ﺧﻼﺻﺔ - إنّ اﻟﻨﻤﻮذج اﻟﺬي ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳّﺔ واﻟﻀﻮاﺣﻲ ﻏ

Transcrição

INTERACTION OF ARAMAEANS AND ASSYRIANS ON THE LOWER KHABUR
Hartmut KÜHNE
Freie Universität Berlin
Résumé – Le modèle centre/périphérie a souvent été utilisé pour expliquer les relations entre Assyriens et
Araméens. Il est de plus en plus clair que ce modèle n’est pas apte à rendre compte de l’interaction entre ces deux
groupes ethniques. Il convient de se défaire de l’idée de l’influence sur la périphérie et de chercher plutôt les
signes des processus d’émulation qui ont lieu entre deux groupes équivalents culturellement et qui s’affrontent
dans un territoire sans suprématie politique. Au cours du temps — environ 500 ans, entre 1100 et 600 av. J.-C. —,
la situation politique change et avec elle les formes de l’interaction perceptibles au travers des différents traits
culturels, illustrés par les objets découverts en fouille. De fait, on doit s’attendre à ce que ces objets reflètent
différentes étapes d’émulation et deviennent potentiellement des hybrides, plus ou moins élaborés, ou des transferts
plus ou moins profondément modifiés. Cet article est un essai sur l’interaction Assyriens/Araméens dans la région
du Khabur, dont il ne peut guère être qu’une présentation initiale. Une interprétation exhaustive des dimensions
sociopolitiques et culturelles nécessiterait plus de temps et d’espace.
Abstract – For the explanation of the relationship between the Aramaeans and the Assyrians the model of
centre/periphery has been applied frequently. It becomes more and more apparent though that this model is not apt
to make the process visible that characterizes the interaction between these two ethnic groups. It is rather necessary
to keep one’s mind clear of the influence of a centre on a periphery and instead look for indicators that will describe
the emulation processes taking place between two equal cultural groups clashing together in a territory vacant of
political supremacy. Through time — and the period debated comprises half a millennium or 500 years, roughly
between about 1100 and 600 BC — the political situation changed and with it the ways of interaction resulting
in different cultural products or material culture, in short in those objects which the archaeologist excavates in
the context of cultural earth deposits. So it must be expected that these objects — in relation to time — reflect
different stages of emulation and may have become hybrids, more or less well elaborated, or transfers, more or less
intensively modified. This paper will be an essay on the interaction of the Aramaeans and Assyrians in the Khabur
region —it cannot be more than just an initial compilation. A full appreciation of the socio-political and cultural
dimensions would need more time and space.
‫ﻟﻜﻨّﻪ‬.‫ﺧﻼﺻﺔ – إنّ اﻟﻨﻤﻮذج اﻟﺬي ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺮﻛﺰ ّﻳﺔ واﻟﻀﻮاﺣﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺒ ًﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎن ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤ ًﻼ ﻟﺸﺮح اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت ﺑﲔ اﻷﺷﻮرﻳﲔ و اﻵراﻣﻴﲔ‬
ّ ‫ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ اﻹﻗﻼع ﻋﻦ ﻓﻜﺮة ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ اﳌﺮﻛﺰ ّﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬.‫اﺗّﻀﺢ أﻧّﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻟﻔﻬﻢ اﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺑﲔ ﻫﺎﺗﲔ اﳌﺠﻤﻮﻋﺘﲔ اﻹﺛﻨ ّﻴﺘﲔ‬
‫واﻟﺘﻘﺴﻲ ﻋﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻀﻮاﺣﻲ‬
ّ
.‫ﻋﻼﻣﺎت اﻟﺘﻨﺎﻓﺲ واﻹﺣﺘﻜﺎك ﺑﲔ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺘﲔ ﻣﺘﺴﺎوﻳﺘﲔ ﺛﻘﺎﻓ ّﻴ ًﺎ ﺗﺘﺼﺎدم ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﲢﺖ أي ﺳﻴﺎدة ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫وﺗﺒﺪﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﻪ ﻃﺮق اﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ اﻟﺘﻲ ﳝﻜﻦ إدراﻛﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ‬،- ‫ ﻋﺎم‬٥٠٠ ‫ ﺣﻮاﻟﻲ‬-.‫م‬.‫ ق‬٦٠٠‫ و‬١١٠٠ ‫ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ‬،‫ﺗﺒ ّﺪل اﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺒﺮ اﻟﺰّﻣﻦ‬
ّ ‫ﺧﻼل ﺳﻤﺎت اﳊﻀﺎرة اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ اﳌﻨﻘﻮﻟﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ ُﻳﺘﻮﻗﻊ أن ﺗُﺒﺮز ﻫﺬه اﻟﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﺮاﺣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻨﺎﻓﺲ‬.‫ﰎ اﻛﺘﺸﺎﻓﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ أﻋﻤﺎل اﻟﺘﻨﻘﻴﺐ اﻷﺛﺮي‬
ً.‫أو ﲢ ّﻮﻻت ﻣﻌ ّﺪﻟ ًﺔ ﺟﺬرﻳﺎ‬،‫ﻓﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﺗﺪرﻳﺠﻴ ًﺎ أﺷﻜﺎ ًﻻ ﻫﺠﻴﻨﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺪروﺳﺔ ﻧﺴﺒﻴ ًﺎ‬
‫ إنّ ﲢﻠﻴ ًﻼ‬.‫ واﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ أن ﺗﻜﻮن أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺮض أ ّوﻟﻲ‬،‫اﻵراﻣﻲ ﻓﻲ إﻗﻠﻴﻢ اﳊﺎﺑﻮر‬-‫ﻫﺬه اﳌﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺔ ﻟﺪراﺳﺔ اﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ اﻷﺷﻮري‬
.‫ﺷﺎﻣ ًﻼ وواﻓﻴ ًﺎ ﻟﻸﺑﻌﺎد اﻹﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ـ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻳﺴﺘﻠﺰم ﻣ ّﺪ ًة أﻃﻮل وﻣﺴﺎﺣ ًﺔ أوﺳﻊ ﻟﻠﺪراﺳﺔ‬
Syria 86 (2009), p. 43 à 54
44
H. KÜHNE
Syria 86 (2009)
The role of the Aramaeans in the Lower Khabur valley in NE Syria during the Iron Age has not
been investigated in a regional study before, mainly because of lack of evidence1. This paper will use
the known as well as new evidence, the latter provided by the excavations of Tell Sheikh Hamad/Dûr
Katlimmu, Tell Bderi/Dûr-Aššur-ketti-lēšer, Tell Ajaja/Šadikanni, and Tell Taban/Tabete. It will consist
of two parts:
I. Assyrian power and the Aramaeans before 935 (Aššur-dân II).
I will argue that the Middle Assyrian Empire between the 12th and the 10th century BC did not shrink
to its mere heartland on the Tigris but rather kept control over the Lower Khabur (fig. 1). The quality
of the political influence of the Assyrians on the local entities of the Lower Khabur may be debated but
these entities stayed loyal to Assyria, resisted the pressure of the Aramaean tribes, and kept them off the
eastern Jazira and the Assyrian heartland. Instead the tribes infiltrated neighbouring spaces, mainly in
the north and in the west, in which a political vacuum of power prevailed. It is suggested that cultural
interaction occurred in spite of heavy warfare.
II. The Aramaeans during the Neo-Assyrian Empire (935-612).
Once the political dominance of the Assyrians had been re-established during the late 10th and the
th
9 century the relationship changed from mere contact to interaction and from emulation to “cohabitation”.
This will be demonstrated by analysing works of the visual arts from Tell Ajaja and Tell Sheikh Hamad
in comparison to the Aramaean centres of Tell Halaf/Guzana and Tell Fekheriyeh in the north and Tell
Ashara/Sirqu on the Middle Euphrates in the south.
I. ASSYRIAN POWER AND THE ARAMAEANS BEFORE 935 (AŠŠUR-DÂN II)
According to Zadok2 and other scholars3 the history of the Aramaeans begins with the year 1111 BC
when they were first recorded in the fourth year of the annals of Tiglath-pileser I as a compound
gentile Ahlamû Aramayya which he translated with Kupper “the Aramaean semi-nomads”. However, it
should be stressed that the contact of the Aramaeans with the Assyrians may have begun much earlier
than 1111; this date only marks the moment when they enter Assyrian history under the designation of
the “Aramaeans”4.
On the other end, the year 935 marks the end of the desiccation period in the Jazira5 which had
paralysed Assyria for the preceding two centuries as King Aššur-dân II reports in his annals. His reign
also signifies the beginning of the Assyrian “reconquista” of the Jazira which is then effectuated most
successfully by his successors Adad-nîrârî II, Tukultî-ninurta II, and Aššurnaṣirpal II6, the last king’s
reign ending shortly before the middle of the 9th century (883-859).
This period between 1200 and about 950 BC has been designated a “Dark Age” in historiography
due to the lack of archaeological and written evidence. The beginning of the 12th century is marked by a
severe crisis of the Middle Assyrian Empire after the murder of king Tukultî-ninurta I. At the same time
the Hittite empire collapsed and gave way to most of the territory in North Syria including the Euphrates
valley. With the resulting vacuum and the first Aramaean tribes moving in to North Syria and beyond,
it became more and more difficult for the Assyrians to keep control over their western territories. Their
retreat occurred gradually during the 12th century allowing the Aramaean tribes to enter the western
Jazira (fig. 1).
1. DION 1997, p. 36-38; AKKERMANS & SCHWARTZ 2003, p. 377-382; KÜHNE 1995.
2. ZADOK 1991, p. 104.
3. More recently SADER 2000, p. 64-65.
4. Ibid., with older literature.
5. NEUMANN & PARPOLA 1987.
6. KÜHNE 1980.
Syria 86 (2009)
45
Local written evidence had almost been none existent for the region of the Lower Khabur before
1975, and any extension of the Middle Assyrian empire over the southern Jazira was doubted in
historiography. This view changed slowly after the discovery and excavation of a Middle Assyrian
archive of the 13th century at Tell Sheikh Hamad in 1978-1982. It allowed identifying the site with
the Assyrian provincial centre of Dûr Katlimmu7 which was ruled by a district governor (bēl pāhete).
Beyond this function it demonstrated that Dûr-Katlimmu served as the seat of a high official of the
central government, a vizier (sukkal.gal)8, who was in charge of governing and stabilizing the newly
conquered territory of Hanigalbat, which is comprising most of the western Jazira.
The significance of the city became even more emphasized when K. Radner9 discovered in NeoAssyrian documents of Dûr-Katlimmu that the name of the city god of Dûr-Katlimmu was Salmanu. This
name became the theophoric element of the throne name of five Assyrian kings who reigned between
Figure 1: Migration routes of Aramean tribes during the final phase of the Middle Assyrian empire,
the Lower Khabur being the buffer zone to prevent an infiltration to the Assyrian mainland.
7. RÖLLIG 1978.
8. Two of them are recorded by name, Aššur-iddin, Šulmanu-mušabši; CANCIK-KIRSCHBAUM 1996, p. 19-32;
p. 142, p. 206.
9. RADNER 1998, 2002.
46
H. KÜHNE
Syria 86 (2009)
the 13th and the end of the 8th century BC implying that the ties of Dûr Katlimmu to the capital of Aššur
had been so close as to constitute “a community of fate”, as I have qualified this situation elsewhere10.
During the 12th century the Middle Assyrian palace of Dûr Katlimmu11 continued to function after
a fire had destroyed parts of it. Unfortunately archaeological evidence for the period down to the end
of the 10th century is lacking in Dûr Katlimmu simply because it is unexcavated12 (table 1). However,
the discovery of Middle Assyrian documents of the 11th century BC at Tell Bderi13 and more recently at
Tell Taban14 in conjunction with long known evidence from Ajaja, Ninive, and Aššur seems to fill in this
lacuna and to enlighten the “Dark Age” of the Lower Khabur to the extent that local polities become
apparent which remained in a status of semi-vassalage to Assyria according to their own witness15.
It is not surprising that no mention of the Aramaeans is found in the MA archive of the 13th century
of Dûr-Katlimmu. The Assyrian kings prior to Aššur-bêl-kala, i.e. Aššur-reš-iši I and Tiglath-pileser I16,
are reported to have fought the Aramaeans in the Euphrates valley between Tell Ashara and Karkemiš17,
in the western Jazira, as well as in the Kašiyari (Tur Abdin) mountains. However, according to the new
evidence from Tell Taban/Tabete they are documented for the first time in a local environment of the
Lower Khabur18. These texts are a generation or two older than the Broken Obelisk of Aššur-bêl-kala
(1074-1057) in which the Assyrian king is fighting the Aramaeans at the Lower Khabur19.
As opposed to most historians I have argued elsewhere20 that the retreat of the Assyrians never
reached their heartland, it stopped at the Lower Khabur. With the new evidence of the regional polities
at the Lower Khabur it is rather suggested that they served as an Assyrian buffer zone against the
Aramaeans. The aim of the Aramaeans must have been to infiltrate these polities and the most recent
texts from Tell Taban seem to support this. The Khabur could be called the Assyrian “limes” against the
penetration of the Aramaean tribes towards the nucleus of Assyria21. This “limes” turned the mainstream
of the Aramaean migration off to the north following a north-south caravan route west of the Khabur
valley from about Halebiye / Zalebiye on the Euphrates, leaving behind the Euphrates volcanoes in the
east to about Malhat ed-Deru, then straight north via Umm Madfa through the gorge of the Jabal Abd
al-Aziz and from there splitting in two directions, towards Tell Fekheriyeh/Tell Halaf/Bît Bahiani in the
northwest, as well as to the Tur Abdin/Kašiyari mountains to the northeast (fig. 1).
Unfortunately, the excavation of Tell Halaf provides no indications for the presence of the Aramaeans
at this early date (yet)22. The early local ruler Abisalamu, son of Bahiani, is only known from the annals
of Adad-nîrârî II (912-891) and no settlement remains can be associated with this period. On the other
hand, the establishment of the city state of Bît Bahiani must have required a prelude and was certainly
10. KÜHNE 1998, p. 284; forthcoming.
11. PFÄLZNER 1995, p. 236-238.
12. KÜHNE 2008a: http://www.schechhamad.de/ausgrabung/topographie.php; KÜHNE 2008b, p. 550.
13. PFÄLZNER 1989/1990, p. 220-221.
14. OHNUMA et al. 1999; 2000; OHNUMA & NUMOTO 2001; NUMOTO 2008; SHIBATA 2008.
15. KÜHNE 1998, p. 282-284, fig. 6; MAUL 1992; 1999; 2005.
16. ZADOK 1991 localises the battles of Aššur-reš-iši I (1133-1116), the father of Tiglath-pileser I, in the Jazira. At the turn
of the 10th century Aššur-râbi II (1012-972) is reported to have fought the Aramaeans in the bend of the Euphrates.
17. Idem, p. 112-113.
18. Personal communication of Dr. Shigeo Yamada.
19. GRAYSON 1991, p. 102: “In the month Kislev, eponymy of Ili-iddina, on campaign against the Aramaeans, he fought
(with them) at the city of Magrisu of the land of Iaru. In that year, in the same month, on campaign against the Aramaeans,
he fought (with them) at the city of Dûr-katlimmu. In that year, …,[he plundered the Aramae]ans opposite the city Sangaritu
[which is on ] the Euphrates.”
20. KÜHNE 1995, p. 76; 1998, p. 284
21. PFÄLZNER in BERNBECK 1993: as demonstrated by the road station Tell Umm Aqrebe in the Wadi ‘Ajij.
22. ORTHMANN 2002, p. 17: “Auf welche Weise die seit dem Niedergang Assyriens im 12. Jahrhundert eindringenden
aramäischen Stämme in diesem Gebiet sesshaft wurden …, entzieht sich noch immer unserer Kenntnis. ”
Syria 86 (2009)
47
Table 1: Chrono-stratigraphical chart of Tell Sheikh Hamad/Dûr Katlimmu.
not done over night. The works of art to be considered below have been excavated in the context of the
later local ruler Kapara. It is certain that he has reused many works of art in his palace; however, the date
of production of these works is uncertain.
Thus, in spite of the Assyrians fighting the Aramaeans vigorously in the Euphrates valley, the western
Jazira, along the Lower Khabur as well as in the Tur Abdin the Aramaeans succeeded to gain a foothold
almost everywhere at the outskirts of the Middle Assyrian Empire (fig. 1), and the Assyrians succeeded
in keeping them off their mainland. On this evidence the interrelation between the Assyrians and the
Aramaeans during the 12th to the 10th century BC may at best be described as unappreciative. And yet,
with regard to the following paragraph there must have been some peaceful interaction preparing the
ground for the transfer of cultural ideas.
48
H. KÜHNE
Syria 86 (2009)
II. ARAMAEANS DURING THE NEO-ASSYRIAN EMPIRE (935-612)
Thirty years ago — on the observation of Aramaic epigraphs on
Assyrian cuneiform tablets — Nicholas Postgate coined the sentence
about the “symbiosis of Aramaic and Assyrian writing systems”23.
Seven years later, Allan Millard — departing from this sentence and
after having discussed the historical implications of the bilingual
inscription on the statue of Tell Fekheriyeh — concluded: “… then
there is evidence for much more than a symbiosis of writing systems.
In the earlier period of the Neo-Assyrian Empire there appears a
symbiosis of peoples, of Assyrians and Aramaeans”24. It seems that
this notion may now be substantiated by archaeological material
evidence.
The 1979 discovered statue of Adad-yisi’i of Tell Fekheriyeh
(fig. 2) is one of the most prominent objects that launched a broad
discussion on both, the bilingual inscription as well as its artistic
features25. Analysing the inscription Millard26 argued that both,
Šamaš-nuri and his son Adad-yisi’i were “local dynasts and Assyrian
appointees”, that is Aramaeans. He dated the statue convincingly to
the middle of the 9th century BC associating Šhamaš-nuri with the
eponym of the year 866 (Aššurnaṣirpal II).
The Aramaean ruler of Guzana is rendered in Assyrian styled
headgear and garments. A comparison with a statue of Salmaneser III
(858-824), who should have been a contemporary of Adad-yisi’i,
demonstrates the overwhelming stylistic similarities but also some
iconographical differences (fig. 3). One more notable difference is
the size: the statue of Adad-yisi’i is life size as opposed to the Assyrian
royal statues which are smaller than life size27. This phenomenon
may be related to Syro-Hittite influence28. Yet, without going into
further detail one may say that the overall appearance of the statue
is Assyrianising. Vice versa, a view on a statue of the Kapara period
of Tell Halaf / Guzana (fig. 4) shows the big differences in style and
iconography to the Assyrian or Assyrianised statues. It displays a
completely different mentality so that I am not hesitating to label it
as Aramaean art as opposed to many other scholars29.
On the southern end of the region focused here upon lies the
modern site of Tell Ashara which is identified with Old Babylonian
Terqa, during the late Old Babylonian early Kassite and Mittanian
Figure 2: Statue of Adad-yis’i.
From Syrie. Mémoire et Civilisation.
Institut du Monde Arabe, Paris,
Flammarion, 1993, p. 260, no 225.
23. POSTGATE 1976, p. 6, p. 11.
24. MILLARD 1983, p. 106.
25. ABOU-ASSAF, BORDREUIL & MILLARD, 1982.
26. MILLARD 1983, p. 105.
27. The height of the statue of Adad-yisi’i without pedestal is 1.65 m, the height of the statue of Shalmaneser III is 1.03 m.
28. BONATZ 2000, p. 189 ; BUNNENS 2000b.
29. SCHWARTZ 1989, p. 281, p. 286 denies any differences between Late Hittite and Aramaean art.
Syria 86 (2009)
49
periods being the centre of the kingdom of Hana, and in Neo-Assyrian times representing the centre
of Sirqu in the province of Laqe30. The well-known stele31 (fig. 5) is rather a three sided kudurru and
was found prior to controlled excavation. It carries an inscription which allows assigning it to Tukultîninurta II (890-884) but is not understandable beyond that 32. Thus, its historical significance remains
unclear. It depicts the smiting weather god holding a snake in his left hand, a fish apkallu on the second
side, and on the third side a person holding a club (?) in his right hand and in his left a bundle of ears.
The iconography of the weather god is clearly of western origin especially with the horns standing off
the helmet. The fish-apkallu occurs in the Assyrian art of the slightly later reign of king Aššurnaṣirpal II
(883-859), son of Tukultî-ninurta II. The person on the third side has been associated with a provincially
styled image of an Assyrian king, i.e. Tukultî-ninurta II or his father. Style and iconography of this
rendering are contrasting the slightly later depictions of an Assyrian king sharply. However, the overall
similarities to a reliefed orthostate from Tell Halaf (fig. 6) are striking and connect it with the Aramaean
world.
Figure 3: Statue of Shalmaneser III.
From ORTHMANN 1975, Abb. 172.
Figure 4: Statue from Tell Halaf.
From ORTHMANN 2002, Abb. 33.
Figure 5: Stele of Tell Ashara.
From FORTIN 1999, p. 229, no 254.
30. RADNER 2002, p. 6-9; 2006, p. 55.
31. FORTIN 1999, p. 229 no. 254 with photographs of all three sides; GERLACH 2000, p. 241, Taf. 2.
32. GRAYSON 1991, p. 188; GERLACH 2000 states that the Assyrian king Tukultî-ninurta II had this image made of his father
Adad-nîrârî II.
50
H. KÜHNE
Syria 86 (2009)
Within these ends of this regional analysis two sites
have furnished new evidence more recently, one of
them being Tell Ajaja/Šadikanni in the north, and the
other Tell Sheikh Hamad/Dûr Katlimmu in the south of
the Lower Khabur. We shall have a look on the evidence
from Tell Ajaja first.
Only about 100 km downstream from Tell Halaf/Tell
Fekheriyeh is the modern site of Tell Ajaja situated which
was reexcavated by a Syrian-German mission between
1982 through 199033. Its identification with the Assyrian
town of Šadikanni was established by a seal found in
Sharif Han / Tarbisu that mentioned in its inscription
Mušezib-Ninurta, grandson of Samanuha-šar-ilani,
who in turn is filed in the annals of Aššurnaṣirpal II as
local ruler of Šadikanni in the year 88334. The name of
Mušezib-Ninurta was engraved on a lamassu that was
found by A. H. Layard in his previous excavations on
the site35. The depository place of this lamassu and other
sculptures which Layard had excavated was unrecorded
and it was speculated that the lot had got lost during
Figure 6: Orthostate A3,43 from Tell Halaf.
transportation. All the sculptures were rediscovered by
From MOORTGAT 1955, Taf. 32.
the Syrian-German mission in the tunnel that had been
dug by Layard; they had not been removed ever. In his
inscription on the rediscovered lamassu Mušezib-Ninurta claims to be the owner of a palace of which
the Syrian-German mission succeeded to uncover parts of two halls, A and B, in which some new
sculptures were found in addition36. The inscribed lamassu, positioned on the northern flank of the
eastern gate, had fallen over from its pedestal on a reliefed orthostat which had been reused face down as
a threshold37. The lamassu and the inscription were still preserved and had suffered only some damage
at the upper edge and at the head. As has been demonstrated elsewhere the style and iconography of this
lamassu may be assigned to a “provincial” albeit smaller rendering of Assyrian lamassu sculptures of
the 9th century palaces of Nimrud38. The reused orthostate pictures a winged bull in front of a stylised
tree39. The bull is styled like an Assyrian lamassu but lacks the horn caped human head and holds the tail
upright which is unknown in Assyrian sculpture40.
In hall B two previously unknown steles were discovered. Both are remarkable but for the purpose
of this article only stele no. 2 is treated her41. This piece (fig. 7) has recently been published by
A. Mahmoud42. It renders a male figure of which the head is turned en face, an unusual stylistic element
in Assyrian art. The headgear consists of a fluted cap adorned with a pair of horns and topped by a disc
inscribed with a rosette. A long rectangular beard falls on the men’s chest while his hair curls on his
shoulder. He wears a short sleeved shirt. Below a broad belt the typical short skirt is visible but covered
33. MAHMOUD et al. 1988.
34. RÖLLIG in MAHMOUD et al. 1988, p. 148.
35. LAYARD 1853, p. 275-284.
36. A full publication of the evidence is under way.
37. MAHMOUD et al. 1988, Taf. 29 b.
38. MAHMOUD et al. 1988, Taf. 27-28, 30.
39. GERLACH 2000, p. 246-248, Taf. 6.
40. PALEY 1992, Plate 4.
41. For stele no. 1 cf. ROUAULT & MASETTI-ROUAULT 1993, p. 378 (Catalogue no. 373).
42. MAHMOUD 2008.
Syria 86 (2009)
51
by a coat of kaunakes textile. In his left hand he holds a goat’s kid in front of his chest and in his right
downwards hand a branch whose leaves are stylized as rosettes.
In Assyrian iconography of the 9th century two or four winged genii with or without horned cap
holding a quadruple and a branch are attested in the NW-Palace of Aššurnaṣirpal II43. However, they are
never pictured on the medium of a stele44 and the face is never turned en face; further more, the cap is
never fluted and domed by a rosette. These features, especially the en face rendering, prevails in the art
of Tell Halaf (fig. 8) while the conception of the figure is totally different.
Summarizing, it seems to be quite obvious that below the level of Assyrian political hegemony there
must have been some interaction of the Assyrian provincial centre of Šadikanni with the Aramaean
centre of Guzana. This interaction resulted in a transfer of ideas which found its way rather cautiously
into artistic expressions. As a consequence a new style was generated for which the term “provincial
Assyrian art” is rather inappropriate because it is a derivation of the centre/periphery thinking; it should
rather be accepted that the hybrid style of the Šadikanni sculptures represents an innovation!
The evidence of the 9th century at Tell Sheikh Hamad / Dûr Katlimmu is as yet limited because levels
of this period on the citadel have not been excavated45.
Figure 7: Stele of Tell Ajaja.
© Tell Sheikh Hamad Archive, Berlin.
Figure 8: Orthostate Ba,5 from Tell Halaf.
From MOORTGAT 1955, Taf. 107b.
43. MEUSZYNSKI 1981: Taf. 3:2; PALEY 1992: Taf. 4:1; I don’t know of any unwinged genii with the mentioned attributes
in Assyrian art of the 9th century.
44. Like the apkallu on stele no 1 (note 40) is never pictured on a stele in Assyrian art, because the medium of the stele
was reserved for renderings of the king.
45. KÜHNE 2008a: http://www.schechhamad.de/ausgrabung/topographie.php.
H. KÜHNE
52
Syria 86 (2009)
However, since during the season of 2003 a stratified inscribed seal impression of the seal of Išmeilu, eunuch of Nergal-ereš, has been discovered, it has become established that the Lower Town II was
already founded during the 9th century46. Evidence of this early date is also a cuneiform tablet which
holds an eponym of the year 82847; this document bears an Aramaic epigraph and confirms thus that
Aramaeans were living and acting in responsible positions in Dûr Katlimmu. The symbiosis of writing
systems is thus confirmed at this early date in a major provincial centre. It may be noted that quite
a number of the early epigraphs are inked. From then on, this symbiosis materializes in numerous
epigraps on cuneiform tablets48 and in about 160 Aramaic dockets49 and can be traced continuously at
Dûr Katlimmu down to the end of the Assyrian empire and beyond50.
For the 9th century a fragment of an orthostate51 (fig. 9), found on the surface of the southern slope
of the citadel, documents the presence of imperial art in a rather unexpected fashion. It depicts a eunuch
standing behind the king, carrying his weapons (fig. 10), as may be deducted from the famous scene in
hall G of the north-west Palace of Nimrud52. The style of this fragment is genuine imperial, unbiased by
any local emulation processes.
Contrasting this fragment is another one (fig. 11) which was found in hall B of the hilani wing of the
palatial building in the northeast corner of Lower Town II (fig. 12). It depicts the smiting weather god
who holds an axe in his upright right hand, a feature which — with one exception from Niniveh — never
occurs in Assyrian art. Above the polos head gear the icon of Šamaš is positioned surrounded by other
icons of the gods Enlil, Sin, Sibittu, Ištar and Hadad (?). While composition and style are Assyrianising
the motive of the weather god clearly is of western origin.
A second major feature is the architecture of the palatial building in the north-east corner; it consists
of three wings, of which the Assyrian type administrative wing with reception hall and adjoining staircase
is neighboured by a representational wing, styled in a Bît hilani. The architectural idea is comparable to
Arslan Tash53.
Figure 9: Two fragments of an orthostate from Tell
Sheikh Hamad/Dûr Katlimmu
Figure 10: Reconstruction of the scene according
to the image of hall G of the northwest Palace of
Nimrud.
46. KÜHNE & RADNER 2008.
47. RADNER 2002, text no. 116.
48. RÖLLIG in RADNER 2002.
49. Most of them as yet unpublished.
50. KÜHNE 2002.
51. KÜHNE 1998, p. 285, fig. 9; GERLACH 2000, p. 237-240 Taf. 1; KÜHNE 2005, p. 38 Abb. 26.
52. MEUSZYNSKI 1981, Tafel 8:1 (G 2 – G 3).
53. KÜHNE 1993/1994, p. 267 ff. Abb. 90. 96.
Syria 86 (2009)
Figure 11: Fragment of an orthostate from hall B of the Hilani in the northeast corner of the
Lower City II of Tell Sheikh Hamad/Dûr Katlimmu
Figure 12: Tell Sheikh Hamad/Dûr Katlimmu, plan of the operations 3 and 4 (northeast corner of the
Lower City II of Tell Sheikh Hamad)
53
54
H. KÜHNE
Syria 86 (2009)
III. CONCLUSIONS
It has been demonstrated that the earliest monuments (stele of Tell Ashara, reliefs from Tell Halaf)
represent an independent albeit not unbiased expression of art which has been designated Aramean.
If accepted it has to be concluded that independent cultural entities existed in northern Mesopotamia
during the Early Iron Age, each based on its own long tradition. In our case, these would be Luwian
(Late Hittite), Aramaean, and Assyrian (from west to east). During the migration period and in spite of
the endless series of fightings, “interaction spheres”54 grew up in which material goods and ideas were
exchanged. This may have happened during the 11th and 10th century and took on traits of emulation
and adaptation as visible on the stele of Tell Ashara. The 9th century which may be called the period of
consolidation of power on the Aramaean side and the beginning expansion of power on the Assyrian
side saw the first Aramaeans in high positions like the scribe of Dûr Katlimmu. The former experience
stimulated innovative symbiotic renderings or hybrids like the sculpture from Tell Ajaja creating a
genuine style and a new tradition which brought about eventually material “cohabitation”. In material
culture this is expressed in architecture, writing systems, visual arts as well as every day utensils like
pottery down to the final days of the Assyrian Empire. This approach leaves no room for the application
of the centre/periphery theory and / or a “provincial Assyrian style or art” but rather opens our minds to
search for the localisation of these interaction spheres and for the specific conditions that favoured these
genuine hybrid styles.
54. STEIN forthcoming; I am applying his terminology which was developed for the prehistoric period of Ubaid because I
think that it fits historical socio-cultural situations as well.
INTERACTION ENTRE ASSYRIENS
ET ARAMAÉENS
BIBLIOGRAPHIE GÉNÉRALE
ABRÉVIATIONS
AAAS
ANES
AOAT
AVO
BAH
BAR IS
BASOR
BBVO
CAD
CRAI
Crémation
EVO
JESHO
JNES
JSOTSS
MARI
MDOG
MVS
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Tell Shiukh
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Alter Orient und Altes Testament.
Altertumskunde des Vorderen Orients.
Bibliothèque Archéologique et Historique.
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Berliner Beiträge zum vorderen Orient.
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Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft, Berlin.
Münchener vorderasiatische Studien.
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Tübinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients.
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