining“). The establishment of placement centres at Austrian universities is
due to the private initiative of individuals, but the ministry backed and enabled them with
financial subsidies. With the establishment of the Fachhochschulen (polytechnics), which was
89
the Social-democratic Party (SPÖ) and the conservative Peoples Party (ÖVP); in the text the latter is mostly called ‘conservative party’.
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also subsidised, a totally new sector was financed. The universities did not get additional
money but the authorities preferred to set up new institutions, which were expected to be
closer to the needs of the economy.
Another – more indirect – influence on university studies was established by directing the
money
managed
by
the
research
funds
to
selected
fields
of
major
interest
(„Schwerpunktbildung“). One major intention was to cause a shift of emphasis in the focus of
university researchers (it can be assumed: with consequences on the subjects taught in the
curricula) by financial incentives.
In general, money played a very important role in the second reform cycle, but rather not as a
policy instrument to reach certain objectives. General budget cuts on the one side and an
increase of the higher education expenses which was slower than the growing financial needs
of the universities on the other side were main reasons for the „efficiency-policies of the
government (including the bestowal of the legal status to university institutes to give them the
(legal) possibility for fund-raising and financial co-operation in research with firms and other
private institutions).
2.2.5 Political Links
As described above (chapter 0) during all the time the SPÖ was covered by this analysis in
power. This fact contributes to the impression that the higher education policy was mainly
quite coherent with other policies in Austria, although the Minister of Higher Education was
not always a social-democrat. Yet, this does not mean that the overall policy did not change
over the time nor that higher education policy was ever out of debate (e.g. the establishing of
the Fachhochschulen). But changes in all political fields have been introduced slightly and
more or less synchronously but the ideal of a Humboldtian university still exists implicitly
and higher education policy has always been regarded as a special field of policy. Therefore
changes in policies reach the universities sometimes later than other areas.
A good example for the argument of the strong coherence is the true social-democratic
concern about social exclusion in all policy fields, from the tax system via the labour market
to the transfers to families. So it is in higher education: The first university reform cycle but
also the still continuing open access policy in the case of the universities, the ”no” to tuitions
and the comparatively broad system of scholarships and similar beneficiaries for students are
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(among others) driven by a policy of combating social exclusion – in this case: social
exclusion from higher education.
But one can also describe for example the open access policy itself as incoherent – in the
sense that it de facto turns out to be not practicable but nobody drew a conclusion from that
fact. Since the 70ies it was a policy of the government to try to steer enrolment already at
secondary level from academic secondary school to vocational and technical schools to
prevent mass entrances in the higher education sector. This policy failed (see Fachhochschul
chapter 0 for more details). In the university sector the government does not have to justify its
policy of resource allocation. That resulted in better and worse equipped universities and
courses. In other words, a steering via resources (mainly personnel) took place that made
some courses more attractive than others90. Furthermore, Higher Art Schools and
Fachhochschulen request an entrance exam and are allowed to choose their students
themselves. Another (hardly ever discussed) aspect of the open access policy is that mainly
the middle class benefits from it and not the low-income classes which are the main target of
that policy.
Yet, another example for a similar policy would be one of the above described reasons and
intentions for introducing a second reform cycle in higher education policy: the collapse of
the state controlled industries and their privatisation analogous to the budget restrictions in
HE and the efforts towards deregulation, autonomy and efficiency of the system. The reform
of the universities followed the reform of the state owned industry and now ongoing reform
endeavours in the same direction are following in most public institutions91 like the already
mentioned schools and museums. Therefore the second reform cycle fits into the actual
governmental policy, but it introduced dissimilarities into the higher education system itself,
mainly between the preceding Fachhochschulen and the universities for example in the case
of financing (resource allocation, open access) and autonomy (deregulation).
In summary, we would describe the Austrian higher education policy in a general view as
quite coherent with other fields of Austrian policy resulting among other reasons from the
continuity of the political system (SPÖ, social partners) or economic problems that hit all
fields of policy (privatisation, budget restrictions). But one can find dissimilarities in details
that can become an even greater issue in the future (open access, tuition). They are (after the
90
The teacher – student rate is significantly lower in economic related courses than for example in the Humanities.
91
E.g. all ministries had to develop plans how to rose efficiency and how to satisfy the needs of their “customers” better
AUSTRIA
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recent reforms) or will be delegated to the universities (lump sum, resource allocation)
following the example of the Fachhochschulen.
Hence we will just focus in more detail on two other policy fields which are more related to
the topic of our analysis:
2.2.5.1 Research Policy
The unity between research and teaching was and still is a major characteristic of the Austrian
universities. From the establishment of the new Ministry of Higher Education in 1970 on the
ministry was also in charge of research. One exemplary connection between research and
higher education can be seen in the funding of research. Two research funds, one more
directed towards business research, the other more towards academic research, are the main
instruments of state financed research in Austria. With the expansion on social sciences at the
universities (mainly through the establishment of the new universities in Linz and
Klagenfurt), the importance of social research established by the fund for academic research
increased also. Just like the education at universities is seen to have more than an economic
role one aim of funding research at the universities is” the social, economical and cultural
development of Austria”92 and this was strengthened by focal research programs.
A problem in Austria is the low rate of university graduates in the business sector. The
majority of researchers work within the universities because of a lack of (big) firms with
research departments. As innovation became a broader political concern technological
transfer became one of the main focuses in research policy. In 1981 the ministry established a
project team ”research co-operation science – business” and in 1984 an ”innovation agency”
with the task to push technology transfer from universities to companies. The co-operation
between universities, non-university research centres and the business sector was and still is a
main point in the technological concepts of the government. The policies we described in
detail fit in that field: ”Wissenschafter für die Wirtschaft”, ”Wissenschafter gründen Firmen”,
and the extension centres, that are in higher education as well as in research policy papers
mentioned as one of the main locations for technology transfer. Some other initiatives
developed in this field in co-operation between universities, the business sector and other
institutions: E.g. Technology Transfer Centres in Leoben and Linz, a database of all research
projects done by the universities, since 1979 biannual scientific fairs (on the initiative of the
92
BMWF (1984): “Hochschulbericht”, p 177
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organisation of junior faculty members), and other information events. The long row of such
initiatives concluded with the new act in 1987 that allows university institutes to receive
money for research from third parties.
2.2.5.2 Labour Market
The Ministry of Higher Education has no formal competencies for the labour market of
university graduates and, as the policy examples of the ”Akademikertraining” and the
establishment of the placement centres showed, never tried to get such competencies from the
Ministry of Labour. Nevertheless, it co-operates with other ministries (Ministry of Labour,
School Education, sometimes Economy) and especially with the Labour Market Services in
the very important area of student counselling. So it does with the Study Information Fairs
and with information material about courses that are jointly produced with the Labour Market
Service. Therefore, we also see a co-operative and coherent policy in the field of counselling
(”Studienberatung”).
The same counts for subsidies for the placement centres and nowadays for the regulation of
establishing new study courses or curricula. Here an expert opinion about the labour market
possibilities for graduates of new studies has to be produced before a new study can be
established (a similar procedure is necessary for the establishment of Fachhochschul courses).
And by the development of new curriculas the concerned university institutes have to involve
experts from the business sector (or with other words from the labour market) to pay more
attention to the demands of the labour market and the business community – just as the
business sector has always claimed.
Other examples of a co-operative policy are the mentioned initiatives to open the universities
for new types of students: ”Studienberechtigungsprüfung” and ”Berufsreifeprüfung”. One can
describe these policies as coherent with the open access policy or the combating of social
exclusion, but also as a kind of a life long learning policy (as these students mostly worked
already before attending university) or a labour market policy in the sense that rising the
qualification level provides better chances on the labour market. To introduce these policies
the Ministries of Higher Education and (School) Education had to co-operate. The policy of
distance learning goes in the same direction as it was thought to be ideal for working students
but it was also part of the ”open the universities” policy in the 70ies. Likewise the
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introduction of the new Fachhochschul sector (among others) was a result of meeting the
demands of the labour market and the economic policy.
2.2.6 Policy networks
2.2.6.1 Universities: 1st reform cycle
Paramount for the policy network of the 1st reform cycle is the strong position of the Ministry of
higher education. The ministry was considered to be the central steering agency of the whole
system. However, since actions of the ministry must have a legal basis (rechtsstaatliche
Grundlage), Parliament played an equally important role as the source of legal regulations. This
at least is the normative relation between the legislative body and government specified by
constitutional law. In the real policy process, however, member of parliament are heavily
dependent on expertise from the ministry. So, while in theory there was a balance of power
between parliament and the ministry, in real terms the ministry played a dominant role.
While technical expertise was provided mainly by the ministry (partly assisted by researchers and
policy consultants), policy directions came from the political parties in cooperation with diverse
interests groups. The political parties and the social partners basically represented the external
interests, interests groups from academics and students the internal interests. The rectors
conference is regarded as an overall representative of the university system. In addition,
professors, junior faculty, and students have their own union-like (national) organisations.
There is a certain amount of interactions in between all actors involved in that network. However,
one could make the following distinctions:
•
The Ministry of higher education played a key role in the 1st reform cycle. Most interactions
between universities and external actors were mediated via the ministry. Through its role as
legal supervisor (Rechtsaufsicht) it represented the legal regulations (which originated at the
parliament). In addition, it specified the overall budget for higher education which was
provided by the Ministry of Finance.
•
The rector's conference and the unions of junior faculty and students are most actively
engaged in all issues of higher education policy and have interactions with all other actors
involved.
•
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The political parties and the social partners, on the other hand, have no formal interactions
with the ministry and the universities (of course there are informal interactions). They
influence higher education policy mainly via the process of legislation (interacting with the
parliament) and via being represented at various government commissions on single issues.
•
During the 1st reform cycle, the universities as organisations have been extremely weak.
Leadership positions (rector, dean) had rather symbolic functions and have not been supposed
to play a managerial role. The only exception was leadership at the level of the basic unit
(head of institute). Collegial leadership was fragmented between different group interests. In
short, universities as organisations and their representatives played no significant role in the
policy network. The view of the higher education institutions was represented by the rectors
conference and the national interest groups of academics and students. In addition, some
prestigious academics were involved in policy networks in their personal capacity (single
members of the academic oligarchy). It was not rare that those individuals used their personal
networks in order to counteract collective decisions of their universities.
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Policy networks in Austrian Higher Education: Universities; 1st Cycle
P ARLIAMENT
lobbying, advisory
POLITICAL PAR TIES
lobbying, advisory
lobbying, advisory
GOVERNM ENT
SINGLE ISSUES
lobbying, advisory
SOCIAL PARTNERS
advisory,
lobbying
advisory
control, decisive
advisory,
lobbying
COMM ISSIONS ON
advisory
RECTORS
MINISTRY OF
CONFERENCE
advisory,
(co-decisive),
lobbying
JUNIOR FACULTY
HIGHER
EDUCATION
UNION
advisory,
co-decisive
advisory, co-decisive,
lobbying
(compulsory)
control, decisive
STUDENT UNION
U NIVERSITIES
iff, 1998
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2.2.6.2 Universities: 2nd reform cycle
The change in paradigms underlying higher education policy is reflected in changes of the
network. New actors emerged and the relations between the old actors partly changed. The
most important change concerns the relations between the state (parliament, ministry) and the
universities.
•
Due to deregulation the legal basis for higher education is not as tight as during the 1st
reform cycle. Parliament still is an important actor, but its role is no longer to specify
details but rather to provide a legal framework.
•
The ministry is still the key actor in higher education policy, but its grip on universities
was reduced. Due to deregulation the function of legal supervision has not the same
importance as in the 1st reform cycle. In addition, the earmarking of the budget was
softened. Universities do not yet receive a lump sum budget in a strict sense, but the
number of specified budget issues was reduced.
•
Accordingly, the universities are now much stronger actors as they used to be during the
1st reform cycle. They are no longer passively subordinated to legal regulation and
ministerial control but have gained negotiating power. In some cases, universities now
actively interact with external actors such as the social partners and the economic
environment. This change goes hand in hand with the emergence of stronger leadership
and managerial functions at the institutional level.
Most important among the new actors are advisory boards at different levels:
•
The advisory board at the national level (Universitätenkuratorium) is an independent body
with the main function to advise the ministry on issues of overall coordination of the
system.
•
The advisory boards at the institutional level (Universitätenbeirat) are a "soft" way to
influence decision making at universities from an external perspective.
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Policy networks in Austrian Higher Education: Universities; 2nd Cycle
lobbying, advisory
P ARLIAMENT
POLITICAL PAR TIES
lobbying, advisory
lobbying, advisory
GOVERNMENT
SINGLE ISSUES
lobbying, advisory
SOCIAL PARTNERS
advisory,
lobbying
advisory
control, decisive
advisory,
lobbying
COMMISSIONS ON
advisory
RECTORS
MINISTRY OF
CONFERENCE
HIGHER
advisory,
(co-decisive),
lobbying
EDUCATION
JUNIOR FACULTY
UNION
(compulsory)
control, decisive
advisory,
co-decisive
ADVISORY BOARD
national level
(Uni-Kuratorium)
advisory, co-decisive,
lobbying
advisory
STUDENT UNION
advisory
E CONOM IC
U NIVERSITIES
(various)
ENVIRONM ENT
ADVISORY BOARD
institutional level
(Uni-Beirat)
iff, 1998
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2.2.6.3 Fachhochschulen
The policy network of the Fachhochschul sector involves more actors concretely than the
network of the universities. Our figure is therefore very sketchy and shows only the main
actors (especially general political institutions (parliament…), government commissions and
interest groups that are mainly directed towards the whole higher education policy are left
behind). A main difference in the two networks is that in the Fachhochschul network not only
national but also local/regional actors are included.
In the chapter about the establishment of the Fachhochschul-sector (0) we describe in detail
which role the individual actors played during that process and how their ideas diverged. Here
we will concentrate on the actual policy network after the installation of the new system.
Because the FH-sector is still very young we can not identify main events or conflicts in that
special network (apart from the establishing process and apart from minor divergences that
are described below). Because the network is partly decentralised we will only be able to
describe local or individual conflicts in the institutional case studies. But one potential
conflict lies in the financing structure: Because some provincial governments provide
(relative to their budgets) extensive sums for their FH-courses, it is doubtful if they will be
able to continue doing so in the long run. But this conflict did not come up yet.
Ministry of Higher Education:
The ministry provides the general framework for the Fachhochschul sector. It has to accredit
new courses, has the legal supervision over the courses and appoints the 16 members of the
FH-Council (for more details see the Fachhochschul section; 0). It plays a dominant role in
the moment of the establishment of a new course just because it has to admit to a great part of
the funding of it. The decision to admit to an application depends on its coherence with the
overall national education policy and the financial restrictions. Concerning already
established courses the role of the ministry is less dominant (apart from financing) and rather
passive in the case of legal (and financial) supervision.
In the main cases concerning the Fachhochschulen (e.g. appointing the FH-Council) the
Ministry of Higher Education has to consult the Ministry of School Education. Because the
two ministries represent different parties (universities vs. higher vocational and technical
schools) in the long history of the establishment of the Fachhochschulen and because the two
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ministers traditionally come from different political parties an always ideal co-operation of
the two ministries is not expected
FH-Council (Fachhochschulrat):
The FH-Council is an autonomous body of experts (not instruction bound) organised as an
administrative body. It accredits new courses, evaluates the whole FH-sector regularly
(according to its coherence with the whole system of education and its acceptance by the
labour market) and has to assure the quality of it. Its main task is to ensure the quality of the
FH-courses along the criteria provided by law. Part of that is for example the supervision of
the final examinations at FH-courses. The FH-Council mostly sends one of its members to
attend these examinations.
The accreditation process goes along the criteria of quality and the innovative character of the
application. The FH-Council can consult external experts in the process of accrediting new
courses (for more details see the section about the Fachhochschulen). The FH-Council plays
an important role in the FH policy network namely in the accrediting process and the quality
assurance afterwards.
Relationship Ministry – Council
Four years after the first Fachhochschul courses were accredited only first experiences
concerning the very important relationship between the Ministry of Higher Education and the
FH-Council can be considered: A problem in that relationship lies in the demarcation of
competencies mainly in the accrediting process. According to the law the FH-Council has to
check the quality of the application and the labour market’s demand, the ministry has to check
its coherence with the national education policy and budget restrictions. But the accordance to
quality criteria can be contradictory to the national education policy, the labour market
demand can be contradictory to structural adjustments in the national education policy and the
innovative character (that is demanded) can be interpreted according to its quality or to the
national education policy. Sometimes the accrediting process got lost in a vicious circle: The
council will accredit an application only if the ministry provides the funds. But the ministry
will only provide the funds if the council has accredited the application. No real conflict has
emerged from that so far because ”until now there was enough money for new courses
available”. This will change soon.
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A main task for the ministry is therefore to ensure public transparency and legitimacy of the
accreditation process and to develop definite criteria for it. A proposal for a new procedure
will be part of the new FH-development plan and will be discussed and decided in joint
meetings between the council and the ministry.
Apart from that the relationship between the two institutions is a very co-operative and
sometimes informal one. For example: the council needs statistical data about the FH-courses
for its evaluation studies and collects them from the providers. The ministry also needs such
data and gets it from the council.
FH-providers, local/ regional social partners and governments:
Providers of FH-courses are so far mainly limited liability companies or associations founded
(sometimes jointly) by regional social partners, provincial or local governments93. In other
words, FH-providers are members of that institutions or they co-operate very closely with
them. A regional/ local policy network evolves around each provider that implies also
lobbying from regional/ local interest groups or political parties.
The scenery of providers is very heterogeneous. Some provincial governments back ”their”
provider(s) very strongly (mainly the provinces where no universities exist) others are almost
not involved in the establishing or maintaining of FH-courses (mainly Vienna where already
many higher education institutions exist). Some providers offer just one course, others offer
more courses, sometimes even at different locations. Some providers have an institutional
background such as a big research institution or a well establish further education school,
others do not have such a background.
The individual providers have to cover the costs of their course(s) that are not covered by the
Ministry of Higher Education. They have the right to employ their academics themselves and
select also their students via entrance examinations. Providers can apply for the name
”Fachhochschule” under certain conditions94 and some did already so (none of these
applications has been decided yet).
93
94
The national government provides so far only one FH-course, a military one.
1. At least two courses are accredited, 2. A minimum of 1.000 student places can be provided within five years, 3. A
Fachhochschulkollegium (i.e. a body consisting of teachers and students) has to be installed.
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Single firms:
Single firms can be part of a provider association but mostly do not want to bind themselves
(financially) for a longer time. Therefore single firms do appear rather as sponsors of FHcourses. On the other hand they co-operate widely with the courses for example in the cases
of practical semesters or providing teaching personnel.
FH-Conference of providers (Fachhochschulkonferenz), Sub-committee of Courses:
The conference of providers is the interest organisation of FH-providers and is organised as
an association. It is not installed by law but a self-organising association. Also members of
the teaching body95 or the course direction attend the Conference meetings. Until now they
form a subgroup of the Conference. But because the relationship between providers and
teaching body is similar to a employer – employee relationship it is expected that the latter
will sooner or later form its own interest group. However at least during the first years they
worked together in establishing and representing the FH-sector.
Student association
FH-students are no members of the (compulsory) Austrian Student Union96. An own Student
association of FH-students is expected to be founded this autumn (that is why the box and the
lines in the figure are doted) and the Ministry will provide some start-up help (mainly legal
counselling). Some student organisations already exist at the level of individual courses or
providers.
Political parties, social partners at the national level:
The social partners recommend a quarter of the members of the FH-Council via an expert
body (the social partners advisory board for social and economic questions). Against the
background of the political reality in Austria this means de facto a ”right” to select four of the
16 members of the Council. But the fact that an expert body and not the social partners
themselves have the right to recommend members for the FH-Council (an uncommon
practise) proves that the legislator wanted to keep out cameralistic practices as far as possible
(see esp. Brünner, 1994 on that question).
95
96
The teaching body of FH-courses is not differentiated between professors and junior faculty like it is at the universities.
That is until today not possible because the Student Union Act demands student representatives on many different levels (institutes,
faculties, universities, national) that do not all exist in Fachhochschulen. Maybe that the Student Union Act will be changed one day.
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– 59 –
Apart from that political parties and social partners are involved in the national education
policy via many commissions, expert bodies, political institutions and so on.
Policy networks in Austrian Higher Education: Fachhochschulen
FH-Council
lobbying
Ministry of HE
advisory,
co-operating
lobbying,
advisory
lobbying
Student association
(not yet founded)
lobbying
lobbying,
advisory
lobbying,
advisory
lobbying
decisive,
quality
assurance
decisive, financing,
legal supervision
Social Partners
advisory
FH-Conference
of providers
Sub-committee
of teaching bodies
lobbying
Political Parties
lobbying,
advisory
lobbying,
advisory
NATIONAL
appointing
advisory
NATIONAL
LOCAL / REGIONAL
lobbying, advisory,
(financing)
FH-Providers
local/ regional
Social Partners
lobbying, advisory,
financing, decisive
co-operating
FH-Courses
FH = Fachhochschulen, HE = Higher Education
LOCAL / REGIONAL
lobbying,
advisory
Single Firms
lobbying, advisory,
financing, decisive
local/ regional
Governments
iff, 1988
3
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– 61 –
Contextual Factors
3.1 Fachhochschulen: A new sector of Higher Education in Austria
3.1.1 Background: Some specifics of the Austrian system of secondary
education
Strongly segmented system which forks after four (general secondary school97 and
•
academic secondary school (AHS), lower cycle98) and eight years (academic secondary
school (AHS), upper cycle99 and vocational and technical school (intermediate (BMS) and
higher (BHS))100 as well as apprenticeship101).
•
Existence of an extended system of secondary vocational schools (BHS)
•
Great importance of training of apprentices (dual system)
In addition to that, at the post-secondary level (before the establishment of the
Fachhochschulen) quite a small non-university sector (NUS) existed in just three areas
(training of compulsory school teachers, welfare workers, and higher medical-laboratory
assistants) [see the section about the relationship between universities and the NUS for details
about the NUS: chapter 0].
3.1.2 The foundation of the Austrian Fachhochschulen – a long history
Contrary to the international trend, Austria did not establish a broader non-university sector
(NUS) until the beginning of the nineties. The main reason for that lies in the existence of an
extended system of secondary vocational schools (BHS)102.
97
Hauptschule
98
Allgemeinbildende höhere Schule AHS, Unterstufe
99
Allgemeinbildende höhere Schule AHS, Oberstufe
100
Berufsbildende mittlere (BMS) and höhere Schule (BHS)
101
Lehre
102
Graduates of these schools are allowed to hold the title ”engineer” after three years of vocational experience.
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A civil servant of the Ministry of Education presented at the end of the sixties a plan to
upgrade the higher vocational education (Partisch-Plan) – just as it had been done with the
training of teachers and welfare workers during the sixties: The training of ”engineers” at the
BHS should be shortened from five to four years and a post-secondary phase (”technical
academy”) of two years should be established. Two intentions were decisive for that:
The training of engineers should be improved. Through the lengthening of the education the
general education should become more import and a too early specification should be
avoided.
The two years post-secondary ”technical academy” should relieve the universities especially
because it was thought to be an alternative also for graduates from academic secondary
schools (AHS) and not only from BHS.
The Partisch-Plan had been refused by a coalition of exponents from the business community,
the BHS, and the universities. The BHS did not want to be ”reformed to death” and the
universities thought only they were able to offer a demanding post-secondary education. The
business community believed that the BHS-graduates already fulfil the demands of the
industry and are cheaper than longer educated engineers. Overall, it was thought one could
steer the expansion of the education system already at the secondary level (from AHS to
BHS), so that an expansion of the post-secondary sector would not take place and a relief of
the universities would not be necessary. So, the Partisch-Plan was filed away.
In 1987 the OECD conducted a comparative study about the experiences of its member
countries with the NUS. With the exception of Italy and Austria the educational expansion in
all states had been accompanied by an expansion of non-university alternatives and the
experiences with the NUS were mainly positive. The authors of the Austrian case study
pointed out that the (Austrian) NUS could neither satisfy the needs of a recurrent education
better than the universities, nor could it satisfy regional demands for education respective the
quickly changing requests of the business sector103. At the same time (autumn 1987) the
Austrian Chamber of Industrialists104 proposed a new plan for the establishing of ”technical
103
“Weder konnte der NUS den Erfordernissen der recurrent education (Absolventenweiterbildung, Erwachsenenbildung) besser gerecht
werden als die Universitäten, noch konnte er dem regionalen Bildungsbedarf bzw. den sich rasch wandelnden Anforderungen der
Wirtschaft entsprechen”, Lassnigg/ Pechar: “Nichtuniversitäre Alternativen im Postsekundärbereich”. Austrian chapter of a comparative
OECD study, Vienna 1988, copied reproduction, page 62
104
Industriellenvereinigung
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– 63 –
academies” which was largely identical with the old Partisch-Plan. A new discussion about
the necessity of an Austrian NUS started.
The main reasons for that were:
•
The European integration (common market in 1992) and the Austrian efforts to join the
European Community. Under the rules of the Community the BHS is regarded as a
specialised training on secondary level and therefore Austrian BHS-graduates would have
great disadvantages in a common labour market. A discussion about the necessity of an
”Euro-engineer” started. Now also the business sector demanded an upgrading.
•
The universities saw their (quasi-) monopoly in the post-secondary sector – after 20 years
of expansion –in the meantime as a burden. Already in 1988 the conference of university
rectors105 pointed out that a technical academy could relieve the universities.
•
The steering of the educational expansion at the secondary level failed almost completely.
Since 1990, the BHS have in fact more graduates than the AHS, but now a higher
proportion of them enrol in the universities than twenty years ago.
Additional to that in 1989 a new Minister of science was appointed (since a long time a
conservative one) who took up these ideas quickly and backed them politically. Also in 1989
the social partners (employers’ and employees’ associations) stated in their report
”Qualification 2000” that it should be considered if an extension of vocational or university
short studies or the establishment of technical and/or business academies could be an
alternative to the universities and a useful step towards an adjustment of the education system
and the labour market106.
In the 1990 working agreement for the building of a common government the two coalition
partners SPÖ107 and ÖVP108 formulated that the adjustment of the vocational education
system to European standards requires the establishment of Fachakademien (”specialised
105
106
Rektorenkonferenz
“Weiters sollte die Struktur des postsekundären Ausbildungssystems in Österreich im Lichte der internationalen Entwicklungen
dahingehend geprüft werden, ob die Erweiterung des Angebotes berufsbezogener Kurzstudien und Hochschullehrgänge bzw. die
Schaffung spezifischer berufsbildender Akademien (“Technische, kaufmännische … Akademien”) als Alternative zum universitären
Bildungsangebot sinnvolle Maßnahmen zur besseren Abstimmung des Ausbildungssystems und des Arbeitsmarktes darstellen könnten.”
Beirat für Wirtschafts- und Sozialfragen: “Qualifikation 2000”, Vienna 1989, page 26
107
Austrian Socialdemocratic Party
108
Austrian People Party (conservatives)
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– 64 –
academies”), which relieve and complete the higher education sector109. After more than two
additional years of discussion, the federal law about Fachhochschul-courses passed the
national parliament in May 1993.
The Ministry of Higher Education presented in 1994 a plan for the development and financing
of the Fachhochschul sector where it recapitulated the motives of establishing it:
•
The business sector needed a new segment of qualifications.
•
Many young persons demanded a shorter and more vocational post-secondary education
than the universities could provide.
•
To relieve the universities from students that do not look for a scientific education but
have no alternatives to a university education.
3.1.3 Positions of political parties and interest groups concerning the
establishment of Fachhochschulen110
In 1991 the Conference of University Rectors supported on the one hand the establishing of
Fachhochschulen but suggested on the other hand that they should be integrated and/or
dislocated short-studies of the universities. The advantages of such an organisational form
would be among other things a) the fulfilment of claims of the business sector through a use
of existing legal possibilities within the bounds of the university organisation and b) a move
of the university towards the business sector and practical requirements.
The then education spokesman of the SPÖ saw three main reasons for the establishing of
Fachhochschulen: a) the increasing demand of education, b) new impulses for a reform of the
higher education and c) demands and expectations of the business sector (mainly the ECconformity of degrees).
For the then education spokesman of the ÖVP the main reason for Fachhoschulen should not
be the relief of the universities but the orientation of the education systems versus a variety of
109
“Die Anpassung des berufsbildenden Bildungssystems an den europäischen Standrad (EU-Konformität der Diplome) erfordert die
Errichtung von Fachakademien, die den Hochschulbereich ergänzen und entlasten und als Aus- und Weiterbildungsstätte für
unterschiedliche Berufsfelder einzurichten sind.” Arbeitsübereinkommen über die Bildung einer gemeinsamen Bundesregierung, zit. nach
BMWF: “Das Österreichische Bildungssystem in Veränderung”, Materialien zur Bildungspolitik 2, Vienna (no year), page 58f
110
The cited positions are taken from the study “Mehr Bildungschancen durch Fachhochschulen?”, ÖIJ (by order from BMWF), Vienna 1992
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talents. The relief of universities and a shrinking number of dropouts are a welcome side
effect. A second reason is the fulfilment of demands from the business sector and the society
for shorter and more practically orientated studies. Additional to that are specific regional
demands for special education types, which can not be served by the universities. The
establishment of Fachhochschulen is moreover necessary to maintain the international
competitiveness of Austria.
The Chamber of Industrialists stated that the former decision not to establish a NUS was right
but has to be corrected now because the qualification demands of enterprises have increased,
European integration requires a modernisation of the education system, the trend to higher
education does not have adequate alternatives and the industry needs Fachhochschulgraduates. A Fachhochschul-study must therefore be ”short, tight and demand orientated” and
the existing higher vocational school system may not be destroyed.
The Austrian Chamber of Workers111 and the Austrian Association of Trade Unions supported
the proposal of Fachhochschulen but demanded a broad entrance possibility for graduates of
all kinds of schools as well as the possibility to change from a Fachhochschule to a university.
The regional labour demand should be considered in any case. A solely orientation on the
demands of employers is expressly restricted. They see through the establishment of
Fachhochschulen the whole school system in move and claim additional reforms for it.
The student union112 supports the Fachhochschulen also, but demands an open access policy
and refuses reflections about tuitions. Apart from that its member organisations were quite
divided about the organisational form of the new sector.
3.1.4 Fachhochschulen: Main differences in contrast to the universities
•
There exists no Fachhochschul-law but instead a law about Fachhochschul-courses.
Therefore single courses can be established and not a completely new school has to be
founded113. In fact, in 1998 at many locations single courses are established and not yet a
Fachhochschule, although some of theses courses are expected to expand towards real
Fachhochschulen.
111
Arbeiterkammer
112
Österreichische Hochschülerschaft (ÖH)
•
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The development of the Fachhochschul-sector follows no top-down approach. The federal
government does not develop a global Fachhochschul-concept. It establishes general
conditions, which should encourage different initiatives – even private ones.
•
The quality control is not a direct responsibility of the state but of a professional quality
control body: The development of curricula lies in the responsibility of the offering
institutions. An accreditation in the sense of a protection of basic standards114 is done by a
body of experts (provided so that the ministry agrees to fund the courses – see below): the
Fachhochschulrat (Council for Fachhochschulen). In addition to that the Fachhochschulrat
prescribes the academic degrees and evaluates the whole Fachhochschul-sector
regularly115. Members of the Fachhochschulrat are appointed by the Ministry of Higher
Education for three years (a re-election for a second term is possible)116. This kind of a
quality assessment and evaluation does so far not exist at the universities.
•
The financing of Fachhochschulen is completely different from the financing of the
universities: While the Fachhochschulrat decides on the academic quality of a course, the
federal government decides under criteria of the educational policy on the assignments of
funds. These criteria are: innovative character, supraregional adjustment, a long-time
development concept, reduction of regional disparities, clarification of educational
structures117, opening towards new target groups, offers for working students, use of
existing resources, private co-financing and international co-operation118.
The federal government pays so-called norm-costs for an agreed number of places at a
Fachhochschul-course and not the overall costs in a lump sum. The norm-costs for a place
are based on model calculations and vary between the types of courses. However, the
federal government funds only 90% of those costs. The provider has to look after the other
10% of the costs. The government signs a five year contract with the providers for that
113
A reason for that might be the wish to keep infrastructure costs small (the federal government does not pay for the erection of
Fachhochschul-buildings or similar investments until the course had been evaluated and is well tried).
114
“Allgemeine Vorgaben hinsichtlich der Ziele…”, “Eckwerte (Kriterien) für die Studienorganisation”, BMWF: “Das Österreichische
Bildungssystem in Veränderung”, Materialien zur Bildungspolitik 2, Wien (no year), Seite 62
115
One of the criteria for the evaluation is the acceptance of the Fachhochschulen by the labour market.
116
The Fachhochschulrat consist of 16 members. Half of them have to have a scientific qualification (habilitation), half a professional
experience in the fields of Fachhochschul-courses. Four have to be women.
117
“bildungspolitische Strukturbereinigung”, i.e. the reduction of overlapping structures in the field of education
118
For each of this criteria can be 10 points achieved. An application needs at least 50 points to be considered, but applications will be
ordered according to their achieved points if the overall budget for the Fachhochschulen is too low to meet all demands.
– 67 –
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purpose. Its renewal depends on the results of the evaluation done by the
Fachhochschulrat. A mixed-funding from different sources should be made possible by
this proceeding as well as the inclusion of other beneficiaries of the Fachhochschulcourses (business sector, regional governments).
Because of the funding per places, more time-limited contracts for the teaching personnel
are a necessity. This is a great contrast to the life-long contracts of professors at
universities. Unlike the universities, the Fachhochschulen have the right to employ all its
academics themselves. The Fachhochschul-teachers are therefore ”normal” employees
and no civil servants like a great part of the university academics.
•
An intended difference to the universities is the regional diversification of Fachhochschulcourses (see table below). In 1998 Fachhochschul-courses are established in all provinces
whereas in three (from nine) provinces exists no university.
Table Fehler! Unbekanntes Schalterargument.: Regional diversification of Austrian Higher
Education Institutions
Provinces
Austrian University and Art
School students
(incl. double counting)
(winter term 96/97)
Austrian Fachhochschul students Regional origin of
(incl. double counting)
all beginners
(winter term 96/97)
(winter term 96/97)
Vienna
114.825
56,4%
755
20,7%
22,9%
Styria
40.526
19,9%
448
12,3%
15,9%
Tyrol
19.708
9,7%
81
2,2%
7,4%
Upper Austria
13.824
6,8%
594
16,3%
16,0%
Salzburg
10.430
5,1%
292
8,0%
5,9%
Carynthia
4.447
2,2%
157
4,3%
8,5%
Lower Austria
0
0,0%
830
22,8%
16,8%
Burgenland
0
0,0%
327
9,0%
3,1%
Vorarlberg
0
0,0%
164
4,5%
3,5%
203.760
100,0%
3.648
100,0%
100,0%
Total
Source: BMWV: Statistisches Taschenbuch 1997
•
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Fachhochschul studies last between 6 and 8 semesters, and a practical training semester is
part of all courses
119
. A Fachhochschul-course offers its students less freedom than a
university concerning their timetable and the limited alternatives for optional subjects.
Therefore a Fachhochschul course is rather comparable to a school than to a university
and its graduates are mostly expected to finish their study in the minimum time. As the
first courses started only in 1994 there is now just a handful of graduates. So it is too early
to say anything about the average duration of a Fachhochschul-study or the labour market
of its graduates.
•
Not only because of the existence of the Fachhochschulrat but also because of the
inclusion of other institutions/ organisations/ local governments in the Fachhochschulsector the (formal and informal) policy network differs strongly between the
Fachhochschul- and the university sector (see section 0).
3.1.5 Conclusion
The introduction of the Fachhochschulen was one of the first steps in the second reform cycle
in the Austrian Higher Education System120. Moreover, it is one of the most important
policies to bring higher education and the business sector in Austria closer together. Even if it
is not absolutely decidable if the initial idea (in its second version) came from members of
industrial lobby groups or from the Ministry of Higher Education, it is evident that almost all
parties and interest groups stated the demands of the business sector as one of the most
important reasons for the establishment of a new, shorter and tighter, internationally
comparative vocational education system. One can also say that hereby the European Union
played an indirect role concerning for example the Austrian discussion about an Euroengineer.
Although the rationale for the establishment of the Fachhochschulen was the (vocational)
qualification profile of its graduates, it also introduced massive changes in the organisation of
the higher education system and the way of financing it. Therefore it was a heavily debated
reform and the controversial between the two ruling parties lasted for years.
119
This practical training semester is not demanded by law but de facto emerged as a criteria of course quality. New providers have therefore
to include such a semester in their course schedules even if it is not always very easy to organise the realisation of a practical training
(places etc.)
120
What followed was the UOG (University organisation law) 1993 and the UniStG (University study law) in 1995
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In respect of the organisation and the financing mechanism of the Fachhochschulen the
federal government anticipated the direction of the universities´ intended reorganisation,
mainly deregulation (providing just a basic framework) and the inclusion of external
stakeholders as well as financiers, for which it has done first steps with the UOG 93 and the
UniStG 97. Last year the minister even talked about converting all vocational courses (i.e. the
non scientific education) at the universities into Fachhochschulen. A plan that will raise
enormous protest from the universities and has not been followed since – at least in public.
The main governmental instrument during the establishment of the Fachhochschul-system
was obviously law. During the establishment of single courses, it is the supervision of general
basic requirements and the providing of money (in a limited manner). Concerning the
contents of the courses the federal government delegated the responsibility to a council of
experts (Fachhochschulrat) respectively to the providers – it keeps out of the process unlike
the situation concerning the same issues at the universities.
3.2 The relationship between the university and the non-university
sector
To describe the relationship between the university and the non-university sector (NUS) we
have to differentiate clearly between the two periods before and after the establishment of the
Fachhochschulen in 1993.
Till the end of the sixties no non-university sector (by international means) was established in
Austria. Only so called ”Kollegs” (colleges) and ”Speziallehrgänge” (special courses) that
belong organisationally to the secondary sector existed since different times. From the
seventies on a handful of schools for the training of compulsory school teachers, social
workers and higher medical-laboratory assistants were set up: The so called ”Pädagogische
Akademien” (pedagogical academies), the ”Sozialakademien” (social academies) and the
schools for higher medical-laboratory assistants. Technical and economical vocational
training that is done in other countries in the NUS was in Austria mainly part of the secondary
school system with a – by international means – quite demanding curriculum in the BHS
(berufsbildende höhere Schulen – higher vocational and technical school). Furthermore, the
just mentioned new schools in the NUS are till today one of the competencies of the Ministry
of (School) Education and not of the Ministry of Higher Education.
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The broad secondary vocational training system is one reason why the Fachhochschulen as a
truly non-university sector were established so lately and why till then the NUS played a
minor role in Austria121. In 1970 more than a third of all beginners of post-secondary trainings
joined the NUS, almost two-thirds the universities. In 1990 only 13% of the beginners
attended an institution of the NUS.
The introduction of the Fachhochschulen was the only remarkable reconstruction of the NUS
since then, but that is so important for the whole system of higher education that we provide
an own chapter about it (see there for details: 0). An upgrading of courses took place in the
case of some Fachhochschul courses, especially in the field of tourism (and one in military
education). But this is rather a matter of now having the possibility to offer a common and
well known certificate and subordinate existing courses under a new roof than a true fact of
upgrading in contextual or organisational means.
The separation of the two systems, the university and the non university sector, is not only
two- but in fact threefold: Not only are the two sectors separated in legal and financial terms
as described above in the Fachhochschul chapter but also the non-university sector itself is
now separated in an ”old” part that belongs to the Ministry of School Education and a new
part, the Fachhochschulen, that belongs to the Ministry of Higher Education. The separation
goes therefore along organisational, legal, economical and – as far as the policy networks are
concerned – also political and geographical lines.
The co-operation between universities and non-universities is neither stimulated nor
forbidden. Before the establishment of the Fachhochschulen the two sectors worked in
different worlds. The universities did not regard the NUS as higher education institutions122
and saw no reason to co-operate with them. Maybe in the area of teacher training there are
some co-operations (e.g. in the sense of university members giving also lectures at the
pedagogical academies) and if so, they are tolerated but no matter of discussion.
Now, with the introduction of the Fachhochschulen and all the other policies during the
second reform cycle, the governmental view on co-operations is clear: they fall in the
autonomy of the institutions and the ministry does not take care of them. In that sense, co121
For other reasons see the section about the Fachhochschulen. Apart from that it has to be mentioned that most of the NUS demands
tuitions that reach in the case of some Kollegs or Speziallehrgängen a remarkable amount compared to the free university system.
122
Having in mind that the non-university sector belongs to the field of the Ministry of (School) Education and not to the Ministry of Higher
Education one can assume that the government saw it in the same way.
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operations are not even tolerated; they are just a task of the institutions. However, one can
assume that the government does not have anything against co-operations whatever kind they
may be. But in this context the future will bring more clarity as some university professors
already think about organising the first part of a university study as a kind of a Fachhochschul
course. The question is whether the government will tolerate this kind of mixture of the two
systems123.
Outside the universities many people (e.g. the education spokesmen of the two ruling parties
in our interviews or some mass media) expect a competitive relationship between the
universities and the Fachhochschulen124 and that the existence of the Fachhochschulen will
force the universities to reorganise themselves along the model of the tighter and shorter
Fachhochschul courses or in other words: towards more efficiency. However, this depends on
the subject of the studies. As long as the Fachhochschulen mainly cover technical, economical
and tourism courses only such subjects will possibly feel a competition. Inside the universities
the answer to that question is mainly ”we are better, therefore the Fachhochschulen can be no
competition for us”. But while stating so, they already accept the competitive situation,
regardless of the small size of the Fachhochschul sector.
Another expectation is a more separated relationship between the two sectors in the sense that
the institutions develop a more conceptualised mission statement and that it will be more
visible for students (and the institutions themselves!) what will be taught and for what kind of
profession it will be useful. Therefore some university members (among others) welcome a
strong competition from the Fachhochschulen because they assume correctly that a great part
of their students is looking for a vocational instead of a scientific education. They hope that
the Fachhochschulen will become so attractive that they will relieve the universities from
being overcrowded. Here the need of all university courses to provide a qualification profile
for their studies and the reorganisation of the curricula with its concentration on core subjects
continues.
123
At least it will bring the discussion about introducing a bachelor degree back on the table since that is what the professors have originally
in mind.
124
Just like a more competitive situation between the universities themselves is expected to come out of the new, decentrale developed
curriculas.
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– 72 –
3.3 The European Dimension
3.3.1 Growing importance of internationalisation
Until the late 80ies, internationalisation had a low priority in Austrian higher education. There
have been a number of exchange programs and cultural treaties on a bilateral basis. For some
countries support on a unilateral basis was provided. The government had no long-term
internationalisation policy. Due to the high degree of state regulation at that time, single
institutions had little discretion to formulate their own policy. The participation of students
and the academic staff was relatively low.
That pattern changed rapidly in the early 90ies. This change is reflected in coalition
agreements and government programmes:
•
The government programme of 1983 included a single reference to "the international
dimension of science and research".
•
The government programme of 1987 was more explicit in addressing the importance of
"continuing the development of international research co-operation" as well as
"participating to the greatest extent possible in the European research and technology
community".
•
In 1990, the coalition agreement addressed the issue of modernising degree programmes
in the light of international developments. Among the concerns were the conformity and
compatibility of Austria’s diplomas and degrees with those of the European Community.
•
The government programme of 1996 articulated reform measures that were explicitly
aimed at a further internationalisation of higher education: "opening Europe for young
people by providing the unbureaucratic recognition of academic work performed abroad;
the legal regulation of accreditation procedures for private and foreign universities in
Austria; facilitating Austrian academics and universities to offer courses and study
programmes outside of Austria; increasing the involvement of Austrian researchers in the
research facilities of the European Union".
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Two political events were of particular importance for that change:
•
Political change in Central and Eastern Europe: The breakdown of Communism and the
opening of the Eastern European countries allowed new kinds of cultural relationships
with Austria’s neighbour countries. At a time of political and economic division of
Europe, Austria was situated at the eastern edge of the western world. For that reason,
Austria was strongly affected by the political changes in 1989. In the early 90ies, policy
makers decided to establish a "priority area" in Central and Eastern Europe. There was a
feeling of a special responsibility for this area due to the common cultural and political
tradition and there was an expectation of good opportunities due to the unique geopolitical
position of the country. According to OECD-statistics, Austria was one of the most
generous providers of aid to countries of that region.
During 1989/90 Austria provided unilateral assistance to its neighbouring countries. After
that initial aid bilateral "action programmes" with the Czech Republic, Hungary and
Slovakia were set up. Those programmes were based on the "Fulbright model" of
binational commissions and bilateral financing, policy making, and selection. In 1993
Austria established the multilateral "Central European Exchange Programme for
University Studies" (CEEPUS). Over 200 university units from Austria, Bulgaria, Croatia,
Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Slovenia are currently participating
in that network.
•
Membership of the European Union: In the late 80ies, Austria decided to apply for the
membership of the EU (referendum was in 1994, membership started with 1.1.1995). This
decision fostered the awareness of the growing internationalisation of higher education in
general, and the European dimension of higher education in particular. In the coalition
agreement of 1990, the necessity to reform higher education was justified by "the
dynamics of European integration". The establishment of a new Fachhochschul-sector in
particular was partly motivated by concerns about the compatibility of Austrian degrees
with those of the EU-member states.
At the same time, efforts to participate in international networks increased. Already in the
late 80ies, Austria was entitled to participate in some EU-programmes for science and
technology. Starting with 1992/93, ERASMUS became fully open to Austrian higher
education institutions. Participation in ERASMUS grew rapidly (1992: 890 students,
1996: 2,300 students) and within a few years this programme became the most important
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one of all mobility programmes. One reason for the success is, that the Austrian
government supplements the EU-money rather generously. Only the Austrian grants for
ERASMUS-students have been 43 Mio ATS in 1996/97, which is 42% of the total public
expenditures of 104 Mio ATS for all international exchange programmes.
The increased participation in European networks has undoubtedly repercussions on
Austrian higher education. The European exchange programmes have created a "critical
mass" of students who are familiar with other systems and traditions of higher education.
The national traditions and features of Austrian higher education are no longer as selfevident as they have been before. Until recently, universities were protected by national
borders from competition and even comparison with other systems and institutions.
Increased competition appears at the system level (can Austrian higher education stand up
against its European counterparts?) and at the institutional level. In all likelihood, that will
foster on the one hand a process of increased European harmonisation and on the other
hand a process of differentiation. Indications for harmonisation are the European Credit
and Transfer Scheme (ECTS) (a growing number of Austrian universities is participating)
and the debate about degrees (the Sorbonne declaration was followed closely by Austrian
policy makers).
Although the quantitative expansion of internationalisation is impressive, there is still no
coherent government policy for that field. The only exception have been the programmes for
Central and Eastern Europe which in the early 90ies have been a priority based on a deliberate
strategy. That policy was strongly shaped by the then Minister of Higher Education. When he
left his position the interest for Central and Eastern Europe diminished quickly. The
government still supports and encourages participation in EU-networks, but except for some
general phrases there is a lack on strategic considerations which would provide a rationale for
that policy. One sometimes gets the impression that the government wants Austrian
universities to engage in the European dimension because everybody else is doing so.
3.3.2 Infrastructure to facilitate the internationalisation process
The growth of international activities was accompanied by an improvement in the
organisational infrastructure for internationalisation. Until the late 80ies, exchange
programmes were basically administered by the Ministry of Higher Education and a nationwide
organisation
for
international
exchange
(Österreichischer
Akademischer
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– 75 –
Austauschdienst (ÖAD)). At that time, academic mobility was mainly a matter of individual
initiative, either from students or from academics.
In the 90ies, internationalisation became a much more organised activity. The growth in
academic mobility was paralleled by a devolution of the decision making process from the
state to academic institutions. This change is also visible in the administration of international
programmes. All universities have established organisational units which facilitate the
process of internationalisation. Their core function is the administration of exchange
programmes at the institutional level, but besides that they function as counselling units for
students and academics, they help students from other countries in practical matters and to
adapt to a new academic environment, they are in charge of international public relations,
they assist in academic partnerships, and they participate in formulating an international
strategy at the institutional level. As a matter of fact, the units for international relations
(Auslandsbüros) are the most striking example for a new organisational culture at Austrian
universities.
3.3.3 Concerns about the competitiveness of Austrian higher education at an
international level
There are some indications that Austrian higher education institutions do not attract many
foreign students. At a first sight, foreign students as a percentage of total enrolment in higher
education seem to be very high (about 10%), but that can be mainly explained by two factors:
First, the high number of students of the German speaking community in Italy (Südtirol) who
have by Austrian law the same legal status as Austrian students. The second factor is the high
number of German students, who are only a small percentage of the overall German
enrolment, but a relatively high percentage in the Austrian context.
With respect to the European exchange programmes, there is a slight negative balance of
students flows. In 1995/96, Austria had 2,993 incoming and 3,193 outgoing students in the
ERASMUS programme. The negative balance is much more dramatic vis-à-vis the United
States. Some American universities even refuse to send their students to Austria due to
concerns about the quality of instruction.
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– 76 –
Those problems can be attributed to two factors:
•
First, the laissez faire characteristics of Austrian higher education. The liberal regulation
on access to universities (every citizen who has a final certificate of the elite track of
upper secondary education ("Matura") is entitled to enrol at every Austrian university and
in every field of study for as long as he or she wishes to do so) in combination with the
"no tuition"-policy make it very difficult to match the demand and the supply for higher
education. This results in rather chaotic conditions, with a students/teacher-ratio as high as
1:141 (all academic staff) and 1:477 (professor) in some fields. While the academic
community complains about the lack of resources, academics and students alike justify the
laissez faire conditions on grounds of the nature of higher learning. The Humboldtian
tradition makes a sharp distinction between the culture of learning at schools and
universities. At universities the staff sees no need for guidance and monitoring. Neither
students nor academics have formal obligations vis-à-vis each other as they are known in
some other higher education systems.
•
The second factor is that, due to the homogeneous character of the higher education
system, it is very difficult for Austrian universities to develop a distinctive profile and to
become visible at an international level. It is true that government rhetoric encourages
universities to strengthen institutional profiles. But in fact the real discretion is very
limited. The government still regulates the most important matters which would allow a
single institution to develop unique features. The access policy is of paramount
importance: every university is obliged to accept every student (regardless of resources)
and thus has no influence on the composition of it's student body. The laissez faire
attitudes, which are deeply embedded in academic beliefs and which are backed by the
government policy, make it extremely difficult to develop a distinctive institutional
culture.
There are only a handful of institutions which are exemptions to that general trend. The
colleges of fine arts and music, in particular the colleges of music in Salzburg and Vienna are
the only Austrian elite institutions with a world wide reputation. The interest of foreign
students in these institutions is extremely high. Almost half of the art students enrolled in
Salzburg and Vienna come from foreign countries. Unlike universities, colleges of fine arts
and music are allowed to take entrance examinations and thus have an influence on the
composition of their student body.
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3.4 Governmental approach to policy making and state control/
steering of higher education
Characterising the Austrian governmental approach to policy making is perhaps a little
confusing, because on the one hand it is possible to describe the development as a shift from a
„rational planning and control model“ of state governance (during the first reform cycle) to a
„self-regulation model“ (as a result of the second reform cycle). But on the other hand only
the „sovereign state model“ (J.P. Olsen) seems to be appropriate for the whole period: for the
time of the first reform cycle and even for the time of the second one. The reason for this is
the ambiguity of the results of the (ongoing) second reform. In other words: it is not clear (for
us) if the second reform, which is described by the politicians in terms of a self-regulation
model („autonomy“), has – intentionally or not – superseded the existing sovereign state
model or just altered the existing rather strong version to a more moderate one. If it has
superseded the Austrian higher education sector is probably on the way to become part of a
„segmented state“. But the still predominant role of the state as the major financial supporter
(who e.g. prohibits the universities to take student fees as an independent financial source)
seems to give the government also in the future a very dominant role which is not consistent
with the concept of a segmented state model.
For understanding the development over the last decades it is necessary to describe the higher
education system in more detail.
3.4.1 The type of state governance installed by the first reform cycle:
The general intention of the first reform cycle was to strengthen the authority of the
parliament (respectively of the ministry). To restrict the existing (traditional) autonomy of the
universities was a necessary policy for the social democratic government125, because it was
the main defence of the conservative professorial resistance against the „modernisation“ and
„democratisation“ of the universities. The then university staff and its decisions seemed to be
125
But – as said before – the reform was started under a conservative government with a new Study Act in 1966, which was going in the
same direction, but not as far. As a consequence the conservative party opposed the organisational reform in 1975, which superseded the
autonomy of the universities and weakened the position of the (conservative) professoriate by the ‘democratisation’ of the internal decision
processes.
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not representative enough for the whole society to justify a totally public funded institution.126
With a strong legislative approach (the new laws regulated the organisation and the curricula
in detail) the parliament as elected representative of the taxpayer’s interests assumed the main
(official) responsibility for the university affairs.
The result was a bureaucratic system of „top down“ management. Only technical decisions
were left for the universities to specify the given directions. On the one hand many
democratic commissions (parity appointed by students, assistants, and the professoriate) were
installed at the universities, but on the other hand their decisions were either extensively
regulated by superior authorities, could be overruled by a veto of the federal minister, or were
dependent on the minister’s declaration of consent. E.g. the process of installing curricula for
degree programmes consisted of four legislative steps:
First the ‚General University Studies Act‘ (AHStG 1966), which was passed by the
parliament had to provide the general framework for university studies
Second, the ‚Special Study Acts‘ (Besondere Studiengesetze) also passed by the parliament,
which specified the general regulations for individual disciplines or groups of disciplines (e.g.
laid down the required studies)
Third, to implement these Study Acts, the Minister of Higher Education had to issue decrees
on university study programmes (Studienordnungen), which laid down e.g. a general timetable and the chosen faculties where the studies should be implemented
Fourth, the curricula commissions (Studienkommissionen) at every university institute had to
finalise this procedure by publishing decrees on the requirements of degree programme
(Studienpläne)
Fifth, the Minister of Higher Education had the authority to veto against the curricula
commission’s decision.
The first three steps – which happened outside the universities - included the possibility of
internal (written) „hearings“ of representatives of interests (professions, employers,
employees), political parties, provincial governments and different federal authorities.
Against the fourth step undertaken by the curricula commissions the minister had the right to
126
at that time the universities were not allowed to make any fundraising; since 1972 it was not allowed to demand tuition fees from the
students either.
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veto (if he considered the decision as inappropriate), but between the universities and the
representatives of interests (or the economy and the labour market in general) no consultation
was institutionalised.
In fact the most important effect of the ‚top down‘-management was the centralisation of
information between the ministry and the universities and in the same way within the
universities. The ‚lower‘ commission had in general no right to be informed about the
decision process of ‚higher‘ authorities. One had to have informal contacts with members of
these commissions if one wanted to get information about the background of decisions.127
Characteristic
for
this
situation
was
the
fact
that
the
‚university
128
(Universitätsdirektor), an administrative official subordinated to the ministry
director‘
, was the
person within the university which had the full access to information. As best informed
person within the university he held a very strong position, but even he had only a few
decision rights.
Another example how the centralisation of information was used to maintain state control of
the universities is the long-standing practice neither to publish how much money each
university gets for a certain number of students (up to 1993), nor to argue in public why some
universities or institutes are in financial or personnel matters in better situations than others.
Subtilizing a little bit you can say: in Austrian higher education policy sometimes decision
making was (and is) practised without declaring the decisions as official ‚policies‘ (in the
strict sense).
At that time the legal framework separated clearly two distinct „spheres of actions“
(„Wirkungsbereiche“): on the one hand the sphere of autonomous actions of the university
(selbständiger Wirkungsbereich) and on the other hand the delegated sphere of actions of the
state (staatlicher Wirkungsbereich).129 The autonomous sphere consisted mainly (1.) in the
right to constitute all university commissions and academic representatives on their own, (2.)
in the right to make financial and personnel applications at the ministry and (3) in the
implementation of the curricula. Soon opponents (and later the ministry itself) characterised
the
legal
position
of
the
universities
as
„autonomy
of
making
applications“
(Antragsautonomie). It was criticised that in the democratic process of the university
127
see M.Fischer-Kowalski / P.Kostelka / I.Schwalm, Die Rechtsverhältnisse im Hochschulbereich, in: M.Fischer-Kowalski / H.Strasser:
Gesellschaftliche Entwicklung und Hochschulreform in Österreich II. (IHS / BMWF), Wien 1975, S. 44.
128
to distinguish from the ‘university rector’, the academic head of the university.
129
Universitäts-Organisationsgesetz (UOG 1975) § 3
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commissions, which required a lot of energy and time, actually nothing was decided in the
last resort. – The delegated sphere of actions of the state (staatlicher Wirkungsbereich) was
plainly characterised by the law as all concerns which were not enumerated explicitly as part
of the sphere of autonomous actions.130 So all decisions in personnel matters (universities had
the right to nominate) were the ministry’s authority and it also regulated financial decisions in
detail (e.g. universities did not have the right to shift money from the budget for material
costs to the one for personnel costs, even when there was an unintended surplus).
At the same time the university staff had enough possibilities to resist external pressure. Not
only the professoriate has life-long positions but also a major part of the junior faculty staff
has tenure position. Sigurd Höllinger, the leading higher education governmental official,
characterised the university therefore as a „control-less safety room (kontrolloser
Schonraum)“.131
A second counterweight against the legal framework was named by the officials of the
ministry as an argument for the second reform cycle: the informal process behind the legal
one. E.g. the parliament (and the ministry) had the responsibility to pass the general Study
Acts and to control their implementation in a hierarchical top-down process. But in reality not
only most of the initiatives had to come from the universities, but also unofficial ghost-writers
from the universities had to formulate informal “study acts” for the ministry, which was more
or less obligatory. Furthermore, when passing an amendment to one of these study acts
sometimes neither the official in charge in the ministry nor the members of the parliamentary
commission did understand the rational behind it, because of the many details involved.132
So the centralised information process in fact overloaded the ministry with responsibilities
with which it couldn’t cope rationally. This was actually one of the reasons why the second
reform cycle was started. The ministry mentioned with disgust: “...a relative small adaptation
130
UOG 75 § 3 Abs. 4
131
Sigurd Höllinger, Kontrolloser Schonraum Universität (first published in 1988), in: ders., Universität ohne Heiligenschein. Aus dem 19.
ins 20. Jahrhundert, Wien 1992, p.77-88
132
see the statement of Sigurd Höllinger, the leading Austrian higher education official (Sektionschef), in Reform des Studienrechts.
Materialien zur Studienreform IV (BMWF), Wien 1994, p. 3; the practice of ‘informal study acts’ by academic ghost writers, see the
statements of another high Governmental official: Walter Steinbacher, Dezentralisierung und/oder Studien-Planwirtschaft, in: Materialien
zur Studienreform II. Zwischenergebnisse der Arbeitsgruppe Deregulierung des Studienrechts (BMWF), Wien 1993, p. 16.
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of the social- and economic curricula to new qualification requirements lasted, because of
very extensive political discussions about its purpose.”.133
3.4.2 The type of state governance installed by the second reform cycle:
The general approach of the second reform cycle was to decentralise the information and the
responsibilities, with the general aim to transfer (especially decisions over curricula, but also
personnel and many financial decisions) to a lower level of the hierarchy. Implicitly this
means a depoliticisation of higher education matters: now the political parties view the
problems more pragmatically, when discussing curricula decisions they do it predominantly
under the term of „economic efficiency“ and strengthening the flexible response of the
universities to the demands of their social and economic environment. Some people believe
that from the beginning this was a strategy to overcome political differences within the ruling
social democratic-conservative coalition by delegation.. The very much politically ‚labelled‘
debate about the question of the general relationship between higher education and economy
is now transformed by a delegation to lower levels of the hierarchy. The more technical
question is now: “How certain is the decision of universities and their institutes to manage
their relationship on their own.134
In the curricula development this means, for example, the institutionalisation of a consultation
process between the universities and the representatives of interests (and the economy and the
labour market in general). Only the ‚General University Studies Act‘ (now: UniStG 97) is still
passed by the parliament, while all the rest is now in the responsibility of the universities (in
this case: of the curricula commissions). The ministry withdraws, and the universities together
with the polytechnics (‚Fachhochschulen‘) are encouraged to self-governance. Latter is the
precondition for the strengthening of the relationship to the labour market and the demands of
the representatives of interests (the universities must have the decision competence before
they get in contact with the representatives from outside). For this reason the internal
organisation of the universities had to be altered.
133
Walter Berka, Reform des Studienplanrechts. Ein Zwischenbericht, in: in: Materialien zur Studienreform II. Zwischenergebnisse der
Arbeitsgruppe Deregulierung des Studienrechts (BMWF), Wien 1993, p. 22; see also in Cluster 1: ‘The study reform: the case of the social
and economic sciences’.
134
e.g. Lorenz Lassnig, Bildungsreform gescheitert … Gegenreform? – 50 Jahre Schul- und Hochschulpolitik in Österreich, in: R.Sieder / H.
Steinert / E. Tálos (ed.), Österreich 1945-1995. Gesellschaft – Politik – Kultur, Wien 1995, p. 479.
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The decision-making process for the annual university budget in the future is described by the
ministry as following: “The „total budget of an individual university is negotiated between its
respective rector and the Ministry of Higher Education and Transport”. The number of
courses offered and the number of students enrolled substantially help to determine the
resources necessary for teaching. Resource needs are also indirectly but substantially
determined by the curricula established by study laws and degree programme
requirements.“135 Furthermore, the ministry retains the general competence of controlling and
regulating the national framework of higher education.
So it is still up to the parliament to decide which number and kind of degree programmes are
installed, and it is up to the Minister of Higher Education on which universities these degree
programmes should be offered. But now it is up to the curricula commission to develop
individual degree programmes (in difference to degree programmes offered by other
universities). The overall „deregulation“ and „decentralisation“ will lead to a modest
(regional) diversification of the curricula supply in the future. Evaluation processes are
institutionalised at the universities, regular degree programmes and whole universities will be
evaluated by the ministry (which has to decide if these programmes will be continued at this
university or not)136. So the national co-ordination and the „monitoring“ of the development
of each institution are now the main responsibility of the federal ministry.
The question, who is financing the higher education system, is still used (predominantly by
the social democratic minister and the representatives of labour) as an argument for the social
responsibility of the universities:” The public is spending a lot of money so it has the right to
get something back."137 The representatives of labour still feel that the universities keep their
distance from the problems and social interests of the employees. The argument of the
„taxpayer“ is therefore directed against a suspected inclination of the academics to the
interests of the employers (an inclination intensified through financial co-operations with the
industrial management).138
135
BMWV, Das österreichische Hochschulsystem, Wien 1998, S. 64-65 (engl. in extracts:
http://www.bmwf.gv.at/3unisys/hsyslandle/pghssys.htm).
136
The Minister of Higher Education has still the authority to veto against the curricula commission´s decision, but only if its decision is
contrary to (the general) provisions of the University Study Acts (UniStG).
137
138
e.g. „Weißbuch zur Hochschulbildung in Österreich” (BMWV), Wien 1998
e.g. Martha Eckl, staff member of the Austrian Chamber of Workers, in: Universitäten im Umbruch. Reformen ohne
Arbeitnehmerorganisation?, in: arbeit & wirtschaft 10 (1994), p.22ff.
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– 83 –
To come back to the classification of Olsen: As mentioned above it is possible to categorise
both reform cycles within the „sovereign state model“. The reason why autonomy and selfregulation were getting into the centre of the higher education debate was the idea that the
government is overloaded and technical decision can therefore be left to the organisations
themselves. But what is defined as „technical“ (in contrast to a „political“) decision has
changed a lot. And the question is, if this wide definition of „technical“ (in the sense of „only
for the purpose to increase economic efficiency of the higher education institutions“) is
perhaps too wide to keep the „autonomous“ institutions within a sovereign state model..
Especially, because there are now plans in discussion to go a step further and increase the
autonomy of the universities in the future (when the organisational reform has strengthened
the institutional capacity to plan and to decide more serious questions). This would be a kind
of ‚privatisation‘ (in a legal, not in a financial sense), it is planned to give the universities the
possibility to act – e.g. in personnel matters – under private law (until now most members of
the university staff hold tenured offices). The relation between government and university
should then be regulated by a „contract“ which would determine the duties the universities
have to fulfil for the money they receive from the state. The first university with such
extended autonomy is planned for the year 2000.139 But even then the state as main financial
contributor will decide which studies should be supplied by which university.
Nevertheless, the higher education system as a whole is (and will be in the future) still
dependent on the ministry. Universities don’t have the possibility to demand student fees and
the private industry - in a small country like Austria with only a few big companies - can only
contribute a rather small share of the overall higher education budget. The higher education
sector will further be state controlled, despite its „autonomy“. – How a decentralised
‚autonomous‘ decision process is consistent with a centralised financing by the state will be
the question of the future: the government will “negotiate” with every single university its
annual budget, but until yet it is not clear in which way the ministry will decide about its
extend. Up till now the government preferred a decision process without arguing in public
why it provides more money (per student) e.g. for the University of Graz than for the
139
„Nicht festgehalten werden muß aber an den unflexiblen und behindernden Vorschriften des Bundeshaushaltsrechtes und des
Dienstrechtes für Bundesbedienstete. In diesem Sinne wird ein Konzept erarbeitet, einzelne Universitäten in die volle Rechtsfähigkeit zu
entlassen. Nach derzeitigem Entwicklungsstand wird bis zum Jahr 2000 die erste Universität die volle Autonomie erhalten. Dies erfordert
die Schaffung organisations- und arbeitsrechtlicher Grundlagen für private Dienstverhältnisse, um das Universitätspersonal nur noch ins
Dienstverhältnis der betreffenden Universitäten aufzunehmen. Da aber die Finanzierung der Universitäten weiterhin öffentliche Aufgabe
ist, wird die Mittelzuteilung auf Basis eines Leistungs- und Finanzierungsvertrages zwischen dem Staat und der jeweiligen Universität
erfolgen.” („Weißbuch zur Hochschulbildung in Österreich” (BMWV), Wien 1998)
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Economic University of Vienna. The crucial question will be, how many conditions the
government will stipulate for its money, and if it will commit itself to certain common
criteria. But as mentioned in the beginning: the reform process includes the development
towards a “self-regulation model” of state governance.
4
– 85 –
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Appendix
4.1 Statistics140
Table Fehler! Unbekanntes Schalterargument.: Number of students and regional
diversification of Higher Education Institutions.
Higher Education in Austria
Students (incl. foreign
students) (winter term 96/97)
in %
213.510
95,3%
Higher Art Schools
6.835
3,0%
Fachhochschulen
3.756
1,7%
224.101
100,0%
Austrian Students
(winter term 96/97)
in %
188.861
95,9%
Higher Art Schools
4.343
2,2%
Fachhochschulen
3.648
1,9%
196.852
100,0%
Universities
Total
Higher Education in Austria
Universities
Total
140
Source: BMWV: Statistisches Taschenbuch 1997
– 86 –
AUSTRIA
Universities
12 Universities
Students (incl. foreign students)
(winter term 96/97)
in %
University of Vienna
73.426
32,7%
University of Graz
28.535
12,7%
University of Innsbruck
26.151
11,6%
Technical University Vienna
22.030
9,8%
Business University Vienna
21.696
9,7%
University of Linz
13.932
6,2%
Technical University Graz
11.825
5,3%
University of Salzburg
10.928
4,9%
Agricultural University Vienna
6.851
3,0%
University of Klagenfurt
4.678
2,1%
Veterinary University Vienna
2.615
1,2%
University of Leoben
2.149
1,0%
Minus students which are enroled at more
than one university
11.306
5,0%
Total
213.510
100%
Austrian Students
(winter term 96/97)
in %
University of Vienna
65.491
32,8%
University of Graz
27.056
13,6%
University of Innsbruck
19.708
9,9%
Business University Vienna
19.392
9,7%
Technical University Vienna
18.674
9,4%
University of Linz
13.340
6,7%
Technical University Graz
10.813
5,4%
University of Salzburg
9.721
4,9%
Agricultural University Vienna
6.367
3,2%
University of Klagenfurt
4.447
2,2%
Veterinary University Vienna
2.431
1,2%
University of Leoben
1.963
1,0%
Minus students which are enroled at more
than one university
10.542
5,3%
Total
188.861
100%
12 Universities
– 87 –
AUSTRIA
Higher Art Schools
6 Higher Art Schools
(winter term 96/97)
in %
Higher School for music and performing arts Vienna
2.187
31,9%
Higher School for music and performing arts Salzburg
1.435
20,9%
Higher School for music and performing arts Graz
1.123
16,4%
Higher School for applied arts Vienna
931
13,6%
Academy of graphic arts Vienna
649
9,5%
Higher School for artistically and industrial design Linz
530
7,7%
Minus students which are enroled at more than one school
20
0,3%
6.835
100%
Austrian Students
(winter term 96/97)
in %
1.286
29,5%
Higher School for music and performing arts Graz
709
16,3%
Higher School for applied arts Vienna
694
15,9%
Higher School for music and performing arts Salzburg
677
15,5%
Academy of graphic arts Vienna
507
11,6%
Higher School for artistically and industrial design Linz
484
11,1%
Minus students which are enroled at more than one school
14
0,3%
4.343
100%
Total
6 Higher Art Schools
Higher School for music and performing arts Vienna
Total
– 88 –
AUSTRIA
Fachhochschulen
Expanding of Fachhochschulen
Number of courses
winter term 94/95
10
winter term 95/96
20
winter term 96/97
34
winter term 97/98
43
Fachhochschulen
Locations (winter term 97/98, 43 courses)
winter term 96/97
(34 courses)
in %
Vienna (Vienna)
780
20,8%
Wiener Neustadt (Lower Austria)
644
17,1%
Wels (Upper Austria)
305
8,1%
Graz (Styria)
279
7,4%
Eisenstadt (Burgenland)
250
6,7%
Salzburg (Salzburg)
244
6,5%
Hagenberg (Upper Austria)
193
5,1%
Dornbirn (Vorarlberg)
174
4,6%
Kapfenberg (Styria)
174
4,6%
Spittal/ Villach (Carynthia)
164
4,4%
Krems (Lower Austria)
140
3,7%
Steyr (Upper Austria)
102
2,7%
Pinkafeld (Burgenland)
96
2,6%
Innsbruck (Tyrol)
86
2,3%
St. Pölten (Lower Austria)
66
1,8%
Kuchl (Salzburg)
59
1,6%
Kufstein (Tyrol)
0
0,0%
Klagenfurt (Carynthia)
0
0,0%
3.756
100,0%
Technical courses (4 years)
1.843
49,1%
Economic courses (3 years)
1.248
33,2%
Touristic courses (3 years)
305
8,1%
Media courses (3 years)
360
9,6%
Total
From that
Fachhochschulen
Locations (winter term 97/98, 43 courses)
– 89 –
AUSTRIA
Austrian Students
winter term 96/97
(34 courses)
in %
Vienna (Vienna)
755
20,7%
Wiener Neustadt (Lower Austria)
634
17,4%
Wels (Upper Austria)
301
8,3%
Graz (Styria)
276
7,6%
Salzburg (Salzburg)
234
6,4%
Eisenstadt (Burgenland)
233
6,4%
Hagenberg (Upper Austria)
191
5,2%
Kapfenberg (Styria)
172
4,7%
Dornbirn (Vorarlberg)
164
4,5%
Spittal/ Villach (Carynthia)
157
4,3%
Krems (Lower Austria)
130
3,6%
Steyr (Upper Austria)
102
2,8%
Pinkafeld (Burgenland)
94
2,6%
Innsbruck (Tyrol)
81
2,2%
St. Pölten (Lower Austria)
66
1,8%
Kuchl (Salzburg)
58
1,6%
Kufstein (Tyrol)
0
0,0%
Klagenfurt (Carynthia)
0
0,0%
3.648
100,0%
Technical courses (4 years)
1.803
49,4%
Economic courses (3 years)
1.211
33,2%
Touristic courses (3 years)
284
7,8%
Media courses (3 years)
350
9,6%
Total
From that
– 90 –
AUSTRIA
Regional diversification of Higher Education Institutions
Provinces
Austrian University and Art School Austrian Fachhochschul students Regional origin of
students (incl. double countings)
(incl. double countings)
all beginners
(winter term 96/97)
(winter term 96/97)
(winter term 96/97)
Vienna
114.825
56,4%
755
20,7%
22,9%
Styria
40.526
19,9%
448
12,3%
15,9%
Tyrol
19.708
9,7%
81
2,2%
7,4%
Upper Austria
13.824
6,8%
594
16,3%
16,0%
Salzburg
10.430
5,1%
292
8,0%
5,9%
Carynthia
4.447
2,2%
157
4,3%
8,5%
Lower Austria
0
0,0%
830
22,8%
16,8%
Burgenland
0
0,0%
327
9,0%
3,1%
Vorarlberg
0
0,0%
164
4,5%
3,5%
203.760
100,0%
3.648
100,0%
100,0%
Total
5
AUSTRIA
– 91 –
Interview partners, other sources of information
Interview partners
•
DDR. Erich Niederwieser (Member of Parliament, education spokesman of SPÖ)
•
Dr. Erhard Busek (former Minister of Higher Education)
•
Dr. Georg Piskaty (National Chamber of Commerce, Head of the “education policy and
science” department)
•
Dr. Gerhard Riemer (Chamber of Industrialist, Head of the education department)
•
Dr. Heinrich Neisser (2nd President of the Austrian National Parliament; former education
spokesman of ÖVP)
•
Dr. Sigurd Höllinger (Ministry of Higher Education, secretary general)
•
Dr. Sohm (Fachhochschul-Council, vice-secretary)
•
Prof. Dr. Christian Brünner (University of Graz; former head of Rectors Conference;
former education spokesman of ÖVP)
•
Prof. Dr. Dieter Lukesch (Member of Parliament, education spokesman of ÖVP)
•
Prof. Dr. Ewald Nowotny (Business University Vienna; former education spokesman of
SPÖ)
Contacts with employees at the Ministry of Higher Education
Dr. Elsa Hackl (Head of department)
Dr. Eva Knollmayer (Head of department)
Mag. Edith Winkler
Mag. Helga Posset (-Mosgöller)
Mag. Josef Wöckinger
Mag. Weitgruber (Head of department)
AUSTRIA
Other contacts
Dr. Burgstaller (National Labour Market Service)
Dr. Franz Palank (Distance learning centre Vienna)
Dr. Höbert (Labour Market Service for the placement of young graduates Vienna)
Dr. Josef Leidenfrost (SOKRATES-Bureau, Vienna)
Other Sources:
Homepage of the Ministry of Higher Education (http://www.bmwf.gv.at)
Homepages of all Austrian universities (http://www.ac.at)
– 92 –
6
AUSTRIA
– 93 –
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Andere Informationsquellen:
Verschiedene Informationsbroschüren des AMS, Wien
Verschiedenes Informationsmaterial der Vermittlungsstellen
Homepage des Wissenschaftsministeriums (http://www.bmwf.gv.at)
Homepages aller österreichischen Universitäten (http://www.ac.at)

HEINE: National Case Study Austria

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