Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd
Transcrição
Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd
Communicatio SOUTH AFRICAN JOURNAL FOR COMMUNICATION THEORY AND RESEARCH VOLUME 36 (2) 2010 Special issue: Journalism in the global South: South Africa and Brazil Guest editors: Herman Wasserman and Arnold S de Beer ISSN Print 0250-0167 ISSN Online 1753-5379 Accredited: (South African) Department of National Education Affiliated: South African Communication Association (SACOMM) Content Editorial .......................................................................................................................................... 143 The past, present and future of South African journalism research, or: In search of a metatheory for South African journalism research Pieter J Fourie ................................................................................................................................ 148 Tendencies in the development and consolidation of journalism research in Brazil Carlos Eduardo Franciscato ......................................................................................................... 172 Journalism education in South Africa: Shifts and dilemmas Jeanne Prinsloo ............................................................................................................................ 185 Journalism/Communication graduate education in Brazil Sérgio Mattos ............................................................................................................................... 200 Looking for journalism education scholarship in some unusual places: The case of Africa Arnold S de Beer ........................................................................................................................... 213 Challenges for the consolidation of Brazilian scientific journals in the journalism and communication areas Elias Machado ............................................................................................................................... 2 27 Political journalism in South Africa as a developing democracy – understanding media freedom and responsibility Herman Wasserman ..................................................................................................................... 240 Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 1 2010/07/30 10:27:51 AM Political journalism in Brazil as a developing democracy: The relationship between government and the media Antonio Hohlfeldt ............................................................................................................................ 252 Digital journalism and online public spheres in South Africa Tanja Bosch ..................................................................................................................................... 265 Positioning yet another idea under the glocalisation umbrella: Reader participation and audience communities as market strategies in globalised online journalism Marcos Palacios ............................................................................................................................ 276 Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 2 2010/07/30 10:27:51 AM SUBSCRIPTION INFORMATION Communicatio is a peer-reviewed journal co-published three times a year (April, August and November) by Routledge (an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an Informa business, 4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxfordshire OX14 4RN, UK) and UNISA Press (Theo van Wijk Building, University of South Africa, Preller Street, Muckleneuk, Pretoria, South Africa, 0003). 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Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 3 2010/07/30 10:27:51 AM Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 4 2010/07/30 10:27:51 AM COMMUNICATIO Volume 36 (2) 2010 pp. 143–147 Copyright: Unisa Press ISSN 0250-0167/Online 1753-5379 DOI: 10.1080/02500167.2010.485361 Editorial Special issue: Journalism in the global South: South Africa and Brazil Guest editors: Herman Wasserman and Arnold S de Beer This special edition of Communicatio focuses on the contexts, professional practices, institutions and ideologies of journalism in South Africa and Brazil. These two countries share characteristics that make them obvious points of focus for a comparative study of the political, economic and social conditions within which journalism is practised and studied in two emerging democracies in the global South. A comparison between journalism in two countries in the South may provide insights into both these contexts which may elude the more usual type of studies that tened to mirror journalism in the South, against conditions in the media-saturated countries of North America and Western Europe, such a comparison may potentially also contribute to the internationalising of journalism studies itself. Although North America and Western Europe still continue to dominate knowledge production in the field of journalism and media studies, there is an increasing awareness that the Anglo-American epistemological framework is too limiting and impoverished to provide a rich understanding of media in a globalised world (Thussu 2009: 16–17). The intent is to consider journalism education and research in South Africa and Brazil, as units of comparison, against broader transnational trends which necessitate new categories within which to study global media. The rise of regional media powerhouses such as ‘Chindia’ (China and India), the Middle-East nations of Qatar, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, and post-Soviet Russia’s renewed dominance over Eastern Europe and the Asian Republics, together with ever-widening diasporic media markets, are increasingly rendering older notions of ‘international communication’ obsolete or limited (Rao 2010). South Africa and Brazil may similarly be considered regional centres whose influence is felt across their respective regions of sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America. Rao (2010), following the work of Gayatri Spivak in deconstructing discourses of the nation-state, suggests an approach of ‘critical regionalism’ as a way to understand local settings such as Brazil and South Africa within broader transnational cultural flows. Such a critical approach to the local, but understood within its relation to the global, can be seen to inform the work of several authors in this issue, as they deploy theoretical concepts such as democratisation theory and elite continuity, ‘glocalisation’ and hybridity to explain how journalism in South Africa and Brazil are being shaped by the legacies of the past, as well as the new configurations of the globalising media landscape. The articles in this issue are the result of a meeting of a group of South African and Brazilian journalism researchers at Stellenbosch University in June 2009, where papers were presented and Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 143 2010/07/30 10:27:51 AM 144 Herman Wasserman and Arnold S de Beer workshopped, and later reworked as the articles now appearing in this issue. This first conference of the Brazil–South African Journalism Research Initiative was organised in line with the India– Brazil–South Africa (Ibsa) accord of 2003, which recognised the need to foster not only strategic and trade ties between countries in the South, but also in the areas of culture, communication and information technology. Of importance to journalism are the particular objectives of Ibsa, which include to • • • • deepen South–South dialogue and cooperation; intensify and enhance coordinated positions on issues of international importance; promote the combination of the collective strengths of the countries into complimentary synergies, to the benefit of all three regions; further consolidate the three continents’ southern regions on all levels, by taking stock of the broad range of Ibsa cooperation areas that would lead to technology, information and skills transfers in the field of information and communications technology (ICT), as well as public policies and social development, such as democracy and cultural diversity. A workshop on journalism studies linking South African and Brazilian research was therefore seen as opportune, given the above ideals regarding closer ties between countries in the South. Research topics relating to the following issues were considered during the conference: • • • • • Important yet unexplored journalism issues shared by countries in the South, particularly South Africa and Brazil, e.g. media and the coverage of crime, health and development journalism, sport journalism, press freedom and nation building; Popular media and citizenship in Brazil and South Africa, as these issues relate to the role of the media in developing democracies within the context of globalisation; The role of global media to facilitate or impede news flow between Brazil and South Africa and South–South communication in general; The challenges for journalism education, research and scholarly publication in Brazil and South Africa; Initiatives to promote bi-national graduate and postgraduate journalism scholarship, leading to peer-reviewed publications. The conference was the first step in the envisaged process of developing over the next five years (2009–2013) closer research and publication cooperation between senior journalism researchers, as well as university journalism departments, in South Africa and Brazil. The articles in this issue compare journalism in South Africa and Brazil along the following lines: • • • • • journalism research (Pieter Fourie and Carlos Franciscato); journalism education (Jeanne Prinsloo and Sérgio Mattos); journalism scholarship publishing (Arnold S de Beer and Elias Machado); political journalism (Herman Wasserman and Antonio Hohlfeldt) and online journalism (Tanja Bosch and Marcos Palacios). Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 144 2010/07/30 10:27:51 AM Editorial 145 Each of these topics is discussed first in the South African and then in the Brazilian context. Along the way, interesting parallels emerge between the two countries that suggest a need for further research. At the same time, the authors also take care to indicate the specificities of the local contexts, which are in themselves marked by contestation and negotiation among the actors in the journalistic endeavour. These negotiations, typical of countries which are still constructing the terms of engagement between journalism, its publics and its surrounding political and economic institutions, prevent us from viewing either South Africa or Brazil as a monolithic environment, and present us with rich challenges for further comparative scholarly work ahead. In his article, Pieter Fourie shows that such comparative research could focus on journalism from the perspective of representation as a metatheory, which may reveal and emphasise important and significant ontological and epistemological differences between South African and Brazilian journalism research. In comparing the two journalisms’ ways of ‘telling their societies’ we may find answers as to why South African journalism – especially news journalism – is caught up in discourses of crisis and negativity, and why malicious joy often underlies the communication style of South African news journalism, blinding us to solutions to the problems and challenges of South African society. Recognising different ontological approaches to and thinking about the role and function of journalism in Brazil can inform South African researchers about possibilities for journalistic change and renewal. In his article, Carlos Franciscato shows how Brazilian researchers in the field of journalism remain focused on contextual issues related not only to the communication sciences, but also to broader society. Such a focus can be seen in the number of research projects directed at trying to understand language, journalistic genres and formats, as well as at analysing the social environment in which journalistic activity is able to employ theories and methods which have been adopted from the social sciences arena. Jeanne Prinsloo and Sérgio Mattos underscore the need for greater understanding of journalism in Brazil and South Africa as countries in the global South, also as applies to journalism teaching. Prinsloo argues that dialogue can enable journalism teachers to interrogate their knowledge and practices in order to produce knowledge pertinent to the contexts of these two countries in the South. Such interactions have the potential to contribute to a critical practice for social justice, and to foster the kind of democracies citizens of two previously authoritarian countries in the South desire. Journalism’s contribution to social justice in these two countries may especially be seen in terms of economic conditions, as Brazil and South Africa are among the world’s most unequal societies, as measured by the Gini coefficient. However, as Mattos indicates, journalism education faces the perpetual challenge of having to justify its value not only for society at large, but also for the media industry. One of the main challenges confronting journalism researchers in South Africa and Brazil is to access the Northern publication axis based largely in the United States and the United Kingdom. Arnold S de Beer and Elias Machado discuss the peculiar situation journalism researchers in South Africa and Brazil find themselves in when they seek publication outlets for their work, or when journals have to find a market almost saturated by journals and monographs from the North. While Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 145 2010/07/30 10:27:51 AM 146 Herman Wasserman and Arnold S de Beer South African communication, media studies and journalism journals are now finding their feet in the international (Western) publishing world, and Brazilian publications are also entering the English-language market, journalism and communication journals in the two countries face very much the same situation in terms of the improvement of national evaluation systems for the ranking of publications; indexing on international databases; the greater penetration of the international community by local researchers; and the increase in the number of annual issues, from two to at least four per year. Like Brazil, South Africa can be considered an emerging democracy in the global South. Both these countries have emerged from first colonial rule and then an authoritarian government supported by a strong military, but are now establishing themselves as regional economic powers, marked by persisting vast socio-economic inequalities. Herman Wasserman shows how the role that the media play in facilitating political communication in these countries is still influenced by legacies of the past, while they face new challenges brought about by rapid social change in a globalised era. As part of the transition from apartheid to a constitutional democracy, the South African media landscape underwent major structural shifts in terms of ownership, editorial staffing and the regulatory environment. Linked to the new political freedoms in the country after apartheid, the media’s democratic role was formally acknowledged by enshrining press freedom in the new constitution. This freedom was seen as entailing certain responsibilities, and the media entered into a system of self-regulation, governed by ethical codes in order to fulfil their role in a developing democracy. Antonio Hohlfeldt discusses how the Brazilian desire to know and voice an opinion about everything which might be regarded as a true reflection of the facts, also finds reflection in that country’s journalism. This need arises from a long history of informational and democratic exclusion. Hohlfeldt describes the different stages in the democratisation of communication in Brazil which might serve as a way to effectively attain the ultimate goal: the free and fair expression of opinion in all the different forms of media. In her article, Tanja Bosch explores and evaluates the growth of digital journalism in South Africa, within the context of increased use of online social media in the field. She shows how local activists are increasingly using mobile and online social networking to promote their events and causes, and reach their constituencies. Similarly, journalists are using digital media to practise their craft, reach new audiences, and sometimes even to change the notion of who practises journalism, as in the case of citizen journalism. She provides an overview of emerging trends and theories in the South African context, focusing particularly on the public sphere created by bloggers, citizen journalism and journalists’ engagement with online social media. Antonio Hohlfeldt takes the idea of globalised and glocalised networks of information further and shows how systematic glocalisation involves making extensive changes in the production process by incorporating human resources and expertise in enlarging, contextualising and enriching the news with a local focus. In the absence of such a move, there is likely to be an increasing measure of homogeneity in the Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 146 2010/07/30 10:27:51 AM Editorial 147 news coverage conducted in the mainstream media in Brazil, as information is almost exclusively produced by the national and international news agencies concerned. With these articles the editors and authors hope to lay the groundwork for further collaboration between journalism educators and researchers in South African and Brazil, which could in future also extend to other countries and regions in the global South which share contextual characteristics that shape and inform their journalistic practices and ideologies. References Rao, S. 2010. The ‘local’ in global media ethics: A postcolonial perspective. Paper presented at the second Global Media Ethics Roundtable, Dubai, UAE, March. Thussu, D. (ed.). 2009. Internationalizing media studies. London: Routledge. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 147 2010/07/30 10:27:51 AM COMMUNICATIO Volume 36 (2) 2010 pp. 148–171 Copyright: Unisa Press ISSN 0250-0167/Online 1753-5379 DOI: 10.1080/02500167.2010.485362 The past, present and future of South African journalism research, or: In search of a metatheory for South African journalism research Pieter J Fourie* 1 Abstract In view of the Brazil–South Africa Journalism Research Initiative, the purpose of this article is to provide an introduction to some of the main themes and topics in South African (SA) journalism research, and to contribute to the further theoretical conceptualisation of the initiative against the background of the opinion raised in this article about the nature of SA journalism research. The article is structured around four arguments: how the legacy of apartheid has guided, if not dictated, SA journalism research and continues to do so; how the dichotomy of SA society, being both a Third and a First World, affects SA journalism research; how being primarily quantitative, empirical research has produced a mainly self-reflexive and self-indulgent body of journalism research and has obstructed the way for a more phenomenological approach to SA journalism, as being first and foremost a communication phenomenon and a part of cultural production and the production of the SA semiosphere of mediated meaning; and how representation could form a metatheory for future research and contribute to the ontological and epistemological points of departure of the comparative research between South Africa and Brazil. Key words: Brazil, journalism research, journals, phenomenology, SAHRC, Sanef, South Africa, theoretical approaches INTRODUCTION A note on methodology: the article is not an overview based on empirical research for evidence of past and present SA journalism research, but rather offers a personal impression, criticism and some conceptual ideas about the past and future of journalism research in this country. This is done against the background of the nature of a changed SA society and a changed media landscape, as a result of technological, political, economic and cultural developments, all having an impact on journalism and contributing to the so-called crisis of journalism. By approaching the topic of the article from this perspective, the purpose is to contribute to the further conceptual development of the Brazil– South Africa Journalism Research Initiative (BSA-JRI) and to further comparative research which may be of a more empirical nature. For a more detailed overview of past SA journalism research and a more in-depth treatment of the topics dealt with by SA journalism researchers, readers are advised to consult the following SA research journals: Ecquid Novi: South African Journal of Journalism Research (recently renamed Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies) (see especially Volume 25(2) 2004, devoted to 25 years of journalism research); Rhodes Journalism Review; Communicatio: South African Journal for Communication Theory and Research; Communitas: Journal for Community Communication and Information Impact; Communicare: Journal for * Pieter Fourie is professor in the Department of Communication Science, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa. E-mail: [email protected] Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 148 2010/07/30 10:27:51 AM The past, present and future of South African journalism research ... 149 Communication Sciences in Southern Africa; Critical Arts: A journal of South–North Cultural and Media Studies, and smf: Stellenbosch Media Forum (a student publication dealing with journalistic issues). After a brief overview of some of the main themes in SA journalism research (past and present), the article looks at select characteristics of the changed society and the changed media environment which determine, if not dictate, the field of journalism research internationally and locally. This is followed by a brief overview of some of the main journalism research issues. The emphasis is on journalism and its relationship to a new kind of democracy, the commercialised quality of journalism and its loss of authenticity, media ethics in the changed society and media environment, journalism and the pressure to indigenise, and journalism and/for development. The main theoretical approaches from which these issues are researched internationally and in South Africa, are introduced. It is then argued that despite these approaches, and despite the numerous research projects and topics arising from them, there is, especially in SA journalism research, still no coherent perspective from which journalism, as a human communication phenomenon and part of broader cultural production, is approached and investigated. It is suggested that key constructs in the study of communication, such as ‘dialogue’, ‘meaning’ and ‘representation’, could be considered as a metatheory. The article concludes with an explanation of how representation, for example, could be applied as a metatheory for journalism research. SOUTH AFRICAN JOURNALISM RESEARCH The legacy of apartheid That the politics, culture, economics and people of a society have an impact on a country’s journalism, is undeniable. This is also the case in South Africa, where the recent history2 of journalism and journalism research was, for example, dictated by apartheid and its policies and politics. To a great extent one can argue that the history of SA journalism and journalism research is a history of the representation of apartheid ideology, politics and policies, although it is seldom researched and/or described from the perspective of representation, as will be argued later on. The relationship between journalism research and apartheid (implicitly or explicitly) is expounded by SA researchers such as Berger (1998, 2007), De Beer (2000, 2008), Duncan (2003, 2008), Wasserman (2006a & b), Wasserman and De Beer (2005), Steenveld (2004, 2007, 2008), Tomaselli (2000, 2009), Tomaselli and Nothling (2008), Teer-Tomaselli and Tomaselli (2001) and Fourie (1991, 2002, 2007a, 2009). De Beer (2008) argues, for example, that most work on SA journalism research has been conducted within the confines of the legacies of higher education under apartheid, and thereafter as part (or not part) of the struggle against apartheid. It has always been characterised by a confrontational emphasis on us (whites – P.J.F.) versus them (blacks – P.J.F.) – stereotypes in news and topics related to racial inclusion/exclusion. De Beer also classifies journalism, and journalism training and education in schools, paradigms and approaches, on the Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 149 2010/07/30 10:27:51 AM 150 Pieter J Fourie basis of their political positions and relationship(s) with and to the apartheid government which, according to him, determined (to a great extent) the schools or departments’ approaches to research and their syllabi. According to De Beer (2008), these ‘long-standing ideological schisms’ made it very difficult to achieve a coherent journalism research platform. He argues that only now are these divisions beginning to disappear (ibid.: 191). The more recent history of SA journalism research (after the end of apartheid in 1994) is characterised – and strongly directed, if not dominated – by two landmark studies: the South African Human Rights Commission’s (SAHRC) study on the SA media and race (2000), and the commissioned skills audit of the South African Editors’ Forum (Sanef), in two parts, on journalism skills in the media industry (Steyn & De Beer 2002) and on managerial competencies among firstline news managers in South Africa’s mainstream media newsrooms (Steyn, De Beer & Steyn 2005). A third UNESCO study by Berger (2007), on centers of excellence in journalism education in Africa, can be added to this list. In the first study, the emphasis is obviously on apartheid and its impact on the content of news. The Sanef studies implicitly take as point of departure the impact of the apartheid education system on journalism skills. These studies were conducted under the sword of what Sparks (2009: 15) refers to as Nelson Mandela’s ‘concerns about the ethical limitations’ of the existing journalists in news offices, even before he took up the presidency – something which continued throughout Thabo Mbeki’s term of office, in other words, concerns about black media ownership, regulation and the absence of black people in editorial and production offices and studios (see also Tomaselli 2002; Wasserman 2006d.) The SAHRC’s study was received with considerable criticism of the methodologies used by the researchers and their ideologically biased views (see, for example, Fourie 2007b; Olorunnisola 2006; Steenveld 2007; Tomaselli 2000). Nevertheless, Steenveld (2007) points out two important consequences resulting from the SAHRC research. She argues that two key discourses emerged from the study, as dealt with by various scholars and researchers: • • The investigation’s threat to press freedom and the illegitimacy of any form of state intervention in media performance; Given the history of (part) of the South African media’s (silent) support for the apartheid state, the ‘need for any democracy to protect freedom of expression but also to question media performance as a legitimate part of civil society’s participation in maintaining democratic practice’ (Steenveld 2007: 108). To this can be added continued research in South Africa on the power relationship(s) between the government and the media, and the government’s continued efforts to interfere with the independence and autonomy of the media (especially public broadcasting). (See, in this regard, Fourie 2009 for an overview of government interference and threats to the media, and Milo’s 2009 overview of such threats in ‘Chilly winds are blowing around South African media’.) Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 150 2010/07/30 10:27:52 AM The past, present and future of South African journalism research ... 151 Freedom of expression – what it is, what the threats to it are in a young democracy, how views about freedom of expression are based on and related to ideologies and world and life views, and how (and if) it can be indigenised – is a topic of popular and serious academic concern in SA journalism circles, and of an increasing number of Masters’ and doctoral studies (see the 2000–2009 editions of Rhodes Journalism Review, Ecquid Novi, Communicatio, and the special edition of the Afrikaans journal Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe on freedom of expression [Vol. 49, March 2009]). In the context of post-colonial studies, there is increasing emphasis in African media studies and journalism research to find answers to the questions of freedom of expression, and, closely related to that, of media ethics and normative theory about the role of the media in society, from an African epistemological perspective. See, in this regard, for example, the entire Ecquid Novi 25(2) 2004, the work of Berger (1998), Fourie (2007a), Tomaselli (2009), Wasserman (2006a) and Wasserman and De Beer (2004). For an overview of the debate in the rest of Africa, see the journals African Communication Research, Journal of African Media Studies and Global Media Journal – Africa Edition. An additional outcome of the SAHRC study was that it led various media organisations (newspapers, radio and television stations, regulatory and journalism organisations) to develop and/or revise codes of conduct with an emphasis on racial sensitivity. For copies of codes of conduct, including how to deal with race, see the websites of SA newspapers, the Broadcasting Complaints Commission of South Africa, Sanef, The Press Council of South Africa, and the Press Ombudsman, etc. Furthermore, the topic of media and race has become almost a standard component of SA journalism research and education (see Steenveld [2008] for an example of teaching and learning outcomes related to media and race). The entire edition of Ecquid Novi 21(2) 2000 is devoted to media and race, dealing, inter alia, with the role of the media in apartheid, as it was dealt with by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). The task of the commission was to investigate and document gross human rights violations under apartheid, both in and outside South Africa, in the period 1960–1994 (see TRC 1998).3 Also see the special ‘TRC and the media’ edition of the Rhodes Journalism Review 14(May) 1997. Much of SA media law and regulation (see, for example, Fourie 2008b and Van Heerden 2008) deals with race. The purpose is to address racial injustices of the past. The emphasis in legislation and regulation is often on racial equity and transformation in the media industry, and focuses on media ownership, employment, media production, media distribution and access to and within the media – in short, on how to redress the racial inequities of apartheid policy and for current political leaders, such as Mbeki and Jacob Zuma, to have South African (and African) realities presented from an African perspective. Despite occasional outbursts by politicians that the SA media is still racist (see Fourie 2002, 2009), Daniels (2005), nevertheless points out that the majority of journalists in SA newsrooms today are black, but that they (the journalists themselves) are not identifying purely on race terms, and are not kowtowing to the ruling party’s desire for a more loyal media. The press appears to be loyal to its role of being watchdogs and holding power to account, rather Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 151 2010/07/30 10:27:52 AM 152 Pieter J Fourie than being crude race reductionists (Daniels 2009: 11). It is for this reason that some politicians still experience the media as racist. Daniels goes on to show how the Forum for Black Journalists4 has ‘dwindled into nothing’ in favour of a new multiracial journalist forum, Projourn. This, however, does not mean that racial issues are not constantly the topic of reports in and by the SA media. On the contrary, being a mirror of society, the local media expose an ongoing if not an escalating racist society, urging Makhanya (2009: 12) to write that ‘ … we should be very afraid of the spectre of racial discourse that is reasserting itself in our national life, as is happening now. Be it in the form of increasingly re-emerging white racism or in pockets of African chauvinism, it is something that can easily throw us back two decades.’ It is this racist discourse and, related to it, questions of identity (especially Afrikaner identity), as reported by the media, that are of growing interest in SA journalism research. See, in this regard, Wasserman’s (2010) discourse analysis of news coverage of a 2009 racist incident at a historically white, Afrikaans university. In his analysis, Wasserman shows how ‘ … the precarious balance between the liberal consensus of individual rights and freedom of expression on the one hand (in the Afrikaans press) and the imperative to carry a torch for Afrikaans cultural identity’ on the other hand, surfaced in coverage of the event. Closely related to this analysis is Botma’s discourse analysis of shifting nationalism in the SA media in relation to two victories in the Rugby World Cup (RWC) tournaments (in 1995 and 2007 respectively). He shows how the dominant discourse in 1995 of reconciliation and the ‘rainbow nation’ changed in 2007 to that of ‘Africanness’ and transformation (see Botma 2010). The above are only two of a growing number of discourse (and qualitative) analyses of SA journalism. One of the first was Fourie’s 1991 analysis of how the Afrikaans press communicated the ‘other’ (black people) through metaphors of war. Apart from news analyses, there are many examples of how the so-called ‘smiling’ media genres (Hartley 2000), such as fictional television genres (for example, soap operas) are analysed in terms of race, identity and xenophobia. Recent topics and themes Other recent prominent topics in SA journalism research are development journalism or journalism for development (cf. Banda 2006a & b), the commercialisation of journalism and/or tabloid journalism (cf. the complete issue of Rhodes Journalism Review 25 November 2005; Strelitz 2005; Wasserman 2006b & c; Wasserman & Du Bois 2009) and journalism ethics (cf. Fourie 2005c, 2007a; Tomaselli 2009; Ward & Wasserman 2008; Wasserman 2006a & d). Given that South Africa is part of the developing world, and development is a vital topic in SA society, journalism for development is often a motivation for SA journalism research. Development and journalism are mainly dealt with in terms of the role of journalism education for development (cf. McCurdy & Power 2007, in the special edition of Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies on journalism education in Africa; and Berger 2007). Apart from the emphasis on journalism Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 152 2010/07/30 10:27:52 AM The past, present and future of South African journalism research ... 153 education for development, increasing focus is also on how journalism can accommodate people in local communities (at grassroots level), and how journalism can articulate citizens’ views, needs and interests, and communicate these to the local, regional and national levels of government. What also receives considerable attention in the development paradigm is the gap between the modernised elite sector and the majority who live in poverty, and the effects thereof on access to media – the so-called digital divide. This kind of is research is, however, done more in the field of information and communication technology (including telecommunications), and not so much in media and journalism research. Nevertheless, what is important to note, is that a new development paradigm is emerging from within Africa that may affect thinking about journalism and development in a radical way (cf., amongst others, Ansu-Kyeremeh [2005], who calls attention to the need for mediated communication to take into account the cultural characteristics of African communication, should journalism wish to contribute to development; and Joy Morrison [in Ansu-Kyeremeh 2005: 16]). These characteristics include, inter alia, acknowledging the importance of the symbolic power of words, the need for communication to project mood and atmosphere, the multimodal nature of African communication (including singing, dance, drama, storytelling, rhetorical speaking and the effective use of proverbs), acknowledging that all communication is expected to teach, that all public communication should have as its purpose to communicate community values, that it should comply with the demands of the art of rhythmic discussion ‘palaver’ (chatter/gossip), and to take into account that African styles of communication are not just incidental, but incorporate fundamental cultural values (see also White 2008). All these ‘characteristics’ of African communication, if researched thoroughly, could bring about a fundamental change in journalistic style. The topics of commercialisation, journalism ethics and the threat to the future of the print media are dealt with below in the context of the brief overview of the crisis of journalism, which has not left SA journalism untouched. After all, one of the dichotomies of South Africa is that it is both a First and a Third World. Despite extreme poverty and desperate development needs in terms of employment, education, health services, housing, basic literacy and so on, it also has an advanced economy and a First-World media system experiencing the same threats, challenges and opportunities in a new media landscape. For an overview of the nature and characteristics of the globalised society, and of the new digitised, converged, interactive, fragmented and pluralised new media landscape, see, for example, Fourie 2010. The purpose of the above overview was to give an impression of the emphasis in SA journalism research. From this overview it is evident that matters related to race, inequity, freedom of expression (democratisation) and indigenisation dominate the scene – all of these issues are closely related to and stem from the very history and fabric of SA society. However, as discussed below, matters arising from the so-called crisis of journalism, including tabloid journalism and a renewed emphasis on ethics (as referred to above), are also dealt with. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 153 2010/07/30 10:27:52 AM 154 Pieter J Fourie SOUTH AFRICAN JOURNALISM RESEARCH AND THE ‘CRISIS’ OF JOURNALISM The new society and the new media landscape Insofar as it affects media communication, it will suffice to point out that the new society is characterised by hybridity, fragmentation, new kinds of democracy and globalisation, but also increased ‘glocalisation’ and ‘localisation’, as well as an abundance and pluralism in terms of cultural goods and products – including media products. The new media landscape is characterised, inter alia, by new distribution platforms, the blurring of genres, interactivity, the convergence of public and private media, changed audiences and niche markets. The changed media environment has also brought about significant changes to the journalism profession. To name a few, the new media workforce is more educated, there is a greater professional consciousness, and with the development of information and communication technology, there are almost radical new processes and techniques of production (see Heinonen & Luostarinen 2008; Reese 2008). In so far as the political economy of the new media is concerned, McNair (2005: 151– 163) argues that there is a move away from the ‘old control paradigm’ in critical political economy, in which media audiences were seen to be the victims of a power (market) elite (cf. the work of critics such as Herman & Chomsky 2002; McChesney 1997), to what he describes as the ‘chaos paradigm’. With this he means that the media, and particularly the mainstream media, increasingly tend to be disruptive, subversive and iconoclastic in their relationship to power. The environments in which journalists work – across the various media platforms (print, radio, television, video, Internet, mobile) – are constantly changing in response to new technological innovations, changing media policy, changing audience needs and expectations, and fragmented markets. All this affects journalists’ employment, their perceptions of their professional roles, their professional values, and practices. Most of all, grave concern exists about the future of the print media. In dealing with these issues, the United Kingdom’s (UK) Open University departs from the premise that ‘ … these are troubled times for journalism. One commentator after the next is declaring the conviction that journalism is in a state of crisis, even in danger of losing its place at the heart of democratic society’ (Allan 2005: 1). In trying to pin-point this ‘crisis’, four main research concerns (and thus areas for increased research) are usually highlighted: (1) mainstream journalism’s lack of response to the new kind of democracy in society, politics and culture; (2) technology and media convergence; (3) consumerism and the quality of journalism; and (4) the search for a new ethics in a new society and a new media landscape. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 154 2010/07/30 10:27:52 AM The past, present and future of South African journalism research ... 155 Democracy As far as democracy is concerned, critics – including journalists themselves – agree that the media often fail their democratic responsibilities. Allan (2005: 89) calls this the ‘media malaise’. In general (and this ties in with African thinking about the relationship between media and democracy) (cf. Ansu-Kyeremeh 2005), it is argued that it is necessary for the media to play a more radical role in public deliberation politics. Radical democracy and thinking about democracy in a radical way should guide journalists, media owners and media and journalism researchers, to develop a more ‘thoroughgoing view of democracy as not just a set of procedural rules, but a societal environment which nourishes developmental power – everyone’s equal right to “the full developmental use of their capacities”’ (Hackett 2005: 92 ). It should be a democracy in which democratic values direct every form of citizen participation in decision making (also in journalism) and in which equity is prioritised as a core principle of democracy – not only equal political and legal rights, but equal access to wealth and power, including access to media. Radical democrats endorse the watchdog and public sphere expectations of journalism, but add and emphasise the role of journalism in enabling horizontal communication between subordinate groups, including social movements as agents of democratic renewal. Journalism is and should foremost be to give a public voice to civil society; it should expand the scope of public awareness of events and voices outside of the agendas of the elites; and should counteract power inequalities found in other spheres of the social order. Should journalism not achieve this, it has failed. Technology As referred to above, the development of information and communication technology and new media and the convergence between different public communication mediums have had a huge impact on the ways in which journalism is practised today. Online publishing and do-it-yourself journalism (for example, blogs, chat rooms, electronic interest groups, etc.) almost redefine old ways of thinking, and new theories about key constructs in journalism, such as time, space, objectivity, factuality and authenticity are needed. In short, as Heinonen and Luostarinen (2008) contend, technological reasoning is increasingly underlying all decision-taking and -making in journalism. Consequently, journalism is in danger of succumbing to technological determinism. This has vast consequences for journalism practice and eventually for journalism research. Most of all, grave concern exists about the future of the print media. On the future existence of the print media in this environment, and especially in South Africa, see Harber’s (2009) views on the decline of the SA mainstream print media and the need for an international consortium of publishers who could negotiate and fix prices and costs in the industry. Research to safeguard the future of the print media, especially in developing countries with their limited access to new media, is of grave importance. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 155 2010/07/30 10:27:52 AM 156 Pieter J Fourie Quality and the loss of authenticity A third research concern is the often questionable quality of journalism.5 The main unease is the commercialisation and changed culture of journalism, which has brought about a decrease in impact and a loss of authenticity. One of many critics, Franklin (2005: 137–149), refers to the emphasis on celebrity reporting and on live, interactive and talk programmes, and a rise in tabloid journalism, as ‘McNugget journalism’ (after McDonaldisation). This kind of journalism is practised under the charade of being more democratic, because of the so-called ‘voice’ it gives to viewers, listeners and readers, which the top-down journalism of the past did not do. However, it boils down to tidbit sound bite, image bite and tabloid journalism without depth, which can hardly claim to be of a high quality and investigative. At one of the sessions of the 2009 ICA conference in Chicago, in the United States (US), the crisis of journalism was explored by probing key terms in journalism, such as ‘objectivity’, ‘engagement’, ‘accountability’, ‘public interest’, ‘advocacy’ and ‘trust’. Amongst others, the authors concluded that as far as objectivity is concerned, it is in decay as a journalistic doctrine; that the mainstream media have become extremely opinionated; that although journalists seem to be committed to and endorse objectivity, they nevertheless see it as an unrealistic ideal; and that objectivity does not guide journalists’ decision making. In short, objectivity ‘is a great blockbuster myth’ (Tiffen 2009). ‘Public interest’ is whatever the journalist/editor wants it to be. Journalists agree that it is difficult to define public interest, because the goalposts shift all the time (Morrison 2009). As for advocacy journalism, Waisbord (2009) finds it difficult, of late, to differentiate between advocacy and professional journalism (objective journalism), making it difficult to distinguish between news and issue-related reporting. As a result of news fabrication – especially on the Internet – trust in journalism is radically on the decline (McNair 2009). Insofar as journalism on the Internet and its quality are concerned, the American philosopher Dreyfus (2001; 2004) warns that we are back to the criticism of philosophers such as Kierkegaard, Mill, Tocqueville and Ortega, who held the press of that time responsible for the decline of 19thcentury society, the rise of the tyranny of the masses, and for creating a public sphere conducive to risk-free anonymity and idle curiosity. In this way the press undermined a responsible and committed public, destroyed qualitative distinctions (also between people), and contributed to a nihilistic ‘so-what’ life and world view. Dreyfus (as one of many critics of the Internet) also argues that the Internet creates a journalistic platform or space in which it is difficult to distinguish between relevancy and irrelevancy, fact and fakery, the authenticity of identity and the authenticity of community. With the exception of recent SA research about tabloid journalism (see earlier references to, for example, the work of Wasserman, Berger and Strelitz), research about the quality of SA journalism is scarce. One of the reasons may be that SA journalism schools (departments) often have (too) Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 156 2010/07/30 10:27:52 AM The past, present and future of South African journalism research ... 157 close ties with newspaper (media) groups and owners. Fourie (2005b) writes about the need for educators to focus on the thinking of journalists (intellectual development), and not just on the skills requirements and codified (habitual) journalistic practices of (and prescribed by) media groups and media owners, in order to raise the quality of journalism in South Africa. Media ethics Concerns about the quality of journalism lead to questions of a normative kind on the role of journalism and the journalist in society, and focuses attention on the need for research about media ethics. A vast amount of research has been forthcoming, which is indicative of the renewed interest in ethics after decades of neglect. For example, Keeble (2005) identifies five categories of present discourses about journalism ethics: • • • • • A cynical, amoral approach, with the profit motif as the only concern; An ethical relativist approach, focusing on formal codes of ethics; A standard professional approach, which stresses journalist’s commitment to agreed professional and trade union codes of ethics; A liberal-professional approach, focusing almost entirely on mainstream issues and in which, for example, the decline of the public service ethos in the media (particularly broadcasting) is emphasised;6 The radical approach, in which professional perspectives of the free press, democracy public interest, objectivity and neutrality are exposed as myths. Keeble (2005)7 suggests that the debate about media ethics should break with old dualities (such as, for example, objectivity vs. subjectivity) to rather focus on the authenticity of communication. With this he provides a substantial position for SA journalism research about the indigenisation of ethics or finding an ethics based on the principles of an indigenous life and world view (see the earlier SA work by, for example, Ward & Wasserman 2008). The new emphasis on dialogue and authentic communication, and on journalism as dialogue and authentic communication, returns us to the important phenomenological work on communication done in the 1980s in South Africa by Van Schoor (1986), and which can again be used as a framework for future journalism research. ON METHOD AND THEORY IN SOUTH AFRICAN JOURNALISM RESEARCH Quantitative and qualitative research Research about the topics and issues referred to above (the list is not exhaustive) is mainly done from empirical and quantitative methodological perspectives. The theory underlying most of SA journalism research is largely based on empirical epistemologies. The methods are quantitative content analysis,8 survey and field research for audience analyses and for research about/in the profession (for example journalists’ perceptions, experiences, training, gender and racial Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 157 2010/07/30 10:27:52 AM 158 Pieter J Fourie representativeness, etc.), and a triangulation of methods for the analysis of the media’s political economy and its impact on journalism. Qualitative analyses are few and far between. Examples are discourse analysis (cf. Wasserman 2010), semiotic analyses, and to a certain extent studies such as Steyn’s Whiteness just isn’t what it used to be: White identity in a changing South Africa (2001) (and how journalism reflects this). In terms of theory, SA journalism research, like most journalism research (cf. Löffelholz, Weaver and Schwartz [2008], Hanitzsch [2006] and Wahl-Jorgensen & Hanitzsch [2009]), is usually guided by systems theory, critical political economy theory, ideology theory, Habermasian-enthused theory of the public sphere, and Western-inspired democracy theory. Presently there are attempts to challenge these theoretical perspectives from indigenous perspectives (as referred to earlier). The majority of research, also in SA, about gatekeeping, news values, framing, journalism organisations, the journalistic profession, the relationships between management and journalists, and journalists’ own assessments of changes and changing practices in the profession, are done within systems theory. A problem with systems theory, though, as pointed out by Ruhl (2008: 33), is that journalism (as a system) operates circularly, without a known beginning and without a foreseeable end ... Journalistic repertoires of possibilities in social memories are texts produced in agencies and other journalistic organizations, in internet, journals, books, archives, and libraries, realized through psychic memories. Journalism systems construct and sustain themselves in this way. Much of the research done under the umbrella of systems theory thus still tells us little about the nature and essence of journalism as a communication phenomenon and as part of cultural production, which is one of the main shortcomings of journalism research. Many examples in SA journalism research (in fact, the work of the majority of SA authors referred to in this article) can be cited as being in the tradition of critical political economy, ideology and democracy theory, and public sphere criticism. Once more, apartheid and its effects on SA society, its intellectual life, academia and social research are probably the main reasons behind this. It can be argued that SA journalism research has – in the context of critical theory and as practised in local cultural, journalism and media studies – become part of a macro struggle against inequity (of whatever kind). Critical ideology and democracy theory, as a foundation of SA journalism research, is still the main paradigm for research on new and rising racism,9 xenophobia, homophobia and identity crises. With reference to the methodologies in SA research, one can also keep in mind Hartley’s comment that the cultural [studies and critical theory – P.J.F.] approach is not associated with agreed methodology. Because of its heterogeneous and interdisciplinary nature, one of its distinctive features over the years Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 158 2010/07/30 10:27:52 AM The past, present and future of South African journalism research ... 159 has been ‘reflexivity’, which in brief means recognising the position of the investigator both politically and as a knowing subject. Indeed, it is an interventionist form of analysis; its proponents want to change the world, not merely to understand it; many of its writers seek to produce activists. (2008: 42) Despite the continued dominance of critical theory (in all its forms) in SA journalism research, structuration theory (as initiated by Anthony Giddens and Mosco’s understanding of the political economy of the media in contrast to the ‘classic’ political economy of Garnham, McChesney, Chomsky, etc.), as well as Schimank’s theory of ‘actor-structure dynamics’ (in which elements of institutional, systems, and action theories are connected) are, however, beginning to take root in SA journalism research. This is seen in the growing emphasis on, and further research in, the field of access to media and media markets, media literacy and media policy. Although this research does not concern journalism as such, it may nevertheless have an impact on journalism (cf. research done by the South African Advertising Research Foundation (SAARF), own or commissioned research by the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (Icasa) and the government’s Department of Communications). The motivation for research based on structuration and actorstructure-dynamics theory is the impact of new information and communication technologies on the SA media system, and ultimately on the production, nature and quality of journalism, media organisations, ownership patterns and regulation. Another method and theory (or approach) that is on the rise in SA journalism research is comparative research. There are increasing examples of such research in South African and African communication, cultural, media and journalism journals, conferences and seminars. The emphasis is again mainly on journalism training and educational matters, also and especially in the field of new media (cf. the School of Journalism at Rhodes University’s Highway Africa Project). However, as referred to earlier, there are also increasing comparative debates about media and democracy, monitoring freedom of expression, and indigenising journalism practices and ethics. Other examples of comparative research are Du Plessis’ (2005) ‘What’s news in South Africa?’ in Shoemaker and Cohen’s News around the world: Content, practitioners, and the public (2005), and more recently De Beer’s (2008) ‘South African journalism research: Challenging paradigmatic schisms and finding a foothold in an era of globalization’ in Löffelholz, Weaver and Schwarz’s Global journalism research: Theories, methods, findings, future (2008). The BSA-JRI, introduced in this special theme issue of Communicatio, may contribute to a better understanding in South Africa of Latin-American ontological thinking about the power of the media and journalism. The Latin-American ‘approach’ is not well known locally, despite its resemblance to African thinking about the media. For instance, Latin-American research departs from an ontological perspective in which media and journalism are seen as an integral part of people’s lives. Western thinking places the media and journalism almost on a pedestal, as something special and unique above the people, as a mirror of society, and as such detached from society and its people. Latin-American thinking, however, as expressed in the work of, for instance, Martín-Barbero (1993) and García Canclini (2001), sees the media and all its genres (including journalism) as a Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 159 2010/07/30 10:27:52 AM 160 Pieter J Fourie space that is not conditioned by a media elite, but rather by the people, for the people. As Berry (2006: 192) formulates it: ‘ … the means of communication and elements of the content therein contain aspects of an historical experience relating to the people within contemporary society and this is conditioned by the memory of the people and their culture’. Part of this culture is their journalism. In other words, there is an ontological shift from seeing and focusing on media and journalism as powerful instruments, to seeing the media and journalism as in integral part of a society’s culture. Martín-Barbero and García Canclini also emphasise the persisting and enduring role of media, including journalism and popular culture, as part of people’s culture in the processes of human liberation. This way of thinking about journalism which is, as previously mentioned, closer to the African emphasis on community (cf., for example, Fourie 2007a; White 2008), also moves us closer to Bourdieu’s field theory.10 In this theory, Bourdieu emphasises media and journalism as part of cultural production. He distinguishes between small-scale and restricted (cultural) production and large-scale (grande) or mass production of which journalism and the media, with their complex production systems, are good examples. Each field is structured by possible positions in them which, although not worked out by Bourdieu himself, open the space for the recognition of various genres within journalism (Hesmondhalgh 2006: 214–215). But, as Hesmondhalgh (2006: 223) points out, despite Bourdieu’s penetrating criticism of the journalistic profession based on his theory of habitus and symbolic power, his work primarily remains a theory about media power, similar to the critical political economy of Herbert Schiller and his disciples. It is rather Bourdieu’s associates (cf. Patrick Champagne 2005; Dominique Marchetti 2005) who have focused our attention on the important topic of interconnectedness in journalism, and how a model of the interconnectedness and relationship of fields to questions of power could provide an alternative to liberal pluralism and the reductionist critical accounts of cultural and media studies’ political economy. Describing and explaining the interconnectedness of journalistic fields can provide us with a better understanding of the phenomenological nature of journalism, as cultural production and as part of the mediasphere of meaning. However, with the work of Bourdieu and his associates, in sync with the opinions of journalism scholars such as Allan (2005); Löffelholz (2008); Scheufele (1999); Schwarz (2008); WahlJorgensen and Hanitzsch (2009); Weaver and Hesmondhalgh (2006) and Zelizer (2008; 2009), a new view about the ontological and epistemological problems (complexities) underlying journalism research, also in South Africa, is emerging. TOWARDS A METATHEORY FOR JOURNALISM RESEARCH In this new view, journalism research is seen to be done too often in an anecdotal, random, fragmented and mainly self-reflexive way. It is reductionist and focuses too much on the profession, Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 160 2010/07/30 10:27:52 AM The past, present and future of South African journalism research ... 161 and then too often only on the periphery of the profession. Journalism research is based on an integrationist, empirical sociology of culture, and a strand of political economy which fails to take cognizance of the interrelatedness and interconnection of different journalistic fields and of seeing journalism as part of the broader field of cultural production. By not being seen and researched as a fundamental part of cultural production, journalism research has lost the art of focusing on and describing content, form and substance, and thus of critiquing the quality of journalism. In short: journalism research lacks phenomenological depth and seldom departs from the perspective of a metatheory about the nature of journalism as a phenomenon. As such, journalism is first and foremost mass/public communication (and lately interactive mass communication). However, it seems as if communication itself has disappeared from journalism research. If communication is taken as the point of departure for journalism research, then many communication metatheories can be brought into play. Examples are dialogic theory (journalism as dialogue), rhetorical theory (journalism as rhetoric), semiotic theory (journalism as meaning production and distribution), and journalism as representation (journalism as an agency and journalism as a mirror). For the purpose of this article, representation is briefly introduced as an example of such a metatheory. The aim is to show how all journalistic research problems, topics, questions, issues, approaches and criticisms, as referred to above, could be addressed from the perspective of representation as a metatheory or ontological and epistemological point of departure. The point of departure is that all forms (genres) and interconnected fields of journalism as a communication phenomenon and as cultural production are primarily about representation, in the sense of journalism being representative of someone or something, and representation in the sense of depicting/portraying/describing. Representation as a metatheory for journalism research What is meant with ‘representation’? Definitions distinguish between the use of the concept in terms of journalism representing and being the representative of the public/people/citizens, in other words, representation in terms of representing someone or a group. It concerns position and agency. It also applies to the representativeness of different groups (gender/race/sexual orientation/ ethnicity/the disabled) in media organisations, and different media owners being representative of the diversity of society. All journalism research about the profession and its role and functions in society could be done from the perspective of this interpretation, for example, SA research about the representativeness of race and gender in media organisations, about access, ownership, use and application (media literacy), policy and regulation, journalism education, freedom of expression and the right to freedom of expression. Whatever the research questions, theory and methodology used for this research, it could depart from the perspective of representation. The second meaning of ‘representation’ concerns the content, form and substance of journalism. It is about journalism depicting, portraying, describing, reflecting, imaging and telling the Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 161 2010/07/30 10:27:52 AM 162 Pieter J Fourie ‘stories’ of the world and its people. It is about journalism representing the public interest or any interest (public interest, being in South Africa, for example, a key issue in present debates about indigenising [Africanising] normative media theory). All research about the quality and production of journalism could depart from this perspective on journalism as representation. This perspective closely ties up with the view of journalism as cultural production (Bourdieu), Hartley’s (2000) position on the redactional (editing/structuring) nature of journalism,11 and growing insight into journalism as part of the semiosphere of meaning or the mediasphere of meaning (Fourie 2010b; Lotman 1990). In this sense the term ‘representation’ has a long history as a metatheory in describing all forms of symbolic expression. Acknowledging journalism as cultural production, as being redactional and part of the semiosphere of meaning, presupposes the acknowledgement of journalism as a symbolic form of expression. All of this constitutes the nature of journalism as a communication phenomenon (one which is fundamentally a symbolic form of expression similar to literature/the arts/rhetoric). Throughout history, philosophers, writers, human scientists, historians and artists, have been asking questions about and seeking answers to the understanding and meaning of representation (cf. Reid 2008 for an overview of the concept of representation). In Western academia, such thinking is traced back to Plato’s concern about the falseness and/or fakeness of the imitation of reality, and to Aristotle’s appreciation of imitation as an interpretation of reality. Here, already, we can begin to map out today’s concerns or many of the issues linked to the question of whether or not journalism is a true or false portrayal of something/somebody, its authenticity, its truthfulness, and concerns about journalistic processes of selecting and defining what is news. In the Middle Ages, Thomas of Aquinas, for example, was concerned with symbolic representations of God, and Galileo emphasised representations as scientific indicators. This was followed in the Enlightenment with, for example, Immanuel Kant’s concerns about the relationship between truth and representation. Many of the answers and ways of thinking about representation of these philosophers can contribute to dealing with today’s concerns about the authenticity, objectivity, reliability and truthfulness of journalism. In the so-called age of media, the invention and development of photography initiated substantial debates about journalistic representations as being inherently an abstraction of reality, in the sense of being space-time structured portrayals of reality, or an aspect thereof. Theories like these, one can argue, form the core of film theory and media semiotics, and do not only relate to images but also to language and the media’s use of language to construct representations or ‘tell stories’. The cognitive psychological approaches from which concerns about gate-keeping, agenda-setting, framing, news selection and news values are researched, seldom take note of perception theory, in which representation is a fundamental concept. Perception and representation are the topics of rigorous theorising and investigation into, for example, the arts, and of late, visual communication Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 162 2010/07/30 10:27:52 AM The past, present and future of South African journalism research ... 163 studies. An understanding of perceptual theories of eminent theorists such as art historians Ervin Panofsky and Ernest Gombrich could go a long way towards contributing to understanding many of the questions raised in today’s journalism research about journalists’ perceptions of reality, as well as journalism’s creation of perceptions through agenda-setting, framing and mapping. Panofsky emphasised, amongst others, the iconic nature of representations and Gombrich the schematic nature thereof. By so doing, they emphasised that no such thing as an innocent eye exists; that all representations (visual and linguistically) are only traces of the truth and reality based on preconceived social-cultural understandings of reality and schemata. The value of these theories and insights, for a more fundamental understanding of the nature of journalism as visio-linguistic interpretation of reality, is self-evident. When it comes to probably one of the most prominent topics in journalism research, namely the inherent ideological nature of journalism, the work of structualist, post-structuralist and postmodern theorists such as Roland Barthes and his emphasis on the production and nature of social myths (as represented in and by journalism), Louis Althusser’s exploration of the media (journalism) as part of ‘state apparatuses’ to represent and sustain dominant ideology, and Foucault’s work on the ideological nature of discourse and discourses as ideological representations, is too often underemphasised in topics such as gate-keeping, agenda-setting and framing. Journalism seldom researches itself as part of the culture of mediated meaning. In this regard, the work of Baudrillard on the media – and especially on the ways the visual media create a hyper-reality and a simulacrum of the real – may contribute to a more fundamental understanding of electronic and especially Internet journalism, and the issues created for journalism related to the so-called virtual public sphere and virtual communities. The same applies to the work of, for example, Nicholas Mirzoeff on the visualisation of modern life through media representations. The benefit of this wide use and thinking about representation in a variety of disciplines and applications is that it provides communication and journalism scholars with hindsight and better insight into the possibilities and problems of representation as a metatheory for mediated communication. As far as comparative research is concerned (which is the purpose of the BSA-JRI project and the reason for this article), focusing on journalism research from the perspective of representation as a metatheory may, as suggested earlier, reveal and emphasise important and significant ontological and epistemological differences between SA and Brazilian journalism research. In comparing the two journalisms’ ways of ‘telling their societies’ (Hartley 2000), we may find answers as to why SA journalism – especially news journalism – is caught up in discourses of crisis and negativity, and why malicious joy often underlies the communication style of SA news journalism, blinding us to solutions to the problems and challenges of our society. Recognising different ontological approaches to and thinking about the role and function of journalism can inform SA researchers about possibilities for journalistic change and renewal. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 163 2010/07/30 10:27:52 AM 164 Pieter J Fourie CONCLUSION The purpose of the article was to give an impression of the content and nature of past and present SA journalism research. The article does not pretend to be a comprehensive overview. Four arguments were raised: 1 2 3 4 It was argued that SA journalism research and its topics have been, to a large extent, determined by apartheid, hence the emphasis on race, racial stereotypes, racial issues, equity in journalism and journalistic matters, and the need for education and skills. Until today the relics of colonialism and apartheid infuse and emphasise research about the importance of freedom of expression, journalism and democracy, and on research of this from indigenous normative and ethical perspectives; Part of the paradox of South Africa is that it is part of both the First and Third Worlds. This is also reflected in SA journalism research. Given the country’s First-World media system, research increasingly focuses on the new media landscape created through convergence, digitisation and commercialisation. This includes research on increasing concerns about the future of the print media, the authenticity of journalism and concerns about the quality of journalism. At the same time, journalism and development, access to the media (including new media) and media literacy are research concerns stemming directly from the country’s developmental needs; A third argument is that SA journalism research is done mainly from an empirical perspective, with a focus on empirical methodologies. In terms of theory, the emphasis is on Western-inspired ideological theory (despite its Marxist and neo-Marxist orientations), democracy theory, public sphere theory and political economy theory. Little attention is given to qualitative research and to the fact that journalism is first and foremost a communication phenomenon, and part of cultural production and the production of the mediated semiosphere of meaning. It was argued that in journalism’s preoccupation with itself, communication has disappeared from journalism research; Finally, it was argued that SA journalism research can gain from a focus on journalism as communication, and that this could be done from the perspective of a number of metatheories about communication, such as dialogic, rhetorical and representation theory. The last was briefly explained and it was argued that all journalism research can be done by focusing on journalism as representative of someone or something, and/or as offering representations of someone or something. It was concluded that representation as a metatheory for the BSA-JRI project could provide valuable insight into different ontological and epistemological points of departure about the role and functions of journalism in the SA and Brazilian societies and regions. ENDNOTES 1 2 3 This article is based on a paper read at the first Conference of the Brazil–South African Journalism Research Initiative, Stellenbosch University, South Africa, 23 and 24 June 2009. Cf. works such as Hachten and Giffard’s Total onslaught: The South African press under attack (1984); Shaw’s Believe in miracles: South Africa from Malan to Mandela and The Mbeki era: A reporter’s story (2008); Zug’s The Guardian: The history of South Africa’s extraordinary antiapartheid newspaper (2007). The task of theTruth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was to investigate and document gross human rights violations under apartheid, in and outside South Africa, in the period 1960–1994 (see TRC 1998) Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 164 2010/07/30 10:27:52 AM The past, present and future of South African journalism research ... 165 4 In 2008 the Forum of Black Journalists’ (FBJ) refused to let white journalists attend a meeting. The South African Human Rights Commission reprimanded the FBI that this constitutes racist behaviour. Daniels (2009) writes that since then the FBJ ‘has dwindled into nothing’ and has been, to a large extent, replaced by Projourn. This is a multi-racial association of journalists with more than 300 members. Projourn is endorsed by the Press Ombudsman, the Freedom of Expression Institute, and the South African National Editors’ Forum. 5 Fourie (2005b) argues that criticism about the quality of journalism is almost as old as journalism itself. In substantiating this view, he refers to the criticism of philosophers such as Kierkegaard, Ortega y Gasset, Hannah Arendt, etc. 6 For a more in-depth discussion of the loss of a public ethos in, for instance, public service broadcasting and a more in-depth discussion of the values and principles of public service broadcasting and the media’s social responsibility, see, for example, Fourie 2004; 2005a. 7 Keeble (2005: 63–64) offers what he calls the ‘George Orwell solution’ to break with the old Cartesian dualities: emotion and reason, objectivity and subjectivity, head and heart, thought and action, culture and nature, and then to face a new paradigm, namely what Orwell would have called the journalist’s choice of outlet. The journalist’s ethical choice is to decide with whom and through which outlet he/she is going to communicate – the so-called implied reader or imagined community of the mainstream media (which is mainly propaganda for wealthy proprietors), or the authentic audience of alternative, small-scale, ‘left-wing’ outlets (publications/radio (and increasingly TV)). What is needed is a commitment to authentic communication in which one can engage with both the objective and the subjective – a stance which reminds of Plato’s (and more recently philosophers such as Mikhail Bakhtin’s) emphasis on dialogue as an essential characteristic of real communication. 8 See, for example, the work of Media Monitoring Africa (previously the Media Monitoring Project) (http://www.mediamonitoringafrica.org) for examples of content analyses of South African journalism, as well as Media Tenor South Africa (http://www.mediatenor.co.za). 9 There are many examples of rising racism reported by the media. For a single example, however, see the latest Reconciliation Barometer of the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation (http://www. ijr.org.za). 10 In his book, On television (1998), Bourdieu, for example, argues that the structural limitations of the journalism profession are, amongst others, economic censorship brought about by, for example, the financial cost of covering a story and whether a story will be cost-effective in terms of the size of the audience it will draw (in short, the point of departure that journalism is a business and should be profitable). Furthermore, there are the limitations of time, space and format (in the shortest time or smallest space a story needs to be covered), work routines (for example, deadlines – working against the clock), and conditions of labour (for example, low salaries which do not necessarily draw the best and most responsible intellectual minds). Yet, journalists do not question these structural limitations as being responsible for them to obscure instead of to expose the truth (about something). They see it as part of the nature (habitus) of the job, the way in which things should be and are done, and as the unquestioned rules of the profession. These and other structural limitations of the profession have lowered journalistic standards and quality, and will continue to do so unless journalists themselves question the structures and practices of their profession. While journalists may pride themselves on isolating the truth that hides behind, for example, the rhetoric Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 165 2010/07/30 10:27:52 AM 166 Pieter J Fourie of governments and the business elite, in the end it accomplishes the exact opposite. Instead of exposing the way things work and/or are, journalism mystifies them further (cf. Barnhurst 2005). These structural limitations are contrary to moral and ethical conduct, given that the symbolic capital of journalism lies in the fact that journalism is, after all, contemporary man’s main lens on the social world. Through news (and the media in general), we understand our world(s) and rely on it to take (crucial) decisions (cf. Szeman 2005.) 11 According to Hartley (2000: 44), journalism and all media content can be described as being redactional representation. He asks if it is possible to tell a society by how it edits. ‘Is redaction a symptom of the social? Can a period be identified by how it brings “matter into a certain form”; how it reduces “(a person or thing) to a certain state, condition or action” (ibid.: 45). He further contends that the media (and its journalism) represent, explore and edit the full range of the social, other people’s lives, specialist knowledge for general readers, decisions, discourses, policy and textualise the world in order to know it. 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Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 171 2010/07/30 10:27:52 AM COMMUNICATIO Volume 36 (2) 2010 pp. 172–184 Copyright: Unisa Press ISSN 0250-0167/Online 1753-5379 DOI: 10.1080/02500167.2010.485364 Tendencies in the development and consolidation of journalism research in Brazil Carlos Eduardo Franciscato* 1 Abstract This article reviews the origin of journalism studies in Brazil in terms of its roots and influences. It traces the development of journalism studies from 1808, when the first Brazilian newspaper was founded in the colonial era while Brazil was under Portuguese dominance. The late-1900s saw the emergence of a struggle for emancipation, which was not only reflected in the political independence of Brazil (attained in 1822), but also in the beginnings of a search for authentic Brazilian thinking and identity, as distinct from Portuguese control and as influenced by a liberal ideology during the 19th century. The article tracks the work of those intellectuals who were immersed in a background of political thought, philosophy and literature, and made substantial contributions to the study of journalism. Key words: Brazil, identity, intellectuals, journalism studies, Portugal INTRODUCTION This article offers a review of the origin of journalism studies in Brazil in terms of its roots and influences. To grasp the first steps taken in terms of Brazilian journalism thinking requires an understanding of the starting point of its development. The date of such a starting point is 1808, the year of the founding of the first Brazilian newspaper during the colonial era, when Brazil was under Portuguese dominance. That time saw the emergence of a struggle for emancipation, which was not only reflected in the political independence of Brazil (attained in 1822), but also the start of a search for an authentic Brazilian thinking and identity, as distinct from Portuguese control and as influenced by a liberal ideology during the 19th century. Those intellectuals who were immersed in a background of political thought, philosophy and literature, made substantial contributions to such initial journalistic efforts. At the time, journalists were the chief thinkers and political actors of their day (Melo 2009). At the start of the 20th century, the field of Brazilian journalism was first systematically considered by historians, who intended to evaluate the degree of progress attained in just one century of journalistic evolution. The development of formal journalism studies in Brazil was confirmed by the founding of the first schools and faculties of journalism in 1947. Such development signalled progress towards a journalism-oriented academic organisation, which would ultimately unite the professionalisation, teaching and research activities related to journalism. Such research was conceived as adopting an historical approach, which would increasingly come to be influenced by * Carlos Franciscato is professor of journalism at the Federal University of Sergipe, Brazil, and President of the Brazilian Association of Researchers on Journalism (SBPJor). Email: [email protected] Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 172 2010/07/30 10:27:53 AM Tendencies in the development and consolidation of journalism research in Brazil 173 the social sciences. Such an extension of research in the field of communication would, inevitably, elicit both administrative and critical perspectives. The establishment of undergraduate courses in journalism at the major Brazilian universities conferred new respectability on such studies in relation to the issues and challenges of the day. On the one hand, such a development demanded ongoing debate about what the tasks and obligations should be of a journalistic course conducted by a university. Such debate required consideration both of the profile of the journalists concerned, as well as of what core requirements journalistic agencies should be expected to fulfil. In addition, a new debate arose about the need to have a journalistic undergraduate diploma, in order to be allowed to work in the field of journalism – something which was first brought into law in 1969. Two different theoretical understandings of the situation emerged, with one being directed at developing an undergraduate education in communication studies, whereas the other defended the need for specialised training in journalistic theories and techniques. On the other hand, graduate studies in Brazil have made substantial progress over the past ten years, in terms of the redefinition of an institutional basis for research in the fields of communication and journalism. Until 2009, there were 36 postgraduate programmes (both Master’s degrees and doctorates) in Brazil, including a specialised programme in journalism studies, with some others partially incorporating journalism within their fields of research. The objective of the current article is to identify the main tendencies in the development and consolidation of journalism research in Brazil, as a specific field of study in the communication sciences area. Reviewing the origins of such a field of study enables us to gain a better understanding of both the basis for, and the various steps taken in, such an explorative study, as well as the tendencies in, and perspectives acquired by means of, the investigation concerned. Based on historical references, the aim of the current article is to explore the following three aspects of journalism studies: • • • The growth of postgraduate communication studies at Brazilian universities is investigated, taking into account the modus operandi of journalism; New institutional forms of organising research in the field of journalism are identified, with due focus being placed on the specialised type of coverage required of scientific events within the broader area of communication; the role of the new Brazilian scientific reviews specialising in journalism; and the inauguration of the Brazilian Association of Researchers on Journalism (SBPJor) in 2003; The increase in a diversified range of areas or subdivisions in the journalism field is also considered. We intend to show that all such movements help to demonstrate that journalism studies forms a field of research that is increasingly expanding in Brazil. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 173 2010/07/30 10:27:53 AM 174 Carlos Eduardo Franciscato JOURNALISM STUDIES IN POSTGRADUATE COMMUNICATION COURSES2 The first Brazilian dissertation for a PhD in Journalism was presented in 1972 by José Marques de Melo at the University of São Paulo (USP). At the time, research into the field of mass communication was at its height, which has led to the academic organisation of undergraduate courses under the banner of social communication. Even so, during the 1970s journalism was seen as a force to be reckoned with, particularly in the context of the absence of press freedom during the time of military dictatorship in the country (1964–1985), when such issues as culture, society and politics were partially determined by the limitations imposed on the freedom of speech, with, in consequence, a prohibition on the free circulation of news. Within such a context, the study of journalism was regarded as a relevant way of investigating the development of cultural and political activities within a restricted public space, which was controlled by agents of the state. During the past ten years, Brazil has experienced the accelerated expansion of postgraduate courses in the communication field. The first Master’s programme in Brazil was launched in 1970 by the Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo (PUC-SP), which was followed by the inception of four other similar courses in the same decade. Following such a tendency, the first doctoral programme was launched in 1978. The tables below indicate the expansion of postgraduate communication studies during the following decade. The data on which the tables were based, were provided by the governmental agency responsible for regulating the postgraduate system in Brazil, namely the Coordination for the Improvement of High Education Personnel (CAPES), which was formed in 1992. Table 1: The first five Master’s courses University Date of creation 1) PUC-SP 1970 2) USP 1972 3) UFRJ 1972 4) UnB 1974 5) UMESP 1978 Source: CAPES (www.capes.gov.br) Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 174 2010/07/30 10:27:53 AM Tendencies in the development and consolidation of journalism research in Brazil 175 Table 2: The first five doctoral courses University Date of creation 1) PUC-SP 1978 2) USP 1980 3) UFRJ 1983 4) UMESP 1995 5) UFBA 1995 Source: CAPES (www.capes.gov.br) A comparison of the data contained in Table 1 with those contained in Table 2 shows that, whereas the expansion of the Master’s programmes took place continuously over a period of time, the doctoral programmes, after the launching of the first three courses, only expanded further during the mid-1990s. In other words, postgraduate communication programmes have grown relatively more over the past fifteen years. Table 3 gives a more accurate view of such an evolution. Table 3: Evolution of postgraduate programmes in the field of communications Course 1996 2000 2003 2006 2009 Master’s 8 14 19 24 36 Doctorate 4 9 12 14 13 Source: CAPES (www.capes.gov.br) In the space of 14 years, the number of Master’s courses has increased four-fold, from eight programmes in 1996, to 36 in 2009. The doctoral courses experienced a similar gain, increasing in number from four to 13 programmes in the same time period. Such development shows how the institutional scientific field has consolidated during the period under review, and gives an indication of the geographical and thematic diversity of the field concerned. The field of journalism research has clearly made a significant contribution to the expansion of communication studies as a whole. By analysing each of the 36 Brazilian postgraduate programmes and identifying the research projects, teams of researchers and institutional divisions associated with journalism studies, it is possible to gain a more focused perspective on the role played by journalism in postgraduate studies. Table 4 shows that journalism is the central research concern in three postgraduate courses, whereas Table 5 shows that journalism is a complementary focus of study in another five courses currently on offer at the different institutions of higher learning. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 175 2010/07/30 10:27:53 AM 176 Carlos Eduardo Franciscato Table 4: Journalism as the central research concern in postgraduate courses Course/Institution Specific concern of journalistic investigation Journalism and society Master’s and Doctorate in Communication (UnB) Journalism as a theoretical and practical field; a cognitive category used for the representation of reality; and a critical analysis of news-making and journalistic narratives Languages and journalistic practices Master’s and Doctorate in Communication Sciences (UNISINOS) Journalism in terms of its specific theoretical approaches, taking a multidisciplinary perspective into consideration Fundamentals of journalism Master’s in Journalism (UFSC) Journalism in terms of studies of theoretical and philosophical background Journalistic processes and products Master’s in Journalism (UFSC) Analysis of journalistic processes and products Media products: Journalism and entertainment Master’s in Communication (FCL) Journalism as discourse, production, reception and genre Research area Source: CAPES (www.capes.gov.br) Table 5: Journalism as a complementary focus of study in postgraduate courses Research area Course/Institution Specific concern of journalistic investigation Cyber culture Master’s and Doctorate in Communication (UFBA) Practice and language of online journalism Cyber culture and digital media Master’s in Journalism (UTP) Journalism as a component of communicative practices in cyberspace Media and social processes Master’s and Doctorate in Communication (UFPE) Journalism as a social mediatic practice in the construction of reality Press and audiovisual communication Master’s and Doctorate in Communication (USP) Journalism as a constituent of the structure and language of mediatic communication Master’s and Doctorate in Communication and Information (UFRGS) Journalism as a communicational process, together with its modes of meaning production, representation, identity and sociability Communication, representation and social practice Source: CAPES (www.capes.gov.br) Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 176 2010/07/30 10:27:53 AM Tendencies in the development and consolidation of journalism research in Brazil 177 Tables 4 and 5 indicate the following: • • • • In the Brazilian postgraduate communication system, studies tend to focus mainly on the communicational phenomenon, including the consideration of such elements as representation, media language, the aesthetics of communication, social and cultural influences, and the application of schematic models originating in the fields of linguistics, semiotics and the social sciences; Despite the field of journalism being the primary research concern of most related courses, it is not always treated as the focus of attention in regard to internal and specific processes, which demand the adoption of a formal theoretical approach and the use of analytical categories to describe and explain the processes concerned; The rise of specific research lines within the broader field of journalism is a recent development in terms of the Brazilian postgraduate system. Except for the two traditional courses in journalism (one of which is run by the University of Brasilia [UnB] and the other by the University of São Paulo [USP]), the institutional emphasis on journalism resulted from the creation of new courses (at the Federal University of Santa Catarina [UFSC] and at the Casper Libero Faculty [FCL]), or from changes in existing courses (such as in that offered by the University of Sinos River [Unisinos]) during the past five years; Two Brazilian universities have journalism as a central focus of study, allowing them to be considered as the best references in the field of journalism research in Brazil: - The UnB offers a traditional Master’s and Doctorate in Communication in the area of ‘Journalism and society’, with a focus on research within the field of journalism itself, and allowing for its articulation with other social practices; - The UFSC offers an innovative Master’s in Journalism, which focuses on two areas ofstudy, name ly ‘Fundamentals of journalism’ and ‘Journalistic processes and products’. The inauguration of such a Master’s in 2007 was the climax of a long struggle which had occurred in the communication field, in terms of which researchers in the field of journalism sought for both legitimacy and sufficient academic authority to allow for the production of new scientific knowledge. • The postgraduate programme in communication is on offer at the University of São Paulo (USP), which has been recognised as one of the most influential journalism schools in Brazil, due to the contribution it has made to the development of research in the field since its inauguration in 1972. This, despite the fact that its contribution is no longer regarded as being as relevant as it was in the past. THE INSTITUTIONAL CONFIGURATION OF JOURNALISM RESEARCH During the past 15 years, Brazil has been experiencing an increase in the number of new public spaces for debate and for the presentation of scientific papers in the field of journalism. Four aspects of such a development require consideration: (a) the organisation of annual congresses by the different Brazilian scientific associations, which allows for the hosting of specific meetings to discuss issues with relevance to journalism; (b) the founding of SBPJor; (c) the organisation of Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 177 2010/07/30 10:27:53 AM 178 Carlos Eduardo Franciscato research groups which facilitate networking among researchers from different institutions; and (d) the publication of articles on journalism in scientific journals. Organisation of annual congresses by scientific Brazilian associations, with specific meetings allowing for the discussion of issues relating to journalism Two leading scientific research associations in the field of communication in Brazil have specific working groups for journalism studies. The more traditional association is that of INTERCOM (the Brazilian Society of Interdisciplinary Studies in Communication), first formed in 1977. INTERCOM holds an annual national meeting, of which certain portions specifically focus on issues with relevance to the field of journalism. According to Meditsch and Segala (2005), some of the papers which have been presented at past INTERCOM congresses have examined issues far beyond the immediate concerns of the journalism working group alone. Meditsch and Segala (ibid.: 51) state that ‘[m]any papers on Journalism have been presented in other working groups rather than Journalism, such as Communication and Politics, or Audiovisual Communication’. Another important scientific association is the National Association of Postgraduate Programmes in Communication (COMPOS), first established in 1991. Since 2000, COMPOS has held a working group on journalism studies at each of its annual congresses. At each meeting so far, ten scientific papers have been selected for publication from among an average of 40 papers submitted for consideration. Table 6 summarises the coverage of the 40 papers selected for publication by the Journalism Working Group of COMPOS, from 2000 to 2003. Table 6: Papers submitted to the Journalism Working Group at COMPOS (2000–2003) Category Distribution % Theories of journalism 35.5% Digital journalism 20.8% Ethics and journalism 14.5% Language studies 12.5% News production and journalistic processes 8.3% History of journalism 8.3% Source: Machado (2005: 36) Meditsch and Segala (2005) analysed the proceedings of six national communication congresses held in Brazil during 2003 and 2004, reviewing 263 papers which were presented at the 2003 and 2004 INTERCOM, the 2003 and 2004 COMPOS and the 2003 and 2004 SBPJor congresses. Table 7 shows their findings in this regard. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 178 2010/07/30 10:27:53 AM Tendencies in the development and consolidation of journalism research in Brazil 179 Table 7: Themes of papers on journalism presented at six different Brazilian congresses during 2003 and 2004 Theme Distribution (263 groups) (%) Framing /Themes and coverage 24.3% Language/Narrative/Form/Format 23.6% Journalistic production/News making 13.7% Theories/Basis of journalism 9.9% History of journalism 9.1% Reception and effects 4.2% Professional studies 2.4% New technologies 1.9% Source: Meditsch and Segala (2005: 53) Founding of the Brazilian Association of Researchers on Journalism (SBPJor) SBPJor, the leading Brazilian scientific society focused on journalism research, consists of 390 members, of whom half hold PhD degrees. SBPJor was founded during its first national congress in 2003, in which 130 researchers participated. From the start, the society has supported the establishing of contact between the different educational institutions, the facilitation of partnerships, and networking. SBPJor annually organises a national journalism congress in Brazil, which brings together approximately 400 different researchers in the field of journalism from Brazil and other countries, including Portugal, Spain and other Latin-American countries. The event is the most important meeting held in Brazil for the presentation and debate of issues relating to journalism research. Table 8 enumerates the evolution of the national congresses. Table 8: Scientific papers presented at the SBPJor Congress Event no. Year in which congress was held City hosting congress Number of papers presented at congress 1 2003 Brasília 2 2004 Salvador 3 2005 Florianópolis 129 4 2006 Porto Alegre 113 5 2007 Aracaju 114 6 2008 São Bernardo 152 7 2009 São Paulo 158 60 95 Source: SBPJor (www.sbpjor.org.br) Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 179 2010/07/30 10:27:53 AM 180 Carlos Eduardo Franciscato SBPJor publishes a scientific journal, entitled Brazilian Journalism Research (see http://www.unb. br/ojsdpp/index.php?locale=en). All of the journal’s articles are published in English, and feature the most recent research conducted in Brazil. Organisation of research groups which facilitate networking among researchers from different institutions The increase in the number of research groups in Brazil is one of the most important developments to take place in the field of journalistic knowledge production. The main organisation of research groups is carried out by the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq), formed in 1951 in order to act as an agency for scientific development, support research projects and encourage networking. The national council registers research groups in all areas, assembling all relevant information on its website (see http://www.cnpq.br). Benetti Machado (2005: 33–34) conducted a keyword search for ‘journalism’ in the databases on the CNPq website, and retrieved the details of 67 research groups in the field of journalism. The groups concerned identified 101 different areas of research existing within the field of journalism. A synopsis of the areas identified is presented in Table 9: Table 9: Institutionalised research conducted by CNPq groups in the field of journalism Category Distribution (67 groups) (%) News production and journalistic processes 26.73% Language studies 22.77% Specialised journalism 12.87% Digital journalism 9.90% Theory of journalism 9.90% History of journalism 7.92% Reception studies 5.94% Journalism and ethics 2.97% Journalism and education 1.00% Source: Machado (2005: 33) Table 9 indicates the presence of two major areas of research in the field of journalism studies: ‘News production and journalistic processes’ and ‘Language studies’. Both research areas are linked to traditional concerns relating, on the international front, to the investigation of the field of journalism, entailing the citing of the principal international authors from each research area concerned. Two other categories which are currently eliciting much interest, are those of digital Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 180 2010/07/30 10:27:53 AM Tendencies in the development and consolidation of journalism research in Brazil 181 journalism and the theory of journalism. In the latter case, such interest has been on the rise for the past ten years. The founding of SBPJor, which enabled researchers to develop new ways of networking, resulted in the creation of the following three research networks: • • • The National Net of Media Watchers first appeared in 2005, with the objective of uniting those initiatives to do with media criticism – especially journalistic organisations – in order to contribute to the enhancement of the Brazilian media; The Net of Applied Research on Journalism and Digital Technologies was founded in 2009, with the purpose of producing applied research aimed at experimentation and the creation of digital technological innovations in the field of journalism; The Net of Telejournalism Research in Brazil and Portugal is currently still in the process of creating itself, with its main focus being centred on television journalism in the two countries concerned. The network deals with information to do with televisual narratives and languages, the quality of programming, and the productive routines of the organisations involved. Publication of articles on journalism in scientific journals The review published by SBPJor, entitled Brazilian Journalism Research, was launched in 2005 with the objective of allowing Brazilian researchers a chance to make their work available to the international community and, by so doing, offering a general view of the most recent research results. Such an objective is the reason why all the journal’s articles are published in English. Since 2008, the review has been edited in both English and Portuguese. Another important Brazilian review which is exclusively dedicated to the field of journalism, is entitled Pauta Geral (General Guideline). The review has been published annually since 1993. Luiz Motta, editor of Brazilian Journalism Research from 2005 to 2007, studied six issues of the journal to analyse the different kinds of articles published in them. His inquiry investigated 64 articles written by 92 different authors, of whom 76 were Brazilians and 16 were from other countries (Motta 2007: 7–8). The themes of the articles are shown in Table 10. Table 10: Themes of the articles published in Brazilian Journalism Research (2005–2007) Themes Frequency/ Percentage Theory of the news (state of the art, trends, paradigms, challenges and courses of research) 15 (23.5%) News and the cognitive processes; construction of images, identities and social representations 8 (12.5%) Freedom of the press; freedom to produce and receive Information 8 (12.5%) Themes Frequency/ Percentage Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 181 2010/07/30 10:27:53 AM 182 Carlos Eduardo Franciscato Ethics and social responsibility of the press; journalism and society; right to information 7 (11.0%) Political journalism, pluralism; diversity of sources and of political representation 6 (9.5%) Journalistic coverage; techniques for verifying the news; relation with the sources 6 (9.5%) Digital electronic journalism; cyber journalism; online Journalism; information technologies 5 (8.0%) Crime and news; violence; police coverage; press and public security 2 (3.1%) Mediation of information by communication institutions; new informative institutions 3 (4.7%) Journalistic photography; photographic coverage 1 (1.5%) 1 (1.5%) Criticism of the media; media watchers Reception; .attention; response and comprehension of the reader; listener; internet user or television viewer 1 (1.5%) 1 (1.5%) Discourse; language and narratives of journalism 64 (100%) Total * The thematic categories are not mutually exclusive. In theory, the articles could be classified as falling into more than one category Source: Motta (2007: 8) Another significant scientific review which is published in the field of communication is the Brazilian Journal of Communication Sciences (Revista Brasileira de Ciências da Comunicação), which is the official scientific review of INTERCOM. The periodical, which is published biannually, is considered to be one of the most traditional publications in the field of communication studies. Moreira (2005: 18–19) analysed the content of the periodical from January 2000 to December 2004 (encompassing a period of five years and ten issues). Having identified 30 articles that dealt with different aspects of journalism, she broke these down into ten different thematic areas (see Table 11). Table 11: Articles related to journalism published at INTERCOM review (2000–2004) Thematic approach Distribution (%) History 21% Training 13% Gender 10% Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 182 2010/07/30 10:27:53 AM Tendencies in the development and consolidation of journalism research in Brazil Technologies 10% Radio journalism 10% Coverage 10% Theory 10% Ethics 7% Profile 3% Advisory 3% Photojournalism 3% 183 Source: Moreira (2005: 19) Moreira (2005) found that the diversity of themes covered and the depth of investigation that characterised the journalism studies featured in the INTERCOM review had helped to establish the reputation of the review. She stated that ‘in the Communication area, the particular field of journalism studies can be considered an exceptional research sector’ (ibid.: 22). CONCLUSION The analysis presented in the current article about the state of journalism research in Brazil has revealed the considerable growth that has taken place in the theory of journalism. In addition to foreign authors having provided novel insight into the field, new perspectives have also been gained on core concepts in the Brazilian context. Machado’s (2005: 13) identification of three different phases of development in journalism theories is appropriate in this context, with the first phase being earmarked by pioneering works written by authors in the first half of the 20th century, the second phase being characterised by the involvement of researchers in postgraduate programmes during the 1980s and 1990s, and the third phase featuring a new generation of theoreticians who have been active in more recent years. The growth of theoretical research in the field of journalism has resulted from the increasing theoretical effort that has been exerted by the networking of researchers from different institutions. Moreover, researchers in the field of journalism – including those involved with concerns of an academic nature – remain focused on contextual issues related to the communication sciences, society and language. Such a focus can be seen in the overwhelming number of inquiries directed at trying to understand language, journalistic genres and formats, as well as at analysing the environment in which journalistic activity is able to employ the theories and methods adopted from the social sciences arena. The institutionalisation of journalism research has two primary components: The first consists of the multiplicity of actions that serve to stimulate interaction among researchers; the founding of SBPJor; the support of working groups associated with scientific bodies in the communication Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 183 2010/07/30 10:27:53 AM 184 Carlos Eduardo Franciscato field, and the ongoing publication of scientific reviews, which lend a significant level of credibility to the publication of well-researched studies in the field of journalism. The other component consists of the restructuring of the postgraduate system in the area of communication studies in Brazil, which requires further development in terms of formal and organised research in the field of journalism. Currently, the only university in Brazil to offer a Master’s course in journalism is UFSC, and only one university (UnB) in the country has a research division that offers a doctoral programme (‘Journalism and society’). Despite such limitations, the field of journalism is recognised as worthy of ongoing research undertaken in the form of postgraduate studies within the wider spectrum of communication studies, in light of the perspective of more general theories to do with communication and society. Finally, it is noted that much journalism research has already been carried out by teams of researchers from a range of academic institutions. Researchers in the field of journalism have exerted their efforts in developing associations, research groups and both national and international networks, in order to reap those benefits that can be gleaned from pooling the intellectual resources available in the field. ENDNOTES 1 2 This article is based on a paper read at the first Conference of the Brazil–South African Journalism Research Initiative, Stellenbosch University, South Africa, 23 and 24 June 2009. This item contains references to Brazilian institutions of education and research. To facilitate an understanding of the description proposed, some abbreviations will be presented as follows: CAPES – Coordination for the Improvement of High Education Personnel; CNPq – National Council for Scientific and Technological Development; FCL – Casper Libero Faculty; UFBA – Federal University of Bahia; UFRGS – Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul; UFSC – Federal University of Santa Catarina; UnB – University of Brasília; UNISINOS – University of Sinos River; USP – University of São Paulo; UTP – University Tuiuti of Paraná; UFPE – Federal University of Pernambuco; PUC-SP – Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo. REFERENCES Machado, E. 2005. From journalism studies to journalism theory. Brazilian Journalism Research 1(1): 12–23. Machado, M.B. 2005. Data and reflections on three journalism research environments. Brazilian Journalism Research 1(1): 26–46. Meditsch, E. and M. Segala. 2005. Trends in three 2003/4 journalism academic meetings. Brazilian Journalism Research 1(1): 47–60. Melo, J.M. 2009. Journalistic thinking: Brazil’s modern tradition. Journalism 10(1): 9–27. Moreira, S.V. 2005. Trends and new challenges in journalism research in Brazil. Brazilian Journalism Research 1(2): 10–24. Motta, L.G. 2007. Brazilian Journalism Research: Courageous adventure in search of an identity. Brazilian Journalism Research 3(2): 5–12. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 184 2010/07/30 10:27:53 AM COMMUNICATIO Volume 36 (2) 2010 pp. 185–199 Copyright: Unisa Press ISSN 0250-0167/Online 1753-5379 DOI: 10.1080/02500167.2010.485365 Journalism education in South Africa: Shifts and dilemmas Jeanne Prinsloo* Abstract In this article the focus falls on journalism education in relation to an agenda of social equality and justice. Its intention is to consider journalism education in relation to this purpose, and to do this it looks both at past and present journalism education programmes in South Africa. While discussing other programmes, it maintains a particular focus on Journalism and Media Studies (JMS) at Rhodes University in the Eastern Cape, as the teaching programme has stood apart from others. The intention is to be both descriptive and to pose questions about journalism education in the future – hopefully in a way that is relevant to South Africa, Brazil and other southern countries. The teaching programmes and curriculum choices are discussed in relation to the current context of higher education and the history of journalism and media studies nationally, which responded to debates emanating from northern/industrialised countries. Key words: Brazil, curriculum, democratisation, journalism education, Rhodes University, South Africa INTRODUCTION South Africa is frequently referred to as an ‘emerging democracy’ or as being in the process of ‘democratisation’. Both descriptions are an acknowledgement of an unhappy past and an unsettled present, while envisaging a more hopeful future. They are also applied to other countries with troubled histories and uneasy presents, for example Brazil. It is precisely in such places, I suggest, that the media have a critical role to play in fostering the democracies that are anticipated. The media are crucial to the way in which citizens might imagine their places and roles, as well as of the roles of those in political and economic power. I have mentioned Brazil in line with the theme of this edition, which seeks to promote the conversation about journalism research and education in these two countries of the South. The two countries are, of course, very different from each other, yet there are similarities in their pasts and present that make for a rich critical conversation – in this instance, in relation to journalism studies and education. First, a disclaimer: I am not knowledgeable about Brazil and my comments in this regard are no doubt superficial. This said, during the symposium I attended on journalism education and research in Brazil and South Africa in 2009,1 I was struck by certain similarities of context and purpose between these two countries which make this a pertinent conversation, and which I shall briefly outline before moving on to the substance of this article, namely journalism education in South Africa, specifically at Rhodes University. * Jeanne Prinsloo is professor in the Department of Journalism and Media Studies at Rhodes University, South Africa. Email: [email protected] Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 185 2010/07/30 10:27:53 AM 186 Jeanne Prinsloo In both cases, these countries have histories of colonisation by European powers, although Brazil was colonised in the 1500s by the Portuguese and South Africa was settled by first the Dutch and then the British, from the mid-1600s. While Brazil gained independence in 1825 (much earlier than South Africa, in 1961), both countries have emerged from histories of recent authoritarian regimes and violent repression – the apartheid regime of South Africa until 1994, and military rule in Brazil from 1964–1985. Both regimes ensured economic and political privilege for some, and both the Brazilian and South African societies are marked by huge discrepancies in wealth between the city and the countryside, between regions, and between social classes. The most glaring similarity is manifest in the extreme economic inequalities in both these countries. Brazil and South Africa are notoriously identified as the two countries with the highest discrepancies between the rich and the poor in the world, as identified through the Gini coefficient. South Africa, at 65, has overtaken Brazil, at 56.7.2 As a consequence of the structural inequalities, issues of land dispossession and extreme urbanisation in the form of sprawling informal settlements, whether favelas or squatter camps, are among the pressing concerns for both countries. Apart from having such discrepancies in wealth/poverty in common, both nations are effectively regional hegemons, boasting the largest national economy in their respective regions and increasing economic penetration into neighbouring countries. Pertinent to the focus of this article, they also have robust and developed media industries. At the same time, alongside these manifestations of economic prowess, forms of opposition to the widespread dispossession have been manifest both in the political resistance during the authoritarian regimes of the past, and in the current social movements of the present which confront social injustices. The issue of democratisation needs to be understood against these contexts and the role of the media is arguably crucial in enabling its emergence, for the media provide frames for understanding and imagining being in the world. In this article, the focus is confined to journalism education in relation to an agenda of social equality and justice. Its intention is to consider journalism education in relation to this purpose and to do this it looks both at past and present journalism education programmes. While it discusses other programmes, it maintains a particular focus on Journalism and Media Studies (JMS) at Rhodes University in the Eastern Cape, as the teaching programme has stood apart from others. My intention is to be both descriptive and to pose questions about journalism education in the future – hopefully in a way that is relevant to South Africa, Brazil and other southern countries. Its teaching programmes and curriculum choices are discussed in relation to the current context of higher education and the history of journalism and media studies nationally, which responded to debates emanating from northern/industrialised countries. THE HIGHER EDUCATION CONTEXT Journalism, as is the case with certain other applied fields of study (for example, education or pharmaceutics), is located at the nexus where the twin imperatives of intellectual knowledge relevant to the field and vocational training meet – demands that are frequently reduced to a crude Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 186 2010/07/30 10:27:53 AM Journalism education in South Africa: Shifts and dilemmas 187 dichotomy of theory versus practice. These fields of study generally seek to be both professional (or vocational) as well as socially relevant. Currently, a vocational training discourse tends to be hegemonic in journalism education and needs to be understood in relation to the broader higher education context in South Africa. Higher education institutions have had to address the issue of transformation both in South Africa and globally (Singh 2001), and this has been accompanied by the demand for institutions to reposition themselves in line with national policies (for example, South Africa’s White Paper, 1997). This was patently important in South Africa, where education at all levels had served different groups differentially and most obviously along the lines of race. However, the transformation of higher education has been an international phenomenon attributed in particular to the demands or challenges of globalisation and a neoliberal economy. While considering higher education trends at any moment, it is necessary to relate them to the economic policies of the government of the time, for this must impact on them. The decade and a half since South Africa’s first democratic election in 1994 has seen the demise of official apartheid and its replacement by an African National Congress (ANC) government. In this short period, the economic policies of the government have shifted from the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) (informed by a concern to redress social and economic inequalities), to adopting a neoliberal and privatising agenda with the changed Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) policy. Drawing on a discourse of the ‘rainbow nation’ and by advocating Black Economic Empowerment (BEE), this political and economic agenda masks its class orientation. It is rationalised by describing the economic disparities, as former President Thabo Mbeki did, as a ‘dual economy’ and the blame is accordingly relegated solely to the history of apartheid. This discourse effectively obscures the unequal class relations inherent in any society with a capitalist economy. The construction of two economies allows the second (poor) economy to be understood as a lack of development, rather than, to the contrary, the product of a particular kind of development: ‘The process that produces wealth [for some] is made to appear as if it is separate from the process that produces poverty [for most]’ (Hallowes & Munnik 2006: 120). The re-ordering of higher education that has accompanied the political transition is held to be necessary in terms of social responsiveness and accountability to this changed context. Yet it is precisely the issues of social responsiveness and accountability that need to be made problematic. In South Africa, the definition of this country as a ‘developmental’ state and the imperative for ‘nation-building’ have become a common-sense discourse that extends to an understanding of university-based knowledge as valuable, in as much as it supports the developmental goals of the state. The emphasis has been on perceived skills shortages and vocational training. Government has made frequent calls on universities and scholars to mobilise their resources in service of the reconstruction and development of South African society (Babbie & Mouton 2001; Du Toit 2008). Such accountability, framed as giving ‘a competitive edge to country performance in the global market place’ arguably presents a singularly one-dimensional approach: Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 187 2010/07/30 10:27:53 AM 188 Jeanne Prinsloo Within a paradigm that invokes the ‘market’, the notion of responsiveness is becoming emptied of most of its content except for that which advances individual, organisational or national economic competitiveness. The conception of an autonomous intellectual or socially emancipatory role for higher education, where it still features, remains largely at the level of policy rhetoric with little funding or other policy enabling factors in place to give substance to them. (Singh 2001: 9) This is the market-driven logic of a powerful influential global paradigm, and has impacted on the policies and practices of developing or southern counties as though universally appropriate, despite the vast social, historical and economic differences between them and northern countries. Any informing logic of the social, moral, political, intellectual and cultural dimensions of higher education responsiveness is increasingly merely a rhetorical flourish. The consequences of the reduction of social responsiveness and accountability to the terms of market responsiveness are enormously impoverishing for the broader social role of higher education. A more comprehensive version that foregrounds the ‘public good’ can also been envisaged as a set of societal interests that are not reducible to the sum of interests of individuals or groups of individuals and that demarcate a common space within which the content of moral and political goals like democracy and social justice can be negotiated and collectively pursued. (ibid.) This version of transformation would incorporate goals and purposes that are linked, even if at one remove, to a broad-based social and political agenda whose purposes could thus include: enhanced access to higher education for disadvantaged and excluded communities; the pursuit of knowledge in a variety of fields without undue focus on commercial imperatives; knowledge development in a range of fields; and finally the possibility of its functioning as the critic and conscience of society. It is the latter in particular that directs us to the idea of a critical citizenry, or as Barnett terms it, ‘critical being’, that is ‘critical thinking, critical action and critical reflection’ (1997: 7). The broader social purposes of higher education, as identified by Singh, can be argued to be of general relevance to journalism studies and education. This notion of critical being has its resonances for journalism and media studies teachers who, as US journalist and journalism educator, Medsger, suggests, engage with two invaluable tasks: • • Preparing the next generation of minds that will stimulate the discourse of democracy, the main purpose of journalism; Teaching the skill that is critical to journalism but that is central to the mission of any university – the concentration of the mind and the clear expression of what one discovers. (1996: 10) JOURNALISM EDUCATION The tension between defining responsiveness in terms of the market or democratic ideals, identified above, finds resonance in the accounts of journalism and media studies in South Africa. The sporadic introduction of the study of the media at South African universities occurred during the apartheid Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 188 2010/07/30 10:27:53 AM Journalism education in South Africa: Shifts and dilemmas 189 era and took different forms in response to different agendas. The agendas related to the schism that existed in the academy, as elsewhere in South African society. It manifested along the language lines of English and Afrikaans where, crudely speaking, English-language universities were grounded in a Western liberal conception of a university, while Afrikaans-language universities were strongly aligned with Afrikaner nationalism and functioned as instruments of the state (Du Toit 2008). Like Media Studies, Journalism Studies is a relatively recent field of study, and has been introduced and defined very differently at particular moments in this history and in different spaces. I do not attempt anything like a comprehensive account of such diversity, but select specific aspects I consider pertinent to my discussion. What I wish to foreground is that the differences are generally set up as a tension between theory versus skills approaches – an analysis which, I propose, serves to mask what is more fundamental, namely the politics of representation. A brief overview of earlier journalism studies departments at South African universities helps establish the trends. The first university to introduce journalism was the conservative Afrikaans University of Potchefstroom, in 1959. Afrikaans-language universities in apartheid South Africa had become central to serving the Afrikaner project and they ‘understood their role explicitly in instrumental terms, as serving the interests of dominant social institutions’ (ibid.: 9), and thus contributed to building and bolstering the Afrikaner nation. Accordingly, the Potchefstroom teaching programme was designed to produce graduates for the Afrikaans press which operated to defensively foster Afrikaans language and culture, frequently in a spirit of antagonism to English and British influence. The early approach (outlined by Du Toit 2008) focused on the technical skills of typing and translation of news copy from the English wire service of the South African Press Association, coupled with ideas from American journalism textbooks that reproduced mainstream approaches to journalism. This was subsequently supplemented with ‘press science’ to include the study of ethics and morality in line with the Calvinistic-inspired vision, and was consistent with the university’s orientation – as evident in the name, Potchefstroom Universiteit vir Christelike Hoër Onderwys [Potchefstroom University of Christian Higher Education]. Thus, the early phase of journalism education occurring in Afrikaner institutions was skills-oriented, with some degree of theory appended (albeit normative and acritical), and a sense of serving the agenda of producing graduates for the Afrikaner news industry, complicit with the agenda of Afrikaner nationalism. The political context of the 1970/80s The political context of the 1970s and 80s was one of mass mobilisation and struggle against the regime, and saw the emergence of an alternative press and other forms of media, particularly oppositional video, funded by external donors. The state controlled the public broadcaster (the SABC), while the press was commercial, but divided along the lines and loyalties of Afrikaans and English capital. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 189 2010/07/30 10:27:53 AM 190 Jeanne Prinsloo The political struggle was fired by a body of social and political theorising. At the liberal universities it was inspired by historical materialism and the renewed Marxist theorising in British and other Anglo universities. In terms of media theory it was a heady time, and inspiration came from the critical intellectual work undertaken under the rubric of Cultural Studies initially at Birmingham (Steenveld 2006). It drew on the recently translated works of Althusser and Gramsci, and then moved from a focus on the political economy and institutional constraints to include a concern with the politics of representation, drawing on semiotic theories. All this had a dramatic impact on the intellectual work in the critical tradition in the field of media more generally, and concerns with inequalities in terms of class were expanded to incorporate other structural inequalities, notably gender and race. Simultaneously, the ideas of Brazilian Paulo Freire around education and literacy (reading not only the word, but the world) and African theorists like Fanon and Cabral were circulating in more radical nodes of this African location, and they proposed pedagogies of ‘liberation’ rather than the predominant transmission mode. The critical paradigm of Cultural Studies was one of critique and interpretation (Tomaselli 2005) and proposed an explicitly political practice. During the last decades of apartheid South Africa, education – including that at tertiary level – varied in content, form and resourcing, along the lines of language and race (Prinsloo 2002). In a trickle-down fashion along the apartheid lines of race, the learning programmes of black colleges were paternalistically informed by Afrikaans-language curricula (Prinsloo 2002). Similarly, the technical institutions with their vocational emphasis on skills were answerable to a centralised body in Pretoria that ensured the apartheid ideologies of separate and, contrary to their stated position, unequal education. The apparently neutral and skills-focused programmes were accordingly political in their practice, for they operated according to the dominant ideological frame. The divisions between the Afrikaans and English academies tended to be deep, to the extent that separate disciplinary associations existed along the lines of this ostensibly language-based division (Tomaselli 2005). If the Afrikaans academies were supported generously by the state, they also demonstrated an allegiance to apartheid ideologies. In contrast, the English liberal universities of Cape Town, Natal, Rhodes and the Witwatersrand defended the tradition of academic freedom and therefore provided the space for more critical work. They generally avowed an oppositional stance to the apartheid regime. Journalism programmes of the 1970s and 80s In the 1970s, a number of journalism programmes were introduced at Afrikaans universities, the distance education University of South Africa (Unisa) and at technikons (which have subsequently been redefined as technical universities.) Within these institutions there has been a tendency to a functionalist approach informed by what was termed ‘Communication Science’. In line with this positivist approach, communication was Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 190 2010/07/30 10:27:53 AM Journalism education in South Africa: Shifts and dilemmas 191 understood within a transmission model, drawing heavily on Shannon and Weaver’s communication model (Tomaselli 2005) and viewing communication theory as laws (of communication). I have suggested earlier that the focus on skills tends to be read as an apolitical approach. The focus at these institutions has been skills based, primarily with a vocational emphasis. In this sense these programmes, with their emphasis on decontextualised skills or on how to do journalism, served as handmaidens to both corporate media interests and the nationalist agenda of the time. Rhodes University’s Journalism and Media Studies – the 1980s In contrast, the English press in South Africa had historically trained their journalists in-house and it was only in 1970 that journalism education was introduced at an English-language university, namely within the humanities faculty at Rhodes University. I focus on Rhodes as it is recognised as a leading journalism education centre on the African continent. It has an extensive programme, offering undergraduate and postgraduate degrees and diplomas. Importantly, Rhodes has avoided complacency, in terms of its teaching programmes which have been the object of constant debate. It has, however, retained a generally progressive thrust under difficult circumstances. The political and intellectual developments at places like Birmingham gradually travelled and took root at Rhodes University. The form of the curriculum in the 1980s and the factors influencing it have been described by Steenveld (2006), a lecturer there from the mid-80s. She describes different approaches that occurred simultaneously and, interestingly, rejects the suggestion that the divisions within the department were along the lines of theory versus practice – an explanation that is frequently offered in journalism departments. Steenveld argues rather that the divisions occur along political lines. This is arguably a far more insightful – and complex – way to confront the contestations experienced at Rhodes and elsewhere, for it goes beyond the manifestation of difference to consider the causes. Steenveld describes how the politically engaged staff members who were working within a critical or neo-Marxist framework posed two questions in relation to the media, to inform their teaching. They interrogated, first, what the role of the media was in serving to sustain the apartheid state and, second, how they could use the media for their particular political purposes, that is to challenge the apartheid state. The first question essentially impelled an interrogation of the media as institutions, their ownership and the interests they served. This constituted, I suggest, a political economy approach similar to that which informed the early critical work done in British academies. Alongside this shared political approach, and different from their northern counterparts, they also contextualised these struggles in terms of their positioning as ‘Third’ World, and looked to theories that critiqued imperialism and colonialism. Their theorising of the role of the media led to a critique of the institutions and the kinds of texts they were producing in terms of their implicit political stances. This impelled their second question around the production of media that would do different ideological work. ‘Politically and Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 191 2010/07/30 10:27:53 AM 192 Jeanne Prinsloo pedagogically this left us with no option but to look for, and teach, alternative ways of producing texts that could be used by people engaged in the apartheid struggle’ (Steenveld 2006: 256–257). Thus, their critique led to an approach to ‘media practice’ that eschewed teaching the institutional conventions and norms that tend to be recounted in journalism textbooks. The idea that the press imparted information or informed its readers objectively was not credible, and instead teachers of video and television production foregrounded the debates around realism and how ‘the real’ was the product of processes of selection and construction. Semiotics as an analytic approach to investigate the politics of representation informed their teaching, in contrast to the models of communication taught at technikons. Thus both form and content were interrogated and alongside this, technology was similarly critiqued in relation to its ideological significance. It is interesting that this critical cultural and media studies approach did not inform the teaching in JMS evenly, for while it informed the teaching of visual media, it impacted unevenly on the print production courses. Steenveld accounts for this as a result of the differing political, and consequently theoretical, positions of the staff. In addition, she notes that the SABC was the state broadcaster and key disseminator of visual news. It served as ‘his master’s voice’ and thus could be rejected more straight-forwardly. In contrast, the print media were private commercial institutions and English newspaper practitioners tended to view the press as being able to play the kind of role attributed to the liberal media in the USA and England, of holding public figures and institutions accountable. There has been (and continues to be) a tendency to reify ‘the industry’ and ‘industrial practice’ in this way. However, their constructions reproduced particular versions of the ‘real’ which arguably supported the status quo – particularly in terms of capital – and their representations and concerns were generally distant from the lived experiences of most South Africans. Careful analysis and critique of news routines, conventional news values and notions of objectivity were necessary to make this evident, and this was taught by some of the print lecturers who encouraged ‘alternative’ practices (Pinnock 1991), but not by all. Steenveld stresses that at this point in time most lecturers taught both the theoretical and practical aspects of their courses. Their primary identity was with the academy and its social project to produce ‘potentially critical thinking South Africans who could play a role in fighting an illegitimate government in an oppressive state’ (2006: 259) (rather than with ‘preparing students for industry’). It is noteworthy that in her institutional history she stresses the illegitimate state and not the opposition to capital which was discursively present. This was the approach at JMS at Rhodes. Other tertiary institutions were experiencing similar contextual factors, but their approach to journalism education resulted from ‘a different political agenda and relationship to the apartheid state’ (ibid.). Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 192 2010/07/30 10:27:53 AM Journalism education in South Africa: Shifts and dilemmas 193 Current discourses and journalism ‘training’ Concurrent with the shifts in power following political transformation in 1994, there have been a number of changes in the media landscape. These comprise a shift in the composition of media ownership to include the entry of both black and foreign owners, accompanied by changes of staffing and management along the lines of race. Then, the alternative media have largely disappeared with the redirection of much of their donor funding to government in order to assist in the construction of a legitimate state, while tabloid newspapers have emerged on the scene with very large readership figures. Further, the gradual demise of racially defined journalism associations has led to the formation of a non-racial South African National Editors’ Forum (Sanef), which also engages in debates around what constitutes journalism ‘training’ or education. Two contextual issues need to be kept in mind: At the same time as there have been important shifts in ownership since the apartheid regime, the continuing concentration and globalisation of the media does not translate to more socially concerned content. In addition, an adversarial relationship has developed between the news media and the ANC government, particularly in the face of exposure of abuses of power by political figures. The ensuing debates have centred on freedom of expression as enshrined in the constitution, and what counts as public and national interest, with government spokespeople arguing that national interest should supersede public interest (Duncan 2003). The approach has been described as being couched in a ‘development communication paradigm’ (ibid.), a paradigm summarised as follows at the 2002 World Social Forum by a Brazilian journalist and then incoming president of the official news agency of the Brazilian government (RadioBras) in terms of Brazil: At this particular historical moment in Brazil, there happens to be an unprecedented convergence between what the people have a right to know and the information that it is in the government’s interest to disseminate. (cited in Duncan 2003: 5) And yet, the hegemonic discourse around journalism education has turned out to be little different from the one that informed the conservative institutions of the past. The emphasis is on ‘training’ for ‘the industry’ (Steenveld 2006: 259) and on skills.3 This was the case in the Sanef ‘skills audit’ report in 2002, where perceived problems with journalism were reduced to a skills deficit – things that require ‘training’ (Steyn & De Beer 2002). Similarly, at a series of small colloquia held at Rhodes (for South African journalism teachers from institutions in the southern African region), I was struck by the pervasiveness of voices that articulated a discourse that privileged ‘training’ and skills unquestioningly, with the exception of a small number of voices (largely those of media studies lecturers). In these discussions, the relationship to the market was seldom or reluctantly problematised, and as a consequence there is that sense that journalism departments should serve as handmaidens to the media industries. The market-driven imperatives of corporate media prevail, in line with the position that Singh was critiquing in relation to higher education generally. This has been evident in the intellectual conflicts among academics too. The so-called Windshuttle debate surfaced around his rejection of a Cultural Studies framework for journalism students.4 Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 193 2010/07/30 10:27:54 AM 194 Jeanne Prinsloo What became evident in this debate was that the contestation is underpinned not by an opposition between theory and practice, but between theoretical positions. More recently, in contrast to those debates that were aired in journals, there appears to be a degree of rapprochement at least among those academics who publish in South African scholarly journals (see De Beer & Tomaselli 2000; Fourie 2005; Wasserman 2005). In spite of this, the dominant approach as vocational training consequently addresses one aspect only, namely the how of journalism, but not the why (which requires that the politics be made explicit). The role of the media in the new dispensation is arguably not being subjected to the same scrutiny it received during the apartheid decades. In effect, the neoliberal economic agenda has become so effectively naturalised that its privileging of the market is rendered invisible, and market capital in its current form is the common-sense position, rationalised also in terms of the demise of the socialist bloc. Rhodes University’s Journalism and Media Studies – 2009 Against this changed backdrop, the teaching programme at Rhodes JMS has demanded reexamination. By the 2000s it had expanded its course offerings and staffing, and the nature of such expansion has meant that teachers have been appointed to teach practical specialisations for their familiarity with work contexts and routines. At the same time, an expanded postgraduate emphasis saw the appointment of staff theoretically located in the fields of cultural and media studies and, more rarely, journalism studies. Thus, lecturers no longer teach both the media studies theory and the practical components. Alongside the expansion in numbers has been an increase in the number and range of projects that fall within the School of Journalism and Media Studies, enabled by outside funding (primarily corporate sources including media institutions: Reuters, Independent Newspapers, Johnnic, Pearsons), commercial and financial corporations (such as South African Breweries, First National Bank), as well as philanthropic funding. The issue of this form of funding for higher education raises the question of how the intellectual agenda is being set. The curriculum has simultaneously been reviewed and overhauled since 2002. Its development has been a site of contestation and the forms of struggle are indicative of how the individual lecturers constitute their professional identities and politics. The primary contestation has been consistent with the division detailed above and revolved around preparing people for ‘industry’ versus the social and political role of journalism for transformation. In spite of the tensions, the curriculum as it has been developed retains a similarity of purpose with the 1980s intentions, for it continues to foreground a concern with social justice. This, however, is no longer restricted to acts of government, but seeks to address broader social inequalities pertaining to living in an African country in the 21st century. It is informed by Cultural Studies theories and critical pedagogy, and seeks to foster an alternative programme to those that privilege skills in relation to a commercialised industry, and so seeks to be Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 194 2010/07/30 10:27:54 AM Journalism education in South Africa: Shifts and dilemmas 195 consistent with a version of higher education proposed by Singh (see above) that promotes critical thinking, critical action and critical reflection. It does not, of course, ignore the market context nor eschew active engagement with the media professions, but this engagement seeks to include ‘a tradition of critical philosophical reflection’ (Reese & Cohen 2000: 221). The conceptualisation that informed the undergraduate programme is briefly outlined below. JMS vision The curriculum sets out to be a coherent, conceptually based programme, rather than a collection of topics and practical specialisations. It is informed by a particular vision that relates to issues of social justice and specific sets of theory in relation to this. The development of the vision was a prolonged process, for it brought to the surface the divisions in approaches to journalism education in the department. By the time of its adoption it had buy-in from the teaching staff at the time. The vision statement commences with its commitment to the values expressed in the South African constitution, to ‘heal the divisions of the past and establish a society based on democratic values, social justice and fundamental human rights; [and] lay the foundations for a democratic and open society … ’. In this way it commits itself to a concern with transformation and social justice. It then identifies its understanding of the media by highlighting the following three points: • • • The media constitute one of the powerful institutions that mediate our relation to and experience of the world; The nature of such mediation is conditioned by the media’s particular political, economic, technological and historical contexts; Consequently, these mediations contribute to the production and reproduction of the dominant relations of inequality that structure social life, and are implicated in questions of gender, class, culture, race, geography, sexuality, etc. (http://www.ru.ac.za/jms/aboutus/visionstatement) These points identify the significance of the media in relation to their role as mediators of experience, and so implicitly not as producers of reality or objectivity; they identify how such mediation is always located and contextual, and so point to the necessity of examining the forms and content of the mediations within the context of their production and reception. Finally, it is insistent on the media’s role in relation to the production and reproduction of inequalities. In this way it implicitly recognises the media as constituting a public sphere that potentially advocates democratic ways of being – or the converse. The final section of the statement identifies what kind of graduates JMS strives to deliver.5 It foregrounds the qualities of critical thinking and analysis. It is not unconcerned with skills, but this is recognised alongside thoughtfulness and creativity, and the importance of intellectual contributions. While it recognises that the students will be media workers, it does not mention ‘the industry’ nor use the word ‘training’, for it is concerned with graduates who are civic-minded and thus concerned with social justice. Unlike the teaching Steenveld described in JMS in the 1980s, the emphasis is not on opposition to the state and producing media for alternative rather than Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 195 2010/07/30 10:27:54 AM 196 Jeanne Prinsloo mainstream media houses. Instead, it seeks to produce graduates who can work with these concerns regardless of their institutional location. Finally, it stresses its location as an African academy that ‘seeks to make valuable intellectual contributions to the broad African media environment, to research, and to the integrated and ongoing education of media practitioners’ (http://www.ru.ac.za/ jms/aboutus/visionstatement). The form the curriculum has taken is informed by critical and poststructural theories, notably the idea of the circuit of culture which charts a process by which culture gathers meaning at four different ‘moments’, namely production, texts, readings and lived cultures (Du Gay et al. 1997). It advocates a holistic and multi-perspectival approach which aims at both critique and transformation. With this conceptual framework, the challenge was for the curriculum to incorporate the theoretical and practical dimensions in an integrated way within the constraints of the undergraduate degree for Journalism and Media Studies, which is a major subjects alongside another major subjects and four minor courses. It was agreed that for the curriculum to be coherent, each level would include certain strands, namely production of media and academic work; knowledge in relation to technical skills relating to academic and media production; histories of media (including an economic analysis) both global and local; and theories about media texts, institutions and audiences and their relation to practice. If knowledge development is understood as incremental, this curriculum threads these aspects through each year to systematically develop understandings and abilities. From the principles above it is apparent that production is not limited to media texts, but includes learning the conventions, expectations and limitations of the academy and academic literacy, which also needs to be taught explicitly. It also assumes that mainstream institutional conventions need critique and problematising in relation to the form and content of their representations. The history strand is structured to begin with a global scope in relation to media, journalism and modernity, and then move to the more local history of South African news media. The pedagogical principles that informed the curricular choices were drawn from critical pedagogical theories. Learning is understood as incremental and the need for rehearsal is built into the courses. It advocates experiential learning strategies with an emphasis on critical reflections. As the curriculum stands, it is the product of a prolonged complex and, at times, contentious process on the part of the teaching staff. Unsurprisingly, it is not equally embraced by all, but rather is generally acknowledged to be consistent with the vision statement and to provide a firm base from which to attempt to produce critical journalists. Yet, while this approach has been consolidated over five years, I suggest that certain issues now need to be considered to respond to the exigencies of recent technological and cultural developments, and they might form the basis for conversations between journalism educators of the South (such as Brazil and South Africa), to seek similarities and differences and possible strategies to inform the way we teach about them. These are the issues I shall conclude with, then. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 196 2010/07/30 10:27:54 AM Journalism education in South Africa: Shifts and dilemmas 197 CLOSING THOUGHTS Journalism educators in southern countries, as elsewhere, need to respond to their immediate contexts. For South Africa and Brazil, I mention two aspects: First, the new media environment characterised by the convergence of media technologies and an emphasis on multi-media approaches exists on the one hand, certainly, but on the other hand levels of access to technologies are so divergent, in line with the levels of inequalities indicated by the Gini coefficient earlier. Second, as countries where authoritarian governments previously held power, the renewed arguments on the part of government for media in the national interest should be responded to critically. Some commentators speak of a crisis in journalism and this can be attributed to competing news sources, for example, on the Internet, and the perceived challenges posed by citizen journalism. Fourie (2005) views journalism as being in crisis, as it is generally held in low esteem. He attributes this, in part, to its lack of intellectual depth, accompanied by a reliance on the opinions of certain intellectuals and academics. Fourie suggests shifting the focus of journalism education towards a critical understanding of the profession that includes the ‘questioning of the Western epistemology(ies) as the foundation of thinking about reality’ (ibid.: 154). Thus he echoes a concern shared with several African and postcolonial scholars with ‘decolonising the mind’, but one that easily slips into an essentialist argument. Arguably, debates relating to journalism and epistemologies and the resulting forms, practices and possibilities, could usefully form the central focus of the debates to be had between Brazil and South Africa. This implies developing theory and critique pertinent to the conditions that exist there, and to creating arguments for renewed practices that serve the purpose of social justice. To do this, journalists need to have a sound knowledge base to work from – one that includes a nuanced understanding of the global economy and the interests it serves, as well as of the histories from which we, and other southern countries, emerge. Certainly, in the South African context, the need to speak and write in indigenous languages suggests that the knowledge base should incorporate fluency in an indigenous language, if journalists are to move beyond largely reporting on elite places and people. Debates between journalism educators of Brazil and South Africa would most likely result in the recognition of the need for new approaches to aspects of curriculum. It might begin to erode some of the positions we hold, and might call for lecturers to develop new knowledge bases and expertise. Whatever the results might be, such dialogue can enable us to interrogate our knowledge and practices, in order to produce knowledge pertinent to our contexts. Such interactions have the potential to contribute to a critical practice for social justice, to fostering the kind of democracies we desire, and to internationalising journalism studies. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 197 2010/07/30 10:27:54 AM 198 Jeanne Prinsloo ENDNOTES 1 2 3 4 5 This article is based on a paper read at the first Conference of the Brazil–South African Journalism Research Initiative, Stellenbosch University, South Africa, 23 and 24 June 2009. On the Gini measure 0.0 means absolute equality and 1.0 means 1% of households take all income. The figures quoted apply to 2005. See https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/ fields/2172.html It is noteworthy that other applied fields of study such as teaching and nursing have rejected the term ‘training’ and insisted on ‘education’ in recognition of the fact that teaching and nursing are not neutral practices. Windshuttle’s selective version of cultural studies has been critiqued widely (see Ravell 1998, Strelitz & Steenveld 1998, Tomaselli & Shepperson 2000, for example). It is worded as follows: Journalism and Media Studies aims to produce self-reflexive, critical, analytical graduates and media workers, whose practice is probing, imaginative, civic minded and outspoken. Such graduates are equipped to act as thoughtful, creative and skilled journalists and media practitioners able to make meaningful and technically proficient media productions. (http:// www.ru.ac.za/jms/aboutus/visionstatement) REFERENCES Babbie, E. and J. Mouton. 2001. The practice of social research. Cape Town: Oxford University Press. Barnett, C. 1999. The limits of media democratisation in South Africa: Politics, privatisation and regulation. Media, Culture and Society 21: 649–671. CIA. 2010. Distribution of family income – Gini coefficient. 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Medsger, B. 1996. Winds of change: Challenges confronting journalism education. Virginia: The Freedom Forum. Pinnock, D. 1991. Popularise, organise, educate and mobilise: Culture and communication in the 1980s. In K. Tomaselli and E. Louw (eds), The alternative press in South Africa, 133–154. Bellville: Anthropos. Prinsloo, J. 2002. Possibilities for critical literacy: An exploration of the schooled literacies in KwaZuluNatal. PhD thesis, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 198 2010/07/30 10:27:54 AM Journalism education in South Africa: Shifts and dilemmas 199 Ravell, J. 1998. Cultural studies critics miss the point. Asia Pacific Media Educator 4: 90–95. Reese, S. and J. Cohen. 2000. Education for journalism: The professionalism of scholarship. Journalism Studies 1(2): 213–227. Singh, M. 2001. Reinserting the ‘public good’ into higher education transformation. Kagisano 1(1). CHE Education Discussion Series. Pretoria: Council on Higher Education. Steenveld, L. 2006. Journalism education in South Africa? Context, context, context. In A. Olorunnisola (ed), Media in South Africa after apartheid: A cross-media assessment, 253–295. Lewiston, NY: The Edwin Mellen Press. Steyn, E. and A.S. de Beer. 2004. The level of journalism skills in South African media: A reason for concern within a developing democracy. Journalism Studies 5(3): 387–397. Strelitz, L. and L. Steenveld. 1998. The fifth estate: Media theory, watchdog of journalism. Ecquid Novi 19(1): 100–110. Tomaselli, K. 2005. Paradigm, position and partnerships: Difference in communication studies. Communicatio: South African Journal for Communication Theory and Research 31(1): 33–48. Tomaselli, K. and A. Shepperson. 2000. The Australian journalism vs. cultural studies debate: Implications for South African media studies. Communicatio: South African Journal for Communication Theory and Research 26(1): 60–72. Wasserman, H. 2005. Journalism education as transformative practice. Ecquid Novi 26(2): 159–174. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 199 2010/07/30 10:27:54 AM COMMUNICATIO Volume 36 (2) 2010 pp. 200–212 Copyright: Unisa Press ISSN 0250-0167/Online 1753-5379 DOI: 10.1080/02500167.2010.485366 Journalism/Communication graduate education in Brazil Sérgio Mattos* 1 Abstract A general overview of Brazilian graduate courses in the field of communication and journalism is presented from an historical perspective. The present article presents data about the development of graduate courses throughout the country, taking into account the increasing number of undergraduate courses which are on offer in the same area. The article also covers the academic scientific production of programmes in the fields of journalism and communication. Up until 1991, only seven graduate programmes in communication were available in Brazil. The number of programmes increased to 36 graduate courses in 2009, with such programmes being distributed throughout the five regions of the country, with one in the north (Amazonas), seven in the south, five in the north-east, 20 in the south-east, and three in the central west. Of the 36 graduate courses, 23 offer only Master’s programmes, whereas 13 offer both PhD and Master’s programmes. According to the 2007 Education Census data, undergraduate social communication courses had an enrolment of 221 901 students in that year. Currently, 1 810 undergraduate communication courses, as well as 558 journalism courses are on offer in Brazil. Key words: Brazil, communication, graduate and undergraduate courses, history, journalism education, universities INTRODUCTION The current article is intended to present a general overview of journalism education in Brazil. Though not conclusive, the article firstly describes the evolution of undergraduate journalism courses, since their inception in the mid-1940s up until 2009. According to the 2007 Education Census data, undergraduate courses in communication were ranked fifth nationally among those courses with the largest enrolment of students. Of the 1 810 undergraduate courses in Social Communication (including those focusing on Film, Editorial, Journalism, Advertising, Broadcast – Radio and TV – and Public Relations) on offer in the country, 558 of them are in the field of journalism. For a journalist to be professionally registered as such with the Ministry of Labour, in order to be eligible for employment in the field of journalism, a degree in journalism has, until now, been a legal requirement. Secondly, the current article presents data reflecting the development of graduate courses across the country. The Brazilian graduate system was established in the 1960s in a rather ad hoc manner. Up until 1991 there were only seven graduate programmes in communication on offer in Brazil. The total number of such programmes increased to 36 in 2009, distributed throughout all five regions of the country, with one in the north (Amazonas), seven in the south, five in the northeast, 20 in the south-east, and three in the central west. Of a total of 36 graduate courses, 23 offer only Master’s programmes, whereas 13 offer both PhD and Master’s programmes. The National * Sérgio Mattos is professor at the Federal University of Recôncavo of the Bahia (UFRB) in Brazil. Email: smattos@atarde. com.br Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 200 2010/07/30 10:27:54 AM Journalism/Communication graduate education in Brazil 201 System of Graduate Programmes is composed of 2 800 Master’s and PhD courses. According to the Education Ministry’s projections, 16 918 students stand to complete their PhDs in 2010. Thirdly, the current article describes the trajectory of the graduate programmes in communication at the Federal University of Bahia (UFBA), starting with a historical overview, and providing insight into the numerous challenges, growth and principal achievements, as well as contributions to the development of Brazilian graduate courses. The importance of such a study lies in the fact that the graduate programme in Bahia was the first to be established in the north-east of Brazil. This short case study is also an example of how fast the development of a graduate course in Brazil can take place, and how long it takes for such a course to become fully functional. UNDERGRADUATE COURSES IN JOURNALISM This section of the article presents a brief history of undergraduate courses in Brazil. The initial landmark in journalism education was not President Getulio Vargas’ government decree, which was responsible for creating a journalism course under the influence of the Philosophy Department, but rather the formation of the journalism course which was implemented in São Paulo, in 1943, by the journalist Vitorino Prata Castello Branco. Initially, Branco’s pioneering work received support from the Professional Press Association of São Paulo, which authorised the use of its auditorium for the course. However, due to strong pressure, the initial support for the course was undermined, which led, at least in part, to the closure of the course. Branco then compiled all the material distributed during the course, from which he published a book in 1945 entitled: Journalism course. That book is identified as the definitive proof that a journalism course was started in 1943 in Brazil (Mattos 1994). Despite Vargas’ Decree No. 5480 having been published on 13 May 1943, the university course in journalism was only officially launched in 1948. The lengthy period between the official act and the establishment of the course was due to strong resistance to journalism education at university level during the 1940s. Such resistance was exerted by media owners and professionals with different educational backgrounds, who used to work for the major newspapers. The media owners were afraid that a professional qualification could force them to hike the salaries of journalists, while the professionals themselves were afraid of the competition. Ever since journalism education was first initiated in Brazil, the diploma which has been awarded in the field has been continuously subject to scrutiny. On 17 June 2009, the Brazilian Supreme Court revoked the requirement that those who wish to work in the field of journalism first earn a degree in the field – a requirement which had been in force since Decree No. 972 was first enacted in 1969. The pedagogic guidelines for journalism courses were initially created in 1946 by the Ministry of Education, which established the curricular structure concerned. At the time, the number of cultural subjects surpassed that of technical ones. The journalism course, which was offered by Cásper Líbero in São Paulo, was authorised by Decree No. 23087, which was enacted on 19 May Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 201 2010/07/30 10:27:54 AM 202 Sérgio Mattos 1947, and implemented in 1948. The course was linked to the other offerings of the Philosophy Department of The Catholic University of São Paulo. The first journalists to graduate from Cásper Líbero did so on 21 April 1950 (Marques Melo 1994). After that, many different university-level journalism courses sprang up across the country. On 28 April 1949, the UFBA, in the north-east, approved the establishment of a course in journalism which started in 1950 with about 120 candidates, of whom the first 64 graduated in 1952. After a break from 1953 to 1961, said course was once more on offer from 1962 onwards (Mattos 1994). The year 1959 was very important for the teaching of journalism in the north-east. In that year, the Catholic sisters of the Congregation of Nossa Senhora de Lourdes obtained authorisation to establish a journalism course in Joao Pessoa, Paraiba. The first Bachelor’s degrees in Journalism were awarded to those graduating from that course in 1961. In the same year, a new journalism course was established in the north-east by the Catholic University of Pernambuco, under the direction of Luiz Beltrão (Mattos 1994). José Marques de Melo has classified the journalism courses in Brazilian universities in terms of their historical context. According to him, since its conception, the teaching of journalism in Brazil has encompassed four distinct tendencies of curricular focus: ethical–social; technical–editorial; politico–ideological; and critic–professional. In this way, the first journalism courses, which were offered at the end of the 1940s (by Cásper Líbero, in São Paulo, and by the University of Brazil, in Rio de Janeiro), presented a strong tendency towards being of a deontological nature, emphasising those ethical, juridical and philosophical aspects that could be clearly understood, given the country’s socio-political context of 1945. Such an approach continued to influence the curricular structure of journalism courses until 1964, after which the second phase of journalistic instruction began under the military dictatorship that ruled the country for the next decade. Such a phase saw the technical–editorial tendency assume predominance, during which phase the emphasis was laid on evolving an appropriate journalistic technique set on improving related standards. The politico-historical development undergone by Brazil then led to the implementation of the Political Opening/Flexibility Process (Abertura Política), which inculcated a sense of hope for the initiation of democratic practices. Such an expectation was fortified by the National Congress election of 1974. During that period, there was a tendency to separate the process of news gathering, codification and diffusion from the politico–ideological scene. From that moment on, courses in communication were subject to ongoing crises, resulting from the lack of teaching quality in such courses and the stance held by Brazilian newspaper owners in defiance of the regulation that recognised the journalist as a university-level professional. In addition, journalists were required to be specifically qualified to work in the mass media market. In an attempt to solve the resultant crisis, much debate took place throughout the country. By this time, a fourth phase had emerged: that of the critic–professional. To improve the journalism qualifications on offer, new solutions had to be found by means of scientific investigation. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 202 2010/07/30 10:27:54 AM Journalism/Communication graduate education in Brazil 203 Accordingly, an official decision (embodied in Resolution No. 3 of 1978) was enacted by the Federal Council of Education (CFE). The resolution established a basic curriculum by determining, in its appendix, that all journalism courses had to include access to laboratories, to allow for experimentation by journalism students. The resolution in question determined that those institutions offering journalism courses had to be supplied with the following facilities: a newsroom; a design room; a typographic room; and photographic and broadcasters’ (radio and TV) laboratories. Such orders were enforced in terms of Resolution No. 2 of 1984, which had been enacted by the CFE. Despite the fact that the journalism curriculum stipulated the participation of academics and media owners, the resolution had not improved the study of journalism in pedagogic terms. In fact, it worsened the polemic battle between those groups that defended a more theoretic–humanistic foundation to the journalism course and the group that defended the need for more laboratorybased practice. Resolution No. 2 of 1984 allowed flexibility by permitting courses either to introduce new subjects or to extend some of the existing ones, as well as to refine existing communication courses. The curricula for all communication (Film, Editorial, Journalism, Advertising, Broadcast – Radio and TV – and Public Relations) courses were devised similarly, ensuring that a set number of prescribed skills would be achieved by the end of each course. By that time, the curriculum for journalism had been improved by both the University of São Paulo (USP) and by the University of Brasilia (UnB). Such improvement showed that the future of journalism in the country was still open to the adoption of more balanced approaches to curricular development. Despite 25 years having elapsed since the enactment of that resolution, we are still in the same quandary regarding those problems surrounding journalism education in Brazil, as well as the need for a diploma, before one is allowed to practise journalism. During the past three decades, however, Brazilian journalism – including journalism courses – has improved significantly. The obligation to receive university training has, by itself, raised the intellectual standards required of journalists. The setting of such standards has resulted in many Brazilian journalists attaining innumerable achievements, with it being possible to attribute the high academic standing of the graduate programmes to the improved qualifications of the professors concerned. Communication courses became very popular in Brazil during the early 1980s. By the end of the decade, in newspapers and television newsrooms across the country, journalists with a university degree were being appointed to replace those who lacked such qualifications. From the mid-1990s to the late-2000s, increasing numbers of communication and journalism courses were created throughout the country. According to the 2007 Education Census data, the undergraduate course in communication ranked fifth in the national ranking among students enrolled at university, with 221 901 students enrolled for courses in Social Communication. In 2007, 71 372 students completed their courses. Of the 1 810 undergraduate communication courses on offer in Brazil in that year, 558 on journalism were on offer in the country. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 203 2010/07/30 10:27:54 AM 204 Sérgio Mattos In the case of journalism, the necessity to have a degree in journalism was, from 1969 until June 2009, more than an academic option, because it had been a legal requirement for a journalist to be so qualified in order to be allowed to register as a professional journalist with the Ministry of Labour. As a result, more than 80 per cent of the journalists working for newspapers in São Paulo were college graduates who had majored in journalism. According to Hersckovitz (2005): While journalists are required by law to have a degree in communications to enter the field, very few continued their education beyond that. They said they would like to attend more workshops and complained that their news organisations did not allow them any free time to pursue further training or education. Some news organisations do promote workshops and offer their employees English courses. In order to improve the 2001 National guidelines for communication courses, the Ministry of Education, in February 2009, nominated a National Guidelines Commission on Journalism Courses. The commission had, in July 2009, to submit a proposal containing the new guidelines in order for such courses to be approved by the National Council of Education. A national discussion, which took the form of a public debate, was carried out with the participation of professors, professionals and institutions of civil society, as well as via the Internet. In this way, the commission gleaned many suggestions regarding curricular guidelines on journalism and, after compiling a database of all the suggestions, the commission issued a final proposal in this regard, which it submitted to the National Council on Education. According to José Marques de Melo, President of the Commission, consensus was reached about the quality standards to be set for the journalism course. Most of the suggestions received related to quality and ethics. In this sense, the guidelines on journalism will not be considered an end in itself, but rather as a document for the evaluation of the efficiency of journalism courses, in terms of how effectively they manage to fulfil their mandate, while providing key insights into how to implement new courses. Marques de Melo has also asserted that the commission is committed to supporting those principles in favour of maintaining university autonomy as regards the organisation of their curricula, in accordance with the constitutional ruling. GRADUATE COMMUNICATION AND JOURNALISM COURSES In this section of the article, the evolution of graduate courses in Brazil will be discussed. The Brazilian graduate system was established during the 1960s in a relatively spontaneous way. The graduate system offers courses stricto sensu of Master’s and PhD programmes, and specialised courses lato sensu directed at specific fields of study. From the mid-1970s onwards, the system has been guided by the principles established in the National plan for (post-graduate studies. The first plan, which covered the period from 1975 to 1979, set out which actions should consolidate the system by improving performance standards. The second plan was aimed at promoting graduate course expansion during the period from 1982 to 1985. The third plan, covering the period from 1986 to 1989, established some guidelines for consolidating the institutionalisation of research Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 204 2010/07/30 10:27:54 AM Journalism/Communication graduate education in Brazil 205 ‘emphasizing specific sums of money in university budgets, placing value on the scientific production of professors and encouraging the production in centers and research laboratories’ (Machado 2005). The fourth plan, issued in December 2004 and approved by the Minister of Education on 5 January 2005, established four objectives for the expansion of the system: ‘the empowerment of professors in colleges and universities, the qualification of teachers who work in elementary schools, the specialisation of professionals for public and state jobs and the professional development of technicians and researchers for state and private companies’. The fourth plan also intends to double the present number of researchers, to strengthen the technological and scientific base of the system, to increase the professional training of new teachers at all educational levels, and to promote academic balance among the different regions of the country. In relation to international partnerships, the plan proposes to increase the present model of institutional partnership, to create new programmes of scholarship exchange, and to encourage postdoctoral development. After analysing the said four plans, Fernanda da Fonseca Sobral (2004, as quoted by Machado 2005), states the following: ‘[W]e conclude that the Brazilian graduate policy initially tried to empower university professors; later on it became concerned with graduate system performance and finally it focused on the development of university research, aiming at scientific and technological research and national priorities.’ In Brazil, the first theoretical texts on journalism were produced early on in the 20th century. However, journalism courses began to be established during the late 1940s, whereas the initial graduate programmes in communication were only established in the mid-1960s. Until the establishment of the graduate courses, studies in journalism were the result of individual efforts, in the absence of a formal research environment. During the mid-1960s, the (Post) Graduate Course in Communication was created at USP, which presented journalism as a research field. As a result, in 1972 José Marques de Melo submitted the first Brazilian dissertation on journalism at USP. At the time, according to Meditsch and Segala (2005), we were already faced with the problem of legitimating journalism research, due to the introduction of Social Communication Studies as a new discipline to which journalism became subordinate. (…) Propagated by Unesco in the post-war years, Mass Communication – now known as Social Communication – arrived in Brazil as a new discipline through CIESPAL and the minimum compulsory syllabus established in the 1960s. However, differently from what occurred in other Latin American countries, in Brazil there was not exactly a ‘loss of the object of study’ of Communication due to its expansion. On the contrary, journalism, now an academic sub-area of a field known as Communication Sciences, has conserved its identity in the bosom of the new area, (…) it preserves its vitality as an area for academic production. From the mid-1960s to 1970s, the first graduate courses in communication in Brazil were brought into being. Among the first academic endeavours in this regard was that of the USP’s School of Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 205 2010/07/30 10:27:54 AM 206 Sérgio Mattos Communication and Arts in São Paulo; that of the School of Communication Studies (ECO) at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro; and the Master’s programme of the Communication Department at Brasília University. The UnB’s graduate programme in communication started in 1974 with a Master’s course, whereas its PhD course started only later, in 2003. The UnB’s graduate course is a pioneer in the field of media process studies. The primary focus of the course is the investigation of practices, processes, products, institutions and technologies in the communication field and their relationship with politics, economics and various cultural areas. The programme has four foci of research: journalism and society; communication policies; sound and image; and communication and technology theory. From the early 1990s onwards, graduate programmes in communication were systematically introduced across the country, with the highest concentration of such programmes developing in the south-east region. The research efforts exerted by the three universities from São Paulo – USP, UMESP and UNICAMP – have also inspired other Brazilian universities with journalism schools. Most recently, on 6 August 2007, the Federal University of Santa Catarina established its graduate Master’s programme in journalism, which is the first such programme to have journalism as its sole focus of study. The course concentrates on two key areas of research, namely journalism fundamentals, and journalistic processes and products. According to the data released by Coordination of Training for University-level Personnel (CAPES) in 2007, in total 50 406 professors were involved with undergraduate and graduate courses in Brazil. The National System of (Post) Graduate Programmes is currently composed of 2 800 Master’s and PhD courses. In 1987, 868 students completed their PhD programmes in all areas of knowledge. In 2003, the total number of new doctorates increased to 8 094. Considering the MEC’s projections, it is likely that 16 918 students will be completing their PhD programmes in 2010. Brazilian academic achievements can be seen in terms of the total number of articles published in any one year. In 2007, 19 428 articles were published in scientific journals, that being 2 556 more than the total number of such articles published in 2006. Despite such growth, Brazil was ranked only 15th internationally, in this respect, by Thomson Scientific. In 2007, Brazil produced only 2.02 per cent of the total international scientific production. However, according to information released by the Minister of Education in June 2009, Brazilian scientific production increased by 56 per cent from 2007 to 2008, with Brazilian researchers publishing 30 451 scientific papers in 2008. In May 2008, as a result of such an increase in production, Brazil rose two positions in the international ranking, to be ranked 13th in terms of international scientific production. The National (Post) Graduate System follows the classification which was originally proposed by CNPq, as categorised into eight major areas: Exact and Earth Sciences; Biological Sciences; Engineering; Health Sciences; Land Sciences; Human Sciences; Linguistics, Languages and the Arts; and Applied Social Sciences, in which (Post) Graduate Communication and Information Science have been included. (Post) graduate courses are structured according to their areas of concentration and fields of research. All communication courses have a specific area of Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 206 2010/07/30 10:27:54 AM Journalism/Communication graduate education in Brazil 207 concentration, which includes a few fields of research. Only three graduate programmes – those at USP, at UnB and at the Federal University of Santa Catarina respectively – offer journalism as a specific field of research. According to Marcia Benetti Machado (2005), the absence of specific fields of journalism in other programmes has neither limited the research of advisors nor the access of students who focus their research on journalism. However, because of the CAPES evaluation instruments, which analyse, among other items, the ‘connection between the fields of research and projects’, there is an ongoing effort to adapt project themes or approaches to the guidelines for each field of research, which is always more comprehensive than the already broad field of journalism. While such a strategy guarantees the insertion of such projects into the area of Communication studies, it might also prejudice the development of a significant research axis, with its own subjects and theories, such as in the case of journalism. In addition to the above, Elias Machado (2005) argues that journalism, as a scientific object, makes possible the establishment of a specialised field of knowledge which, while having in the journalistic profession a legitimate object, requires the development of its own, specific methodologies in order to be fully understood. (…) From the mid-1990s to the present time, there has been a dissemination of journalism researchers with graduate degrees either from a Brazilian university, or from a foreign one, throughout various states in Brazil, many of whom have been absorbed by the new graduate programmes in communication studies outside the Rio–São Paulo area. The main research areas developed over the course of time have been: the history of journalism; theories of journalism; discourse analysis; news making; reception; specialised journalism; digital journalism; and narrative theories. Until 1991, there were only seven graduate programmes in communication in Brazil: four in São Paulo; one in Rio de Janeiro; one in Brasília; and one in Salvador. The number of such programmes increased to 36 by 2009, being located in the following five Brazilian regions: one in the north; seven in the south; five in the north-east; 20 in the south-east; and three in the central west. Of the total of 36 graduate communication courses on offer, 23 offer only Master’s programmes, whereas 13 offer both PhD and Master’s programmes. A total of 1 018 students are enrolled in Master’s programmes, with 524 enrolled in PhD communication programmes. According to 2009 unofficial data, approximately 520 professors were teaching graduate communication courses. In Brazil, the average Master’s programme takes 28 months, and the average PhD programme 47 months, to complete. The influence exerted by both CAPES and CNPq (National Council of Technological and Scientific Development) on the growth of such graduate programmes is undeniable. CAPES and CNPq are federal agencies that promote research by granting scholarships and other forms of financial assistance to professors and students. In 1976, CAPES first adopted a system of evaluation for graduate courses in Brazil. Since then, CAPES has developed graduate courses, as well as scientific and technological research, throughout the country. In short, CAPES has the following objectives: to establish quality standards for the Master’s and PhD programmes; to contribute to the increasing Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 207 2010/07/30 10:27:54 AM 208 Sérgio Mattos efficiency of such programmes; and to create an efficiently run bank of databases to allow for the successful monitoring of the development of graduate education throughout Brazil. Graduate courses are subjected to annual evaluation, which is conducted by CAPES. Every three years, the programme is graded or evaluated on a scale from 1 to 7, according to the guidelines established by the National Council of Education (CNE) and the Ministry of Education (MEC). Those programmes that are graded 1 or 2 are disaccredited by the MEC, whereas those PhD programmes that maintain excellence and receive international recognition might be graded 6 or 7. The highest grade that can be awarded a Master’s programme is 5. Each graduate course requires authorisation as an offering, with the renewal of such authorisation depending on the results of the evaluation. CAPES also contributes to the development of graduate courses by means of the scholarships it offers. The different official bodies offer, among others, scholarships in extension work, initial scientific investigation and research, the latter of which may be offered to graduate students to carry out those projects relating to specific research areas. CAPES also provides some students who are enrolled in Master’s or PhD courses with work- or study-related scholarships. According to 2008 data, CAPES granted scholarships to 1 015 students and 211 teachers who were linked to 18 different projects and 126 different schools. CAPES runs programmes of international cooperation in order to develop Brazilian graduate activities in the global context. CAPES also supports university exchange agreements in partnership with Argentina, Chile, Cuba, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, the United States and Uruguay. CNPq, in contrast, is an agency that is linked to the Ministry of Science and Technology (MCT). The agency, which was formed in 1951, is dedicated to the promotion of scientific and technological research in Brazil, with whose history it is directly linked. In 1999, CNPq launched a project known as Lattes Platform, intended to standardise the curriculum vitae of Brazilian researchers. By means of the project, the scientific and academic research efforts of professors and students have become accessible to all. THE DEVELOPMENT OF GRADUATE OFFERINGS IN BAHIA The current section of this article describes the trajectory of graduate programmes in communication at UFBA, by discussing some of its history, including those challenges and instances of growth encountered, as well as the principal contributions made to the development of Brazilian graduate courses. Bahia’s graduate programmes, which were the first to be established in the north-east, have made a significant contribution to the improvement of graduate education in Brazil. This short case study exemplifies how fast the development of a graduate course can occur in Brazil, and how long such a course can take to become fully functional. The Master’s programme in the Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 208 2010/07/30 10:27:54 AM Journalism/Communication graduate education in Brazil 209 Department of Communication2 at UFBA was only established in 1989, with the PhD programme being established in 1994. The two graduate programmes offering both a Master’s and a PhD at UFBA’s Faculty of Communication (FACOM) are those of Communication and Contemporary Culture and the Multidisciplinary Programme in Culture and Society. FACOM reflects the pioneering way in which such programmes influenced the regional direction of such studies. The two graduate programmes are part of UFBA, which was created in 1946, and which today offers 56 undergraduate courses, 46 different Master’s programmes and 23 PhD programmes. FACOM was created on 30 September 1987, after splitting from the Faculty of Library and Communication. Currently, FACOM offers two undergraduate courses (one in the field of journalism, and the other in editorial production) and two programmes of graduate courses stricto sensu (offering both a Master’s and a PhD). FACOM has about 500 undergraduate and 143 graduate students. Together, the two graduate programmes have an academic complement of 40 permanent and nine ad hoc professors. According to Albino Rubim, the first Director of FACOM, many extension activities had to be carried out from 1985 to 1987, prior to the implementation of the graduate programme. Salvador first had first to be acknowledged as a source of sound communication and cultural debate. Many seminars and courses were held in order to bring the academic staff up to date with the latest developments in the area, and to foster the further academic development of the faculty and staff. The debates, which started with one on the dilemma of modernity, featured prominent Brazilian authors and cultural thinkers involved in the field of communication, and therefore contributed a great deal to the creation of the graduate programme concerned (Mattos 2008). Such activities and exchange programmes facilitated the identification and appointment of a select group of professors, whose chief concern was cultural studies. As a result, the Graduate Programme in Communication and Contemporary Culture was established at UFBA, of which Prof. Marcos Palacios became the first coordinator. When his successor, Prof. Albino Rubim, assumed leadership of the programme, the foci of study became post-modernity, neo-modernity, sociability, communication and culture. At first, the programme sought to secure common ground within the plurality of theoretical approaches which could be adopted towards such topics of study. The Programme in Communication and Contemporary Culture was created in 1989, together with a Master’s course. Since its inception, the programme has been characterised as an interdisciplinary focus of academic endeavour in the fields of communication and culture. The PhD programme was first implemented in 1994, as not only the first such programme on offer in the north-east region of Brazil, but also as the first such programme outside the axis formed by the academic communities of São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and Brasília. As such, it was the seventh such course to be established in the country. Within FACOM’s infrastructure, the new International Centre for Multidisciplinary Studies on Culture (CULT, the Cathedral of Andrés Bello) was formed in 2003. FACOM’s second graduate course in communication was first established in 2005, consisting of Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 209 2010/07/30 10:27:54 AM 210 Sérgio Mattos the Multidisciplinary Programme in Culture and Society, which further strengthened FACOM’s say in graduate education throughout the north-east. The Programme in Communication and Contemporary Culture was rated 5 by CAPES in 2001, which acknowledged the course as one of the best in the country. The programme focuses on three main areas of study, namely • • • cyber culture, which analyses the form of media convergence occurring in informatics and telecommunication, focusing on its impact in terms of communication and technology; the analysis of media culture products and language, which focuses attention on the analysis of works, products and communicative languages, as well as on the elaboration of methodologies in receptive studies; and communication and politics. The Multidisciplinary Programme on Culture and Society, which was rated 4 by CAPES, primarily focuses on two main areas of research, namely • • culture and development, which addresses the relationship between culture and politics, and between culture and science; and culture and identity, which is directed at the descriptive and discursive analysis of social forms of identity and artistic expression. According to August 2008 data, the Programme in Communication and Contemporary Culture had, by that stage, already awarded 158 Master’s degrees and 51 PhDs. At that time, the enrolment in the programme was 57 students, of whom 27 were registered with the PhD, and 30 with the Master’s programmes. The programme also had 11 students enrolled for the Inter-Institutional PhD programme, which was being conducted in partnership with the Federal University of Tocatins. The Programme in Culture and Society has, so far, awarded 28 Master’s degrees, and its first PhD in 2009. The Programme in Culture and Society, at the time of going to press, had 75 students enrolled for its course, of whom 32 were registered for their PhDs and 43 for their Master’s. The Master’s programme was consolidated between 1988 and 1990, with the PhD programme being created in 1994. Since then, the Graduate Programme in Communication and Contemporary Culture has pioneered the incorporation of new media technologies, resulting in the establishment of the International Centre for Studies and Research on Cyber Culture. The centre, which was first formed by Marcos Palacios and André Lemos (who were, at the time, professors in the abovementioned programme), was initially created as a research group (Cyber Research) in 1997. In 2000, the research group was transformed into the international centre, with the objective of conducting studies and participating in the emerging area of cyber culture. This soon became an internationally acknowledged centre of excellence, due to its studies on the impact of new technologies on contemporary culture and society. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 210 2010/07/30 10:27:54 AM Journalism/Communication graduate education in Brazil 211 Another pioneering activity which members of the programme engaged in, was to establish a research group on digital journalism, with research into the topic being initiated in 1995. As a result, the Research Group on On-Line Journalism (GJOL) was created under the directorship of Prof. Elias Machado. According to Machado (2005), who was one of the visionaries of the project, GJOL made such a substantial contribution as ‘to improve not only the quality of teaching, but also the quality of the research and the digital journalism practiced in Salvador’. FACOM was one of the first Brazilian schools to teach digital journalism as a compulsory subject in its undergraduate journalism course, anticipating a movement that was taking place in all journalism courses. FACOM/UFBA’s participation in graduate communication courses has been in constant evidence, not only through its pioneering activities, but also in terms of the influence it has exerted in the north and north-east of Brazil, in determining areas of research and forging a true academic community. The Bahia communication group has acted as a truly invisible college, which has developed its own characteristics and specific tendencies. Although FACOM/UFBA is considered relatively small in the communication arena, the rapid approval of its second Graduate Programme in Culture and Society, offering both Master’s and PhD programmes (by CAPES in 2005) came as something of a surprise. The implementation of such a multidisciplinary programme occurred in accordance with the new CAPES policy, which was aimed at recognising the value of multidisciplinary courses focusing on culture. The programme offers academic support to professors and researchers from a range of disciplines dedicated to the study of Brazilian culture, including those of anthropology, architecture, communication, economics, the health sciences, history, music and sociology. The challenges, tendencies and influences of the two graduate programmes on offer at FACOM/ UFBA are similar, despite the focus of the older being solely on communication, and that of the younger being multidisciplinary. In short, we can say that, over the past 20 years, FACOM, by means of its two graduate programmes, has contributed to the internationally acknowledged status of Bahia and Brazil in respect of specific studies relating to culture, communication technology and the impact of information on media and society. The professionals graduating from such programmes are being hired to teach the communication and journalism courses on offer in Salvador and other cities, which has led to the enhancement of the quality of teaching at the undergraduate level. ENDNOTES 1 This article is based on a paper read at the first Conference of the Brazil–South African Journalism Research Initiative, Stellenbosch University, South Africa, 23 and 24 June 2009. 2 The author of this article was, in 1982, the first professor with a PhD in the department. The first student to complete his journalism-related PhD in communication with the department, under the guidance of the author, was awarded his degree at the beginning of 1998. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 211 2010/07/30 10:27:54 AM 212 Sérgio Mattos REFERENCES Beltrão, L. 1986. O ensino do Jornalismo no Nordeste (depoimento). Cadernos de Jornalismo e Editoração (18). São Paulo: Departamento de Jornalismo editoração, ECA/USP. Castello Branco, V.P. 1986. 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Jornalismo Brasileiro: A Pesquisa e a Conjuntura Política. In Comunicação: Teoria e Política, 59–69. São Paulo: Summus. . 1994a. Cásper Líbero, Pioneiro do Ensino de Jornalismo no Brasil. In J.M. de Melo (ed), Transformações do Jornalismo Brasileiro: Ética e Técnica, 13–24. São Paulo: Intercom, Sociedade Brasileira de Estudos Interdisciplinares da Comunicação. . 1994b. Transformações do Jornalismo Brasileiro: Ética e Técnica. J.M. de Melo (ed). São Paulo: Intercom, Sociedade Brasileira de Estudos Interdisciplinares da Comunicação. Mattos, S. 1994. Ensino de Jornalismo: Sem a integração teoria e prática não haverá solução. In J.M. de Melo (org.), Transformações do Jornalismo Brasileiro: Ética e Técnica, 27–38. São Paulo: Intercom, Sociedade Brasileira de Estudos Interdisciplinares da Comunicação. . 2008. Trajetória da Pós-Graduação em Comunicação na Bahia. Paper presented at the XXXI Brazilian Congress of Communication Science. Intercom, Natal, September. Meditsch, E. and M. Segala. 2005. Trends in three 2003/4 journalism academic meetings. Brazilian Journalism Research 1(1): 47–60. Plano Nacional de Pós Graduação (2005–2010). CAPES. http://www.capes.gov.br/Documentos/PNPG/ PNPG_2005_2010.pdf (accessed 30 June 2009). Sobral, F. da F. 2004. O planejamento da pós-graduação brasileira. CAPES. http://www.capes.gov. br/_Documentos/PNPG/Textos_apoio_PlanejamentoPosGraduacao_Brasileira. pdf (accessed 30 June 2009). UFBA. 1982. A Biblioteconomia na Bahia: 40 Anos de Atividades. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 212 2010/07/30 10:27:54 AM COMMUNICATIO Volume 36 (2) 2010 pp. 213–226 Copyright: Unisa Press ISSN 0250-0167/Online 1753-5379 DOI: 10.1080/02500167.2010.485367 Looking for journalism education scholarship in some unusual places: The case of Africa Arnold S de Beer * 1 2 Abstract It is argued in this article that due to the ‘knowledge colonialism’ that exists in the world today, Northern (especially American and British) academic publishing houses have become so prevailing that generations of journalism students in English-speaking African countries have become entrapped in the Northern ‘way of doing things’. In the field of communication studies, this is perhaps best exemplified by the way in which introductory American textbooks on journalism have become not only the major, but more often than not, the sole published source for journalism students in Africa, as well as in the way journals tend to consist of Northern editorial board members, even though the research area is Africa. This situation is discussed against the background of the curtailment on the free flow of information in Africa on the one hand, and the Northern knowledge hegemony on the other. A North–South and South–South publishing model is suggested. Key words: Africa, journalism, journals, North–South relations, scholarship, South–South relations INTRODUCTION A rather unforeseen consequence of the globalisation process is that it could compel journalism scholars and their publishers in the North to rethink their relationship with their peers in the global South, not least in Africa. If such reconsideration is not possible from a journalistic-ethical point of view, then at least it should make sense from an academic one (see Le Roux & Nwosu 2006). It is argued in this article that a kind of knowledge colonialism still exists in the world today. In an era of globalisation, Northern (especially American) academic publishing hegemony3 has become so prevalent over the last half-century, that generations of journalism students in English-speaking African countries have become entrapped in the American ‘way of doing things’. This is best exemplified in the way in which introductory American textbooks on journalism have become not only the major, but often, the sole published source for journalism students in Africa. From Wolseley and Campbell (1959) in the 50s, Bond (1961) in the 60s, through Metz (1977), Harriss, Leiter and Johnson (1992), to the latter authors’ updates in the 2000s, teaching American students journalism became teaching English-speaking African students journalism. Against the avalanche of available American journalism textbooks, precious little was produced in English-speaking Africa in terms of journalism textbooks (an exception to the rule was, for instance, the work done by Francis Kasoma [e.g. 1994] and different authors in South Africa [e.g. Greer 1999; Nel 2002]). Efforts over the years to find American publishers interested in adapting US-based textbooks (let alone giving voice to African authors) to the needs and circumstances of African journalism teaching have come to naught – as lists of prescribed texts in journalism * AS de Beer is professor extraordinary in the Department of Journalism, Stellenbosch University, South Africa. E-mail: [email protected] Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 213 2010/07/30 10:27:54 AM 214 Arnold S de Beer schools will show. In a market where the bottom-line rules, the answer has always been easy to predict: ‘Journalism principles and the teaching thereof (as in American textbooks) are universal, so there is no need to cater for Africa.’ As in other fields of intellectual endeavour, the time seems ripe for journalism scholars in the South to readjust their relationship with the North. This would include the need to take cognizance of institutional facets in the South, such as the 21st-century role of the media, journalism teaching, and the concomitant re-aligning of media and journalism literature, not the least being the publishing of journalism monographs and journals. Murphy and Rodríquez (2006) discuss, in a special edition of Global Media and Communication, how globalisation and hegemony have compelled mass communication scholars in the North to rethink the theoretical constructs and praxis of the media industries in Latin America. In this article, it will be argued that the same reasoning could be applied with regard to Africa. On both these continents (as well as elsewhere in the South, e.g. Asia and Australia), there are shifts in journalism and mass communication paradigms, education, theory and research. The conspicuous markers of global capitalism, technology and social struggles (e.g. democratisation, conflict, racism, poverty) are now in need of being reframed in the North within the South’s context of its ‘ … thick residue of indigenous, colonial revolutionary, and pre-capitalist’ past (Murphy & Rodríquez 2006: 267–268). The reality is still very different – in the opposite direction. In a book review on media images, Iskandar (2007), for instance, bemoans the fact that ‘media research remains obsessively confined to the press in the Western Hemisphere,’ and that this continuing asymmetry within the publishing industry and its patterns of distribution makes it difficult to reach US libraries and North-American scholars. Mass media and journalism researchers, scholars and publishers, like the rest of the societal institutions in the North, do not yet seem ready to re-examine questions associated with changing political, economic and cultural contexts, in order to obtain a full grasp of the South. This especially includes journalism monograph and journal publishing agencies in the South, which speak directly to the issue of cultural capital and representation by way of indigenous authorship. On the other hand, the development of a South–South relationship could lessen the impact of the northern publishing hegemony that is presently not only defining international journalism theory and research, but also publishing on the topic itself. This is especially important because in the age of globalisation, English has become the dominant means of scholarly journalism communication. An example will be noted later on, where such cooperation became possible in the field of communication and media studies. As one would expect, international journalism journal publishing in English (as is the case with other social science and humanity fields) is largely based in the North, where the peer-reviewed Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, Journalism Studies, and Journalism are arguably the leaders in the field devoted to journalism studies. English-language journalism print journals in Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 214 2010/07/30 10:27:54 AM Looking for journalism education scholarship in some unusual places ... 215 the South, such as the Brazilian Journalism Review in Latin America, the Australian Journalism Review in the Pacific and Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies in Africa, are few and far between. It is noteworthy to observe that what is applicable to journalism also holds true for the broader issue of knowledge creation. As Zegeye and Vambe (2006) argue, English-medium journals – especially in the US and the UK – largely set international paradigms and research trends. The basis for this assumption lies, inter alia, in the way English-language journals in the North dominate important academic citation indexes such as the Thomson Reuters ISI and IBSS on topics directly related to other continents (see, for instance, the UK/US journals indexed on IBSS, dealing with social science and humanity topics in Latin America and Africa, in the absence of publications from these two continents). JOURNALISM PUBLISHING IN AFRICA IN A POST-COLONIAL CONTEXT In Africa, the issue of Northern publication ascendancy is perhaps more conspicuous than elsewhere, as journalism monographs and journals are not only conduits of academic research, but also form part of the quest for free access to information still largely confined to the North. On a continent where journalism and its products in the form of modern media (from the printed word to the Internet) are in a battle to overcome continuous encroachment and intervention by the state, journalism journal publishing could be a hazardous task. A lack of resources (both human and material, including access to the Internet) aggravate this situation, which is mainly due to factors such as a post-colonial legacy (including restrictions on media freedom); the curtailment of knowledge production; the extent of journalism education and publishing; and the diverse effects of globalisation (De Beer 2006). However, the lack of journalism journal publishing might, in the first instance, be due to the internal political situation on the continent, and not necessarily (only) due to a Northern publishing hegemony. Since the African decolonisation process started in the 1960s, a growing body of literature in the North has dealt with different aspects of democratisation, or lack thereof, but strangely, not much is said about the role of journalism. One reason might be that while the media have played a significant role in democratising countries (for example, in Latin America), this has not happened to the same degree in sub-Saharan Africa (with the possible exception of countries such as South Africa and Nigeria). In this context, Hydén, Leslie and Ogundimu (2002: 25), in their overview of the role the media played in the democratisation process in Africa, note that the interaction between the media and democratisation ‘(…) constitutes an important and still largely unexplored territory for researchers in the field of (…) journalism’. Though almost all countries on the African continent have constitutional provisions guaranteeing freedom of expression, including legislation that safeguards it, this ‘assurance’ has not been a glaring beacon of hope in post-colonial times. One of the conventional wisdoms about democracy is that Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 215 2010/07/30 10:27:54 AM 216 Arnold S de Beer it should harbour a free press and consequently freedom of speech, which would include academic freedom and the freedom to publish journalism journals, because the media is an important element in safeguarding the ideals of democracy. However, as Berger (2002: 21–45) argues, this is a very limited point of view, seen from a liberal pluralist paradigm. In post-colonial Africa, the media have instead played a political propagandist role by propping up dictators and/or ruling elites. The media have, with clear indications of state authoritarianism, been impounded upon by the state to play a developmental role. Also, rather than being a bastion on which to build democratic processes and structures, it became a characteristic of weak African states that the media were directly linked to the state apparatus and were used to promote personality cults, rather than to serve journalistic ideals according to the liberal model (ibid.: 27). The close relationship between African governments and the press is also seen with regard to journalism journals and academic departments. As has been witnessed at conferences of the African Council for Communication Education and journalism departments from Swaziland and Zimbabwe in the south, to Ethiopia in the east and Egypt in the north, governments influence and often prescribe directly the boundaries of journalism studies at university level. The argument that press freedom in Africa should not, in a Northern hegemonic sense, be considered within a liberal-democratic frame but against the needs of African society, is a counter-argument that more and more African media scholars are putting forward. This is also the point of view advocated by one of the continent’s foremost media scholars, Francis Nyamnjoh (2005: 2–3). He argues that the media in Africa have become the victims of ‘ … an imposed hierarchy of (Northern) national and world cultures’, which exclude or marginalise entire world views and cultures on the African continent. A consequence of this is that democracy could ‘ … hardly (be) informed by popular articulations of personhood and agency’ (ibid.; see also Wasserman 2006). Nyamnjoh’s point of view would resonate well with that of Merrill (2006: 23, 25–26): ‘Certain soils produce some kinds of media cultures and other soils produce quite different ones. In a modern world, journalists (and journalism scholars) must take various cultures into consideration. It makes things difficult for everyone, for example, if a libertarian journalist tries to insert his or her values into an authoritarian society. It is natural to expect trouble.’ Like other African idealists, Nyamnjoh (2005) believes that the politics of belonging, which means an emphasis on the community rather than the individual, is central to understanding democracy in Africa and the role of the media in promoting it (also see Merrill 2004). In the same vein, Ansah (2005: 27–29) argues that if Africa’s record on all accounts in terms of human rights is a dismal one, then ‘ … this cannot be properly attributed to the assumption that African societies have a completely different conception of human rights from that of the Western societies with which they came into contact through colonialism’. As Ansah (ibid.: 37) shows, the typical Western idea of the press being the watchdog of government (i.e. defending the public and its individual rights, vis-à-vis that of the national interest), falls foul of many African political leaders who want to ensure the subservience of the press, because it Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 216 2010/07/30 10:27:55 AM Looking for journalism education scholarship in some unusual places ... 217 is vital to the exercise of political power (see also Merrill 2004). This has obvious and serious implications for journalism journal publishing as a critical indicator of freedom of speech. The argument offered for the non-watchdog approach, is that the media might propagate and promote interests that are at variance with those defined by the national leadership. ‘It is argued that since political institutions in developing countries are fragile and any criticism of the government may be interpreted as a challenge of the legitimacy of the government, the media should refrain from scrutinizing the affairs of the government too closely’ (Ansah 2005: 36). Against the premises of a Northern view of media freedom, African media scholars then argue that Africa has a rich history of freedom of expression in an oral context (Ansah 2005). The issue for these scholars is then not how African media (and consequently journalism journals) can fit into a Northern and globalised paradigm of press freedom, but rather given the enormous economic and political problems facing many African countries, whether the promotion of human rights, such as press freedom, should not be subordinated to the imperatives of the national interest, e.g. in the form of economic development (see Wasserman & De Beer 2006). Africa’s depressing colonial and post-colonial history of press freedom (see De Beer 2005) could then be construed as either a misreading of African values through the lens of liberal-democratic ideals, or as a yet-to-realise reconceptualisation of democracy in terms of African values, such as that of the community (see, for instance, Esan [2004] for a description of how oppressive political regimes in Africa stifled media freedom and how these actions possibly led to the emergence of popular culture as a form of alternative media). The notion that African values regarding the free flow of communication differ from those of the North is also expounded by Taylor, Nwosu and Mutua-Kombo (2004). They argue that the orientation of media studies as a discipline on the African continent resulted from structural forces from Africa’s colonial past. They also ascribe to the North the present prevailing theoretical attraction of the mass media as agents of change, which necessitated having to train university graduates for careers in journalism, broadcasting, public relations and advertising. This education and training model has helped to entrench the Northern paradigm of a market- and profit-driven media freedom as the cornerstone of communication in Africa. What is needed in the African context, with its (theoretical and historical) heritage of communitarianism (e.g. in the form of ubuntu, see Christians 2004) and (oral) communication, is journalism teaching, research and publications that shift the focus to intercultural and interpersonal communication. This would facilitate human communication, instead of lingering on the issue of whether the African press is free in terms of a Northern definition of the term. Whichever way one views the lack of press freedom in Africa, it does not minimise the fact that journalism still faces almost insurmountable obstacles in terms of the open flow of information. Its Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 217 2010/07/30 10:27:55 AM 218 Arnold S de Beer concomitant influence on journalism journal publishing needs the context of a free press to develop and prosper. One of the most serious press freedom infringements in Africa is the threat to journalists’ safety.4 As Rønning (2005) concludes in his overview of African journalism and the struggle for democratic media, Africa is a long way off from a social system in which respect for human rights (such as press freedom) is considered a prerequisite for good governance. Nor is Africa ready, through democratic processes, to fully empower the media, and thus also journalism journals. In such circumstances, the hegemony of Northern journalism publications can only thrive because indigenous African journalism publications are lacking and are not being made possible in a context of circumscribed media freedom. If African scholars can find ways and means to break through the obstacles to the free flow of (academic) information on the continent (as described above), then the next task at hand would be to find ways to undo the barriers of Northern knowledge production. THE CURTAILMENT OF KNOWLEDGE PRODUCTION As in the case of press freedom, the production of knowledge hinges on power relations. As Foucault and Marxists before him have argued, the relationship between power and knowledge has ‘ … its origin in who owns the means of material production and the technical expertise’ (Zegeye & Vambe 2006: 333). This author would not go as far as Edward Said, who argued that Western powers and their local agents in Third-World countries developed elaborate cultural and political institutions where knowledge production existed with supporting vocabularies, scholarship, imagery and doctrines to define the mental conquest of Africans (see Zegeye & Vambe 2006). However, it is perhaps not unrealistic to assume that in the field of journal publishing, the North (especially the US and the UK) has exercised its publishing hegemony to a great extent through the profit motive. This serves to authorise views of science and to describe and teach those over whom they have exercised their hegemony (see Zegeye & Vambe 2006: 333–334). Just as in the case of press freedom, post-colonial journalism authors might well be aware that ordinary people (also on the continent of Africa) have the power to generate their own forms of knowledge, ‘ … which can contest, interrogate, counteract, collide’ and sometimes collude with the paradigms produced by powerful knowledge producers in the form of international publishers (ibid.: 333). The reality, however, is that in order to enter the international and (increasingly) national higher echelons of academe, individuals, just like institutions, will need to play the game according to the hegemonic rules of the North. This process is already quite clear in South Africa where, apart from a journal list kept by the Department of Education, journalism and media authors only receive full research credit if they publish in one of the few journalism/media/communication journals indexed Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 218 2010/07/30 10:27:55 AM Looking for journalism education scholarship in some unusual places ... 219 in the North by Thomson Reuters Institute for Scientific Information (ISI) in the US, and/or the International Bibliography of Social Sciences (IBSS) in the UK.5 Consequently, the intellectual production of knowledge, and the infrastructure of publishing it, are increasingly linked to US/UK knowledge producers, which has made African journalism authors captives of Northern publishing houses, to a certain degree. As is the case with journalism and media theories that are designed in lofty European structures to be exported to developing countries, African journalism publishing has become an appendage of Northern publishing houses. The result of the above is that journalism publishing in Africa is more and more construed as ‘ … a special area that is not expected to produce knowledge, but to be a conveyer belt of information developed as knowledge in other climates … ’. The worst part of this argument is that when publishing is in African hands, more often than not, it first imagines its readers to be in the North: ‘It becomes African knowledge by virtue of marking its consumers as people living outside the borders of Africa’ (ibid.: 336). In their concluding remarks and proposals on how Africans themselves should produce knowledge through the avenue of national and international publications, Zegeye and Vambe (ibid.: 346) suggest that Africans need to ‘ … proliferate the number of journals as sites of knowledge production, whilst these journals should be housed in Africa and not in the North’. This, however, is far easier said than done. For instance, a cursory glance at journals dealing with Africa, listed by the ISI, shows an abundance of ‘African’ journals being published in the US/UK, with non-African editors and with editorial boards showing non-African members to be in the majority (however, see later). In terms of Northern hegemony, this will be a long and difficult process. The position of South Africa as the continent’s powerhouse in the international field of journal publishing, is an indication of just how difficult it would be for the rest of Africa to comply with Northern demands: Table 1: South Africa’s share of world ISI publications (%) in major scientific areas (1990–1994 and 1996–2000) Disciplines 1990–1995 1996–2000 Life Sciences 0.54 0.39 Natural Sciences 0.35 0.39 Technology 0.42 0.38 Social sciences 0.42 0.50 Abstracted from Pouris 2003 Table 1 shows that South Africa, with the highest research output on the continent, barely makes it onto the ISI charts. Of the more than 14 000 journals (overwhelmingly from the North) indexed Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 219 2010/07/30 10:27:55 AM 220 Arnold S de Beer by the ISI, only 21 are from South Africa. On the IBSS list of 400+ journals, there are 12 South African journals (Assaf 2006). JOURNALISM SCHOLARSHIP OF AFRICANS IN THE DIASPORA Apart from the negative effect of limited media freedom, the serious shortage of financial resources and the meagre infrastructure available for journal publishing in Africa opened the door (so to speak) for Africans in the Diaspora to utilise the Northern publication sphere. From a general and ad hoc point of view, it seems as if this advantageous position has led to greater contributions to African journalism from Africans in the Diaspora, than Africans themselves. Even the most cursory glance through some ‘African’ journals would highlight this point. For instance, African and Asian Studies, a major scholarly Northern journal, leads the field in the ‘non-African stakes’ by having only one editorial board member from Africa (Botswana), while most of the rest of the board members are based either in the US or Europe. When the African Communications Scholar Association was founded in the late 1990s, inter alia to publish the Journal of African Communications, the editor, associate editor, book review editor and founding editor were all based in the US. Of the editorial board of 42 members, 13 were from Africa, of whom at least a few have since left for America. The rest of the board was comprised of scholars mainly from the US. The situation is not much better in three international South African communication journals (see Tomaselli & Teer-Tomaselli [2007], for a description). Critical Arts: A Journal of North–South Studies, a media journal with a solid international profile, was born and bred in Africa. However, after two decades of publishing, this journal has five associate editors from the North and only one from Africa (from the journal’s home university). Amongst its 27-member editorial board of consultants, there are only three scholars from Africa outside South Africa. The majority are from the North. In the case of Communicatio: The South African Journal for Communication Theory, of the 20 editorial board members there were only two from Africa outside South Africa. In the case of Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies, there are only five African editorial board members from outside South Africa, with a majority of non-African members based in America and Europe. Africa Media Review, the long-time African flagship journal for media and communication was, for the better part of the 1980s and 90s, perhaps the most ‘continental’ media journal. Although its record is by far the best, the journal was, until recently, not a shining example of the ability of African scholars to manage an African journal. The editorial board of the mid-1990s shows that of the board’s eight members, four were from the US, one was from Europe, and three were from Kenya, consequently not showing a broad-based African character either. When publishing special editions, such as on communication technology and African communication ethics, the guest editors were more often than not from the North. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 220 2010/07/30 10:27:55 AM Looking for journalism education scholarship in some unusual places ... 221 Much of what is happening in the field of journalism and media journals in Africa is also applicable to monographs. When ST Kwame Boafo, a former communications lecturer in Ghana, worked for the African Council on Communication Education in Nairobi, Kenya, he proceeded to utilise African scholars in the mid-1990s to contribute to works such as Communication research in Africa, which he co-edited (Boafo & George 1992). With the exception of one article, Africans wrote the remaining ten contributions. For reasons still to be researched, this monograph did not set a trend to incorporate African scholars into the international journalism/media-publishing world – quite the opposite. Recent and internationally well-received books on media, communication and journalism in Africa show an opposite trend, much in line with what has been argued earlier regarding the Northern hegemony in African publishing. African media authors are, by and large, silent in English monographs published in the North about the media on their continent. As a result, Africa shows an elaborate and rather extended body of journalism/media publications produced by African scholars in the Diaspora. Broadly speaking, these scholars are situated at universities in the US, and to a lesser extent in the UK and countries such as Jamaica. The face of African journalism publication would have been grievously dismal, were it not for these scholars. Consequently, some of the most well-received monographs on journalism and media communication of recent years were authored by American scholars forming part of the African Diaspora. Prolific authors on African media include Molefe Asante, Cecil Blake, Festus Eribo, Lyombe Eko, William Jong-Ebot, ST Kwame Boafo, Andrew A Moemeka, CW Ogbondah, Folu F Ogundimu, Charles C Okigbo, and Cornelius Pratt. They are all based in the US. A characteristic of diasporic authors is that they tend to collaborate in general with colleagues in the North (especially in the US), rather than in Africa, when they write about journalism/media in Africa. Recent edited books on African media and journalism underscore the trend not to publish Africanbased authors in monographs produced in the North: • • • • • In an internationally well-received book on media and democracy in Africa (2002), the three editors are based in America, namely Göran Hydén, Michael Leslie and Folu F Ogundimu. Of the eight chapters, only one, by Keyan G Tomaselli, is written by a scholar working and living in (South) Africa. The other chapters are all by authors not based in Africa; In their edited book on development and communication in Africa (2004), the editors, Charles Okigbo and Festus Eribo, collaborated with 22 authors outside Africa, and six in Africa, of whom five were from South Africa; In their chapter on sub-Saharan Africa, in Global journalism, De Beer and Merrill (2004) followed the same trend with three main authors from America, and with a sole American author of the chapter on North Africa; An impressively detailed work on South Africa’s alternative press was edited by a former South African, now living in the US, with the cooperation of five Northern co-authors and two South Africans (Switzer 1997). This trend is also applicable to books on African media written by single authors or co-writers: A monograph considered for more than a decade as a standard work, Mass media in sub- Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 221 2010/07/30 10:27:55 AM 222 • • • Arnold S de Beer Saharan Africa (1995), is by the American academic Louise M Bourgault. Total onslaught: The South African press under attack, long regarded as a standard work in the field of covering the media and journalism in apartheid South Africa, was written by a former South African living in America and an American scholar (Hachten & Giffard 1984); A later internationally well-received book on the South African press was also written by a former South African, now an American (Jackson 1993); The same Northern influence is found in a 2004 special edition of Ecquid Novi on African media and conflict, edited by an American scholar, with only two articles from authors in Africa and four from scholars based in the US. The lack of African authors and the dearth of African scholars on the editorial board of journals dealing with communication and journalism in Africa, might be attributed to the factors discussed earlier in this article, being the function of globalisation and a consequent Northern hegemony of knowledge-based publishers and publications. Post-colonial trends, such as inroads in freedom of speech and publication, and economic hardships, might also play a significant role. What might change this situation is rethinking the relationship between Northern publishing houses and scholars from Africa. The next section offers such a possibility. A NEW BEGINNING IN AFRICAN JOURNALISM AND MEDIA PUBLISHING? However, the tide described above seems to be changing, and in no small way. Since the beginning of this decade, there has been renewed interest in publishing monographs and journals by Africans in Africa. A prime source for this movement is Codesria, the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa, based in Dakar, Senegal. Established in 1973 as an independent PanAfrican research organisation with a primary focus on the social sciences, it is now recognised not only as a pioneer African research organisation in West Africa, but also arguably the foremost nongovernmental centre (outside of South Africa) of social knowledge production on the continent. Possibly the foremost African author in both English and French on African media is Francis Nyamnjoh, former director of publications of Codesria. An example of his prolific output is Africa’s media, democracy and the politics of belonging (2005). Though first published in the US, the latest edition was published in South Africa. Nyamnjoh, a Cameroonian by birth, and the late Francis Kasoma, a Zimbabwean, together with the South African Keyan G Tomaselli, could perhaps be noted as the foremost African scholars working in Africa and publishing in English on journalistic issues and the media. One of the media/journalism publications produced by Codesria is African Media Review, a collaborative publication between Codesria and the African Council for Communication Education (ACCE) based in Nairobi, Kenya. It is published three times per year, in English and in French. Unlike the position in the mid-1990s, when the journal was solely published by the ACCE, and when seven of the nine editorial board members were from outside Africa, the re-launched Codesria Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 222 2010/07/30 10:27:55 AM Looking for journalism education scholarship in some unusual places ... 223 version of African Media Review shows a very strong base in Africa. Two of the three editors are from African countries, as are 16 of the 20 editorial advisory board members. All five non-Africans could be described as Africans in the Diaspora. This is a notable change in terms of Africans being responsible for media knowledge production in Africa. A continuation of this process can also be found in more and more monographs being published in Africa, with the majority of authors from Africa itself. For instance, Ansu-Kyeremeh, from Ghana, gathered for his 2005 book Indigenous communication in Africa, ten authors of whom seven are from Africa. By way of ending this section, it should be emphatically stated that no attempt was made to belittle the extremely important role of non-African scholars and their research on journalism and media issues in Africa. Nor was the idea to argue that journals and monographs on journalism and media studies in Africa should not be published outside the borders of Africa. On the contrary: without the strong input by African scholars in the Diaspora – especially those in the US, as well as on a smaller scale in the UK and elsewhere – and with the work of knowledgeable non-African authors, such as Scandinavians, Helge Rønning and Ullamaija Kivikuru, the body of African journalism and media research, as well as monograph and journal publishing, would be dismally poor. On the other hand, there is a viable, though not always internationally visible, national body of work in sub-Saharan African countries such as Nigeria, Ghana, Zimbabwe, and especially South Africa. Nevertheless, by emphasising the role played by authors (of African journalism and media topics) not based in Africa, and being published mostly in the US/UK, an argument was made regarding the stronghold of Northern hegemony on African journalism and media publishing. As to the reasons for this, and the reasons behind the lack of publishing in Africa by Africans, a great deal more research is needed. CONCLUSION The spectre of globalisation, the hegemony of Northern journalism and media publishing, and the concomitant influence on the South need not render scholars in the South helpless. On the contrary, the obvious negative effects of globalisation might be minimised or could even disappear, with what Saul (2005) calls The collapse of globalism and the reinvention of the world. The publishing hegemony of the North could become a valuable stepping-stone for the development of a viable and vibrant journalism publishing in Africa and other continents in the South. If one would agree that a new kind of (especially American) knowledge colonialism still exists today, as was argued in this article, then the time is ripe to move forward to address this colonialism of the mind. Journalism schools must find ways to deal with Northern (especially American) academic imprints that are so prevalent in English-speaking African countries, that the ‘American way of doing things’ has become the norm. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 223 2010/07/30 10:27:55 AM 224 Arnold S de Beer Some American authors (such as John C Merrill [2004]) have led the way in showing that journalism publishing in the South is not only needed, but also possible. For instance, Merrill is one of very few American journalism scholars (known to the present author) who insisted (against the general Northern norm) that one of his books with an international scope should feature native scholars (especially those from the global South) – academics who live and work in the countries and regions where they do their research. American publishers preferred US authors, even if these authors might never have been to any of the countries they write about. A two-way journalism scholarly system is thus proposed, whereby American publishers and journalism authors take cognizance of African scholarship and publishing possibilities. African journalism authors then ought to make their voices pro-actively heard in the field of journalism scholarship publishing for and in Africa. To misquote a former editor of Journalism & Mass Communication Educator, James A Croock (2001: 93): for the future of scholarship for journalism education, one can start looking for leadership in some unusual places – such as Africa. One Northern publisher has recently taken an important step in this direction. Routledge/Taylor & Francis has started a journal publishing programme in cooperation with the University of South Africa Press (www.unisajournals.com), and apart from some 20 journals, two communication journals, Critical Arts and Communicatio, were already included in this process by 2010. For the future, this development offers much hope of finding African scholarship where it originates – in Africa. ENDNOTES 1 2 3 4 5 . This article is based on a paper read at the first Conference of the Brazil–South African Journalism Research Initiative, Stellenbosch University, South Africa, 23 and 24 June 2009. The author acknowledges the financial support received from the South African National Research Forum’s ‘Incentive Fund for Rated Researchers’ for this paper and subsequent article. Opinions expressed and conclusions drawn are those of the author. In this article, globalisation and Northern hegemony are to mean those processes by which media scholars in the South are incorporated into the intellectual English-language publishing society of the (especially American) North, as well as the intensification of Northern intellectual actions and relations, which impact distant localities in the South in such a way that local media processes are shaped by events occurring in the North (see e.g. Rantanen 2005: 6–7, referring to Giddens & Albrow). When this occurs, journalism publishing in the South cannot escape these globalising and hegemonic processes. From personal experience as an examiner of graduate research papers in African countries, the present author has witnessed the problematic of students wanting to do research and make known their findings on politically sensitive topics, such as state corruption, bribes in the form of ‘brown envelopes’, and child trade. These students received ominous warnings not to pursue publishing their findings in a journalism journal. Of all media and journalism studies journals in Africa, only Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies was indexed on the ISI/SSCI at the time of writing (March 2010) Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 224 2010/07/30 10:27:55 AM Looking for journalism education scholarship in some unusual places ... 225 REFERENCES Academy of Science of South Africa (Assaf). 2006. Report on a strategic approach to research publishing in South Africa. Pretoria: Academy of Science of South Africa. Ansah, P.V. 2005. In search of a role for the African media in the democratic process. In K. AnsuKyeremeh (ed), Indigenous communication in Africa: Concept, applications and prospects, 26– 38. Accra: Ghana Universities Press. Ansu-Kyeremeh, K. (ed). 2005. Indigenous communication in Africa: Concept, applications and prospects. Accra: Ghana Universities Press. Berger, G. 2002. 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Development Southern Africa 23(3): 333–349. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 226 2010/07/30 10:27:55 AM COMMUNICATIO Volume 36 (2) 2010 pp. 227–239 Copyright: Unisa Press ISSN 0250-0167/Online 1753-5379 DOI: 10.1080/02500167.2010.485368 Challenges for the consolidation of Brazilian scientific journals in the journalism and communication areas Elias Machado* 1 Abstract In almost 45 years of the existence of scientific journals having to do with the fields of journalism and communication in Brazil, such journals have passed through four distinct stages: the first, consisting of pioneering journals in the field (1965–1975); the second, consisting of the institutionalisation of the national project (1975–1990); the third, consisting of mass diversification of such journals (1990–1998); and the fourth, consisting of the professionalisation of such journals (1998–2008). The dramatic improvement in the quality of such journals, which could be observed during the period under review, can be attributed to five associated movements: (a) the creation of public policies to support the publication of scientific journals; (b) the foundation of the Brazilian Association of Scientific Editors; (c) the consolidation of the programmes of postgraduate studies in communication; (d) the diversification of scientific societies in the areas of journalism and communication; and (e) the establishment of programmes for the evaluation of scientific journals. In this article, an overview is presented of the history of Brazilian scientific journals in the fields of journalism and communication. The article concludes by enumerating the challenges which have to be overcome, for the full integration of the journals into the global market to take place. Key words: Academic journals, Brazi, history, institutionalisation, professionalisation, publication standards, quality criteria INTRODUCTION The first Brazilian scientific journal, which was launched in 1965, was devoted to the dissemination of academic studies related to journalism in particular, and to the communication sciences in general. Journalist and professor, Luiz Beltrão, at the time Director of the Information Sciences Institute (INCIFORM) at the Catholic University of Pernambuco, launched Comunicação & Problemas (C&P) in 1965. The journal was modelled on the review Journalism Quarterly, which had been published since 1924 by the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication in the US. Until 1966, C&P was the only journal of its kind in Brazil to be exclusively devoted to the study of the communication sciences. From March 1965 to 1969, when it ceased to exist, 12 issues of the journal were published (Marques de Melo 1974: 44). In her article on the journal, written on the occasion of the passing of 40 years since the first launching of C&P, Rosa Nava (2005) concluded that the journal had had a strong impact on intellectuals and other professionals throughout the entire country, encouraging various journalism-related institutions and communication companies to launch similar publications. During the 15-year period from March 1965, when the first issue of C&P was published, until 1980, 35 other scientific journals were also launched onto the scene (Nava 2005: 6). * Elias Machado is professor at the Federal University of Santa Catarina (Ufsc), Brazil, and CNPq (National Council for Scientific Research and Technological Development). Email: [email protected] Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 227 2010/07/30 10:27:55 AM 228 Elias Machado During the almost 45 years of the existence of scientific periodicals devoted to journalism and the communication sciences, we can identify the following four distinct phases of development: • • • • The first phase (1965–1975) consisted of pioneering isolated initiatives, which were generic in nature, and lasted only a short time; The second phase (1975–1990) consisted of first initiatives which were carried out in association with scientific or academic institutions of national standing; A massive expansion (1990–1998) then took place, resulting from a rapid increase in the number of related postgraduate programmes; The culminating phase (1998–2009) consisted of the professionalisation of scientific journals. The development during this phase encompassed the defining of evaluative criteria, the creation of governmental procedures for the financing of scientific magazines, and the improved delimitation of publishing projects. Such progress came about partly as a result of an increase in the number of scientific societies related to the subareas of the communication sciences, and partly in line with the requirements of those agencies that evaluate scientific and technological production in Brazil. Rather than merely revealing the linear progress made in terms of such development (since several of the aspects encountered in such development were common to all the phases concerned), it is the intention of the current study to identify the predominant characteristics in each such phase. Both the nature and diversification of the scientific journals were linked to paradigmatic researchers, academic or scientific institutions, on the one hand, and to the development of culture and the related postgraduate programme, on the other. Two landmarks mark the increasing professionalisation of Brazilian scientific periodicals: the first such landmark relates to the definition of government policies directed towards the financing of scientific journals by those agencies which were founded in the early 1980s to support science and technology. The two chief agencies concerned were the National Research Council (CNPq), founded in 1983, and the São Paulo State Foundation for Support of Research (FAPESP), founded in 1985 (Barradas 2004). The second such landmark consisted of the development, in 1998, of criteria (Qualis) for evaluating such publications. In the latest survey conducted by the Catálogo de Revistas Acadêmicas em Comunicação (the Catalogue of Academic Journals in the Communication Area) of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS) in 2008, it was found that 61 academic journals were being actively published in Brazil. Of such journals, four were recorded as being specifically related to the field of journalistic research. In the current article, we shall first provide an overview of each of the four phases indicated above. We shall then identify specific aspects of those journals that specialise in the coverage of the field of journalism. Finally, we shall highlight the main challenges which must be overcome to conform with the international standards set for scientific journals devoted to the fields of journalism and communication. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 228 2010/07/30 10:27:55 AM Challenges for the consolidation of Brazilian scientific journals ... 229 PIONEERING PROJECTS (1965–1975) Initially, scientific periodicals of an academic nature originated in line with the expectations of teaching institutions, and followed the precedent set by existing journalistic or trade periodicals, which were directed toward the training of professionals already in practice (Stumpf 1998). As we have seen, the first scientific periodical was C&P, edited by Luiz Beltrão and published by INCIFORM at the Catholic University of Pernambuco from 1965 to 1969. At the time, universitylevel journalism courses were only offered at São Paulo (as from 1947), Rio de Janeiro (as from 1948), Bahia (as from 1949), Porto Alegre (as from 1952) and Recife (as from 1961). Table 1: Pioneering journals (1965–1975) Title Year Type Publisher Comunicação & Problemas 1965 scientific INCIFORM Cadernos de Jornalismo (Journalism Notebooks) 1967 journalistic Newspaper Jornal do Commercio Bloch Comunicação 1967 journalistic Bloch Editores Cadernos de Jornalismo (Journalism Notebooks) 1968 journalistic Newspaper Jornal do Brasil Cadernos de Jornalismo (Journalism Section) 1968 journalistic Newspaper A Tribuna Revista Brasileira de Comunicação (Brazilian Communication Review) 1968 scientific University of Brasília (UnB) Pontifical Catholic University of Rio Grande do Sul (PUC-RS) Temas de Comunicação (Communication Topics) 1968 scientific Cadernos de Comunicação (Communication Notebooks) 1968 scientific Casper Líbero Faculty scientific Communication and Arts School – University of São Paulo (ECA-USP) Comunicações & Artes 1970 Cadernos de Jornalismo e Editoração (Journalism and Editing Notebooks) 1970 scientific Communication and Arts School – University of São Paulo (ECA-USP) Cadernos PROAL (PROAL Notebooks) 1971 journalistic Editora PROAL (PROAL Publisher) Significação (Signification) 1973 scientific University of São Paulo (USP) Aldeia Global (Global Village) 1974 journalistic Rede Globo (Globo Network) Compiled from NAVA (2005) Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 229 2010/07/30 10:27:55 AM 230 Elias Machado The launching of C&P had immediate repercussions throughout Brazil, and encouraged the appearance of various other journals between 1965 and 1975. Many such journals were linked to communication companies, and focused on disseminating information about technical topics, in language that was accessible to practising professionals. According to Nava (2005), the journals concerned included Cadernos de Jornalismo (Journalism Notebooks), which was first launched by the newspaper Jornal do Commercio in Recife in 1967; Cadernos de Jornalismo (Journalism Notebooks), which was first launched by the newspaper Jornal do Brasil in Rio de Janeiro in 1968; Comunicação – Cadernos de Jornalismo e Comunicação de Massa (Journalism and Mass Communication), which was first launched by the newspaper A Tribuna in Santos in 1968; Bloch Comunicação, which was first launched by the publisher Bloch Editores in 1967; Cadernos PROAL (PROAL Notebooks), which was first launched by the publisher Editora PROAL in 1971; and Aldeia Global (Global Village), which was first launched by the Globo Television Network in 1974. Various other journals which were launched at the time were of a more academic nature, such as the Revista Brasileira de Comunicação (Brazilian Communication Review) of the Communication Faculty of the University of Brasília (UnB); Cadernos de Temas de Comunicação Social (Social Communication Topics Notebooks) of the Pontifical Catholic University of Rio Grande do Sul (PUC-RS); Cadernos de Ciências da Comunicação (Communication Sciences Notebook) of the Casper Líbero Faculty, which were all first launched in 1968. Both the Comunicação & Artes of the Communication and Arts School at the University of São Paulo (ECA-USP) and the Cadernos de Jornalismo e Editoração (Journalism and Editing Notebooks) of the ECA-USP were first launched in 1970. The final two of note in this respect are the Revista de Comunicação Social (Social Communication Review) of the Federal University of Ceará, which was first launched in 1971 and the Significação (Signification) of the University of São Paulo (USP), which was first launched in 1973. During the first period, the journalism and communication journals (which were intended for dissemination to the scientific or journalistic community) were marked by their dependence on such paradigmatic researchers as Luiz Beltrão, José Marques de Melo, Alberto Dines, Nelly de Camargo, Sara Chucid daViá, Juarez Bahia, Adisia Sá and Francisco Gaudencio Torquato do Rego, among others. In addition, due to such dependence, the publication of such journals tended to be somewhat erratic, as it was likely to be subject to interruption whenever a founder or editor in charge transferred to another teaching institution or communication company, or when the publisher responsible for the magazine changed his or her business outlook. With the exception of Significação – Brazilian Semiotics Review, which specialises in the field of communication and semiotics, none of the 13 magazines launched during the first phase of publication (as shown in Table 1) has survived to the present. Of those abovementioned journals, the two longest-standing were Cadernos de Jornalismo e Editoração and Comunicação & Artes, which were both produced by the ECA-USP. Whereas the former took the form of 12 issues from 1970 to 1983, the latter took the form of 32 issues from 1970 to 1997 (Nava 2005; Stumpf 2003). The continuity of the two projects was probably due Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 230 2010/07/30 10:27:55 AM Challenges for the consolidation of Brazilian scientific journals ... 231 to the infrastructure provided by ECA-USP, which was the main centre of scientific production and training of communication professionals and researchers in Brazil until the beginning of the 1990s. Although the historical importance of such periodicals is undeniable, with the exception of Comunicação & Artes, no other from the first phase became an obligatory national reference for the researchers in the said area of study, apart from the aforementioned Significação (Stumpf 2003). NATIONAL INSTITUTIONALISATION OF PROJECTS (1975–1990) The national institutionalisation of those projects relating to scientific journals took place as a consequence of three types of complementary actions: (a) the founding of national scientific societies; (b) the development of the postgraduate programme in Brazil; and (c) the creation of public policies in support of scientific journals. Until 1975, each researcher or institution acted on his/its own, since in Brazil there were no scientific congresses or specialised scientific societies to bring together specialists in the area of journalism or the communication sciences. The first attempt to hold a national assembly of communication professors, as articulated by Luiz Beltrão in 1968 during the time of military dictatorship, was frustrated due to the military leaders’ removal of Beltrão from the position he had held at UnB. Beltrão’s project could only be carried out four years later, in 1972, when the Brazilian Association of Communication Researchers (ABEPEC) was founded at the ECA-USP. Three years later, in 1975, the first periodical to be published by a scientific society, the Revista da ABEPEC (ABEPEC Review), was launched. According to Nava (2005: 12), six issues of the journal were published, only four of which appeared under that name, during the first and second semesters of 1975, as well as in June 1977 and June 1978. The first two issues contained research studies and essays in the communication field. The last two issues consisted of monographs on the field of communication in Brazil. Another issue of the journal disseminated information regarding an ABEPEC research project that was being conducted into Brazilian television. During the second and last phase, when the journal was published in João Pessoa, its title was altered to Cadernos de Comunicação (Communication Notebooks), with only two issues being published in 1979 (ibid.), after which both the journal and ABEPEC itself closed down. During the second phase, six scientific magazines were launched, which are still in existence today. At least three of them – INTERCOM, Comunicação e Espaço Público (Communication and Public Area) and Comunicação e Sociedade (Communication and Society) – have maintained their position as some of the most highly-regarded Brazilian scientific publications in the area of communications.2 The oldest such journal, Comunicação e Sociedade, was launched in 1978 by the Master’s in Communication Programme of the then Methodist Institute for Higher Learning (IMESP) in the São Paulo satellite city of São Bernardo do Campo. The journal was published under the directorship of José Marques de Melo, who had been dismissed from the University of São Paulo by the military government. The other five journals are Comunicarte (first launched in Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 231 2010/07/30 10:27:55 AM 232 Elias Machado 1982), which is published by the Catholic University of Campinas (UNICAMP) and was directed for almost a decade by Professor Mario Erbolato, who died in 1990; Comunicação & Política (Communication and Politics), which was first launched in 1983 by the Brazilian Centre for Latin-American Studies (CEBELA); Revista Brasileira de Ciências da Comunicação (Brazilian Communication Sciences Review), which has been published since 1984 by the Brazilian Society for Interdisciplinary Studies of Communication (INTERCOM), and was founded in 1977, making it the oldest Brazilian scientific entity in the area of the communication sciences; Comunicação e Espaço Público, which has been published by the UnB since 1985; and Verso e Reverso (Two Sides – Front and Back), which has been published by Unisinos University since 1986. Of the six journals in question, the INTERCOM review is the most prestigious, as it is run by the most representative and internationally recognised editorial body in Brazil. Table 2: Institutionalisation of the journals (1975–1990) Title Year Type Publisher Revista da ABEPEC (ABEPEC Review) 1975 scientific scientific society Comunicação & Sociedade (Communication & Society) 1977 scientific postgraduate programme Comunicarte 1982 scientific Pontifical Catholic University of Campinas (PUC-CAMPINAS) Comunicação & Política (Communication & Politics) 1983 scientific Brazilian Centre for LatinAmerican Studies (CEBELA) Revista Brasileira de Ciências da Comunicação (Brazilian Communication Sciences Review) 1984 scientific scientific society Comunicação e Espaço Público (Communication and Public Area) 1985 scientific postgraduate programme Verso e Reverso (Two Sides – Front and Back) 1986 scientific UNISINOS University Compiled from Catalogue of Academic Reviews of Communication (UFRGS 2001) In addition to the activity of the scientific societies, as well as that of such institutions as ECA-USP, IMESP, UnB, CEBELA, PUC-CAMPINAS and UNISINOS, two other factors contributed to the national consolidation of the above-mentioned Brazilian scientific journals. First, the postgraduate programme, which was initiated at the end of the 1960s by UnB and ran throughout the 1970s, conferred the first PhD in Communication on Luiz Beltrão in 1967. Similarly, the postgraduate programme at ECA-USP conferred the first PhD in Journalism on José Marques de Melo in 1972. Both of the special teacher training programmes were expanded with the inauguration of the formal postgraduate programmes, which included the Master’s in Communication, which was offered by ECA-USP from 1972, as well as by the Communication School of the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (ECO-UFRJ) from 1972 onwards and by UnB from 1974 onwards. Other postgraduate Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 232 2010/07/30 10:27:55 AM Challenges for the consolidation of Brazilian scientific journals ... 233 programmes included the Master’s programme at IMESP (which was inaugurated in 1978); the Master’s and doctoral programmes which were offered by PUC-São Paulo (the former from 1970 onwards and the later from 1978 onwards); the doctoral programme offered by ECA-USP from 1980 onwards; the doctoral programme offered by ECO-UFRJ from 1983 onwards; and the Master’s programme offered by UNICAMP from 1986 onwards. Second, the systematic support which has been provided on the national level by such research development agencies as the CNPq and the Research Project Financing Fund (FINEP) since 1980 and by FAPESP on the state level since 1985 has facilitated the publication of such scientific journals (Barradas 2004; Schwartzmann 1984). MASS EXPANSION AND DIVERSIFICATION (1990–1998) The inauguration of the Master’s in Communication and Contemporary Culture by the Communication Faculty (POSCOM) of the Federal University of Bahia (UFBA) in 1990, which was the first such programme to be introduced in Brazil outside the Rio de Janeiro–São Paulo– Brasília axis, represented a landmark in the expansion of the postgraduate programme in the area of communications and in the diversification of the publication of scientific magazines in the areas of journalism and communication. The burgeoning of the industry also partly came about in the form of the publication of the POSCOM-UFBA journal, Textos de Cultura e Comunicação (Culture and Communication Texts), which was published until the start of 2000. This journal, amongst others, gained considerable prestige with those researchers who were involved with the postgraduate programmes (Stumpf 2003). By the beginning of the 1990s there were 188 communication courses on offer in Brazil. Of such courses, 68 were in the field of journalism; 50 in advertising and publicity; 48 in public relations; 17 in radio and television broadcasting; and five in cinema. According to SOARES (1994), in total approximately 14 614 students were enrolled in such courses in any one year, with the number of graduates being approximately 6 654 at the time. With the liberalisation of the educational market policy, which was implemented during the administration of President Fernando Henrique Cardoso, starting in 1994, the number of undergraduate and postgraduate courses grew at breakneck pace. The result was a rapid increase in the total number of journals which were published in the area of journalism and communication (Kunsch 2007). From the fewer than ten scientific journals which had been regularly published before the end of the 1980s, due to the closure of corporate publications and the erratic nature of publication of those journals originating within an institutional setting, the emergence of a total of 20 new titles could be identified from 1990 to 1998. The first evaluation of such scientific journals was undertaken by the Coordination of Training for University-level Personnel (CAPES), resulting in the publication of the Catalogue of Brazilian Academic Reviews of Communication by the Postgraduate Programme in Communication (PPGCOM) at UFRGS. Of the 20 titles concerned, 11 related to the new postgraduate programmes in communication, with the other nine being published by researchers Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 233 2010/07/30 10:27:55 AM 234 Elias Machado affiliated to various faculties or courses in the field of journalism or communications (Caparelli & Stumpf 2001). The growth of such publications served simultaneously as a response by the scientific community to the increased need for the appointment of professors who would assume responsibility for the postgraduate programmes, and as a measure of the inclusion of the new publishers of scientific magazines in the area of communications. Since the beginning of the 1990s, in order to continue as a permanent professor in the postgraduate programmes, each researcher concerned had to publish at least two scientific articles a year. Table 3: Launch of new journals (1990–1998) Year launched No. of new journals 1990 2 1991 1 1993 3 1994 1 1995 1 1996 1 1997 7 1998 4 TOTAL 20 Compiled from Catalogue of Academic Reviews of Communication (Caparelli & Stumpf 2001) On the one hand, the diversification and rapid increase in the number of scientific journals both opened up access to the scientific publications market, which enabled young researchers to disseminate reports on their research, and facilitated the launching of new periodicals. On the other hand, such diversification added to a lack of standardisation in the quality of such journals. Consequently, such publications ranged from locally published periodicals, which were produced by young researchers in the form of individual initiatives without any institutional support; to reviews, which were linked to postgraduate programmes; and to scientific journals, which were considered to be more prestigious, as they were published by scientific societies of national importance (Teixeira 2006). In the light of such mass expansion and varying quality standards, in 1998 CAPES decided to create Qualis, consisting of an assemblage of procedures which were to be followed for standardising the quality of scientific journals. Table 3 above reflects the steady growth of new periodicals, which peaked in 1977 with seven new publications, followed by the next highest number, four, in 1998. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 234 2010/07/30 10:27:55 AM Challenges for the consolidation of Brazilian scientific journals ... 235 PROFESSIONALISATION OF SCIENTIFIC JOURNALS (1998–2008) The growing professionalisation of the publication of Brazilian scientific journals has, as its basic landmarks, five different complementary actions: (1) the creation of government policies for the support of scientific periodicals; (2) the founding of the Brazilian Association of Scientific Publishers (ABEC); (3) the consolidation of the postgraduate programme in communication; (4) the diversification of the scientific societies in the area of communications; and (5) the creation of programmes for the evaluation of scientific periodicals. C&P, the first scientific journal in the communication field failed, in part, due to the lack of institutional financing, which has since become available from the Programme for Support of Scientific Publications, as maintained by the CNPq, in partnership with the FINEP, since 1980. The programme, in addition to providing much-needed financial resources to defray the costs of the production and circulation of Brazilian scientific periodicals, has exerted ongoing effort to assess the nature of the problems and priorities which impact on such publications, to identify the most important options available, to encourage and stimulate the production of such periodicals, and to establish how to avoid the major pitfalls along the way (Schwartzmann 1984). In addition to the efforts of CNPq and FINEP, from the start of the second half of the 1980s, the foundations for the support of research of the states of Rio de Janeiro, Minas Gerais and Rio Grande do Sul, have initiated studies into the adoption of a policy geared towards financing the publication of scientific journals (Stumpf 1998). The Foundation for the Support of Research of the State of São Paulo (FAPESP), which began, during the 1970s, to back the publication of such journals, in 1985 launched the Programme for Support of Scientific Publications. From 1995 to 2001, 399 periodicals applied for funding from the programme. Since 2001, both CNPq and CAPES have announced their funding of scientific magazines, in terms of which they have made available a total of $US 3.07 million, with each agency being responsible for supplying half of the total. In 2008, three magazines, namely Significação – Revista Brasileira de Semiótica, Revista Brasileira de Ciências da Comunicação and Studium, of the Arts and Multimedia Department at UNICAMP, have received funding from the programme. The first two journals are among the oldest in the communications field, being founded in 1973 and 1984 respectively. The founding of ABEC in 1985, which can largely be credited to the Programme for the Support of Scientific Publications of CPNq-FINEP, should also be taken into consideration. ABEC, which brings together individuals and companies that are interested in developing and improving the publication standards of techno-scientific periodicals, improving the communication and dissemination of information, maintaining the interchange of ideas, debating problems, and protecting matters of common interest, participates in the management of the programme, as well as in the management of FAPESP’s publishing programme and of the Scielo Virtual Library. At its annual meetings, ABEC debates those issues of primary concern to its members, and promotes training courses for the publishers of scientific journals. According to Barradas (2004), ABEC Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 235 2010/07/30 10:27:55 AM 236 Elias Machado currently has 291 members, of which 132 are individuals and 159 are institutions. A total of 240 scientific journals also belong to APEC. A third factor which contributed to the professionalisation of the scientific journals, was the amplification and diversification of postgraduate programmes in the field of communications. On the postgraduate level alone, from the seven courses in existence at the beginning of the 1980s, about double the number of programmes were in existence by the end of the 1990s. In addition, 374 theses and 1 215 dissertations were produced from 1992 to 1999, totalling 1 589 works in the space of eight years (Stumpf 2003). At the beginning of the millennium, the momentum of publication only served to confirm the trend recorded at the close of the last century. Currently, Brazil has 36 stricto sensu postgraduate programmes on offer, of which 23 are Master’s degrees and 13 are doctorates in communication, one of which is specifically offered in the field of journalism by the Federal University of Santa Catarina (UFSC). The growth of scholarship in this area of study is obvious, considering that, whereas there were eight programmes in 1996, there were 20 in 2004. According to CAPES data, the average number of postgraduate degrees awarded each year in the field of communications is 473 (Machado 2008). A fourth decisive contributor to the professionalisation of periodicals was the appearance and diversification of scientific and academic societies in the field of communication. Since the formation of the first such society, ABEPEC, in 1972 (which closed its doors at the end of the 1970s), the following new organisations have been created: INTERCOM (1977); the Brazilian Society for Cinema and Audiovisual Studies (1996); the Folk Communication Studies and Research Network (1998); the Alfredo de Carvalho Media History Network (2003); the Brazilian Association of Journalism Researchers (2003); the Latin-American Union for Political Economy of Communication, Culture and Information (2005); the Brazilian Association of Researchers in Organisational Communication and Public Relations (2007); the National Forum of Journalism Professors (2007); and the Brazilian Association of Cyber Culture Researchers (2008). A fifth and final aspect which led to the greater professionalisation of scientific periodicals was the implementation of Qualis (quality criteria for the evaluation of scientific periodicals), which was created by CAPES in 1998, and evaluates more than 5 300 Brazilian scientific periodicals on an ongoing basis. Qualis criteria are developed by peer groups from each distinct scientific area, who establish the minimum desired standards to be attained by periodicals published in Brazil. Qualis has already undergone three alterations since its formation – one in 2005, another in 2006, and a third in 2008. Until 2008, the journals were rated in categories indicating their quality (whether A, B or C) and their range of circulation (whether local, national or international). From 2008 onwards, they have been classified according to set levels which are indicative of their quality, with A1 being the highest, and ranging through A-2; B-1; B-2; B-3; B-4; B-5 and C, with the latter having zero weight. According to the most recent Qualis evaluation, which was undertaken in 2008 and analysed periodicals published in the year 2007, no journal in the fields of journalism or communication Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 236 2010/07/30 10:27:55 AM Challenges for the consolidation of Brazilian scientific journals ... 237 attained the highest level of quality, including the longest-standing periodicals such as Significação, Revista Brasileira de Comunicação and Comunicação e Sociedade. Those Brazilian journals that achieved the best evaluations only managed to attain a B-2 rating, with such journals consisting of Brazilian Journalism Research (BJR), Contracampo, Comunicação, Mídia e Consumo, E-Compós, Educação & Sociedade, Revista Brasileira de Comunicação, and Significação. Of such journals, three, namely the BJR, E-Compós and INTERCOM, are published by scientific societies or academic units and four by postgraduate programmes. Two of them, Significação and Revista Brasileira de Ciências da Comunicação, were noted as receiving support from the CNPq–CAPES– FINEP scientific publications programme. SCIENTIFIC JOURNALS IN THE FIELD OF JOURNALISM (1970–2008) During the almost 40 years that scientific journals have been produced in Brazil in the area of communications, eight periodicals have been identified as specialising in the field of journalism: Cadernos de Jornalismo e Editoração (Journalism and Editing Notebooks), which was launched in 1970 by ECA-USP; Pauta Geral – Revista Brasileira de Jornalismo (General Agenda – Brazilian Journalism Review), which has been published since 1993 under the editorial guidance of the well-known researchers, Elias Machado and Sergio Gadini; Anuário de Jornalismo (Journalism Yearbook), which was first launched in 1991 by ECA-USP; Anuário de Jornalismo, under the direction of Cásper Líbero from 1999 to 2004; Jornalismo e Mídia (Journalism and Media), founded by the Journalism Postgraduate Programme at UFSC in 2004; Pensamento Jornalístico Brasileiro – PJ:Br (Brazilian Journalistic Thinking), which was linked to the Department of Journalism at ECA-USP; Brazilian Journalism Research, founded by the Brazilian Association of Journalism Researchers in 2005; and Revista Brasileira de Ensino de Jornalismo – REBEJ (Brazilian Journalism Teaching Review), which has been published by the National Forum of Journalism Professors since 2007. With the exception of Cadernos de Jornalismo and the yearbooks of both ECA-USP and Casper Líbero, which were closed down in 1984, 1992 and 2004 respectively, all the other journals (Brazilian Journalism Research, Pauta Geral, Jornalismo e Mídia, PJ:Br and REBEJ) are still published regularly, being made available only in online format, to which there is free access. Of the abovementioned journals, the one with the most prestige and international importance is Brazilian Journalism Research (BJR), which is published by the Brazilian Association of Journalism Researchers. The association is a scientific society with more than 360 members, of whom 160 hold doctorates. Having been published entirely in English since the very first issue, such a publication signified the resounding cultural change among Brazilian researchers, being the first scientific magazine in the fields of journalism and communication to be published in English in Brazil. In addition to the language that it employs, the editorial board of the BJR includes some of the most important researchers in the field of journalism from around the world, including Luis Ramiro Beltran, Raúl Trejo Delarbre, François Demers, José Carlos Lozano, Michael Mathien, Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 237 2010/07/30 10:27:55 AM 238 Elias Machado Dennis Ruellan, Ramón Salaverría, Nelson Traquina, Kevin G. Barnhurst, Michael Bromley, Albert Chillón, James Curran, Peter Dahlgren, Robert Franklin, Darío Klein, Kaarle Nordenstreng and Jorge Pedro Sousa. In the eight issues of the journal that have been published so far, BJR has included some of the work of such influential researchers in the field of international journalism as Barbie Zelizer, Thomaz Hanitzsch, James Curran, Frank Esser, Stephen Reese, Dennis Ruellan, Javier Diaz Noci and Nelson Traquina. CONCLUSION In the almost 45 years of the existence of scientific journals in the fields of journalism and communication in Brazil, such publications have gone through four distinct phases: (1) the first phase (1965–1975) was marked by the initiation of pioneering projects; (2) the second phase (1975–1990) was marked by the national institutionalisation of such projects; (3) the third phase (1990–1998) was marked by mass expansion and diversification; and (4) the fourth phase (1998– 2008) was marked by the professionalisation of scientific journals. Five types of complementary action contributed to the significant improvement in quality which was observed throughout the abovementioned period: (1) the creation of government policies in support of the publication of scientific periodicals; (2) the founding of ABEC: (3) the consolidation of the system of postgraduate programmes in communication; (4) the diversification of scientific societies in the communication area; and (5) the creation of programmes for the evaluation of scientific periodicals. To date, the scientific journals have succeeded, in most cases, in attaining such essential objectives as the maintenance of periodicity and the dissemination of freely available online content. One of the journals concerned, namely BJR, has excelled in publishing its entire contents in English and in convening an internationally based editorial board. The main challenges to the consolidation of scientific journals in the fields of journalism and communication in the near future are perceived as being: (1) the improvement of evaluation by QUALIS, the CAPES national system for ranking publications; (2) the indexing of international databases; (3) the internationalisation of the editorial boards; (4) the internationalisation of the team of collaborators; (5) the greater penetration of the international community by researchers in the field of journalism; (6) the obligatory referencing of such sources by the Brazilian research community; and (7) an increase in the number of annual issues from two to at least four per year. ENDNOTES 1 2 This article is based on a paper read at the first Conference of the Brazil–South African Journalism Research Initiative, Stellenbosch University, South Africa, 23 and 24 June 2009. During the second period, the journalism-oriented Review of Communication (Revista de Comunicação) was founded by Alfredo Belmont Pessoa and Mario de Moraes in 1985. The Review was published until 2000, with the support of the Brazilian Association of Retailers of Coca-Cola. In 2009, the magazine released a trial version online that can be found on Revcom Portal at http:// www.revcom.com.br/RC/rc0.asp Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 238 2010/07/30 10:27:55 AM Challenges for the consolidation of Brazilian scientific journals ... 239 REFERENCES Barradas, M.M. 2004. O papel da ABEC no cenário das revistas científicas brasileiras [ABEC´s role in the scenario of the Brazilian scientific magazines]. Lecture at the IIIrd Workshop of Scientific Publishers. Recife: Federal University of Pernambuco (UFPE). http://www.liber.ufpe.br/abec/ arquivos/P3_Maria_Mercia_Barradas.pdf (accessed 5 June 2009). Caparelli, S. and I. Stumpf. 2001. 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Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 239 2010/07/30 10:27:56 AM COMMUNICATIO Volume 36 (2) 2010 pp. 240–251 Copyright: Unisa Press ISSN 0250-0167/Online 1753-5379 DOI: 10.1080/02500167.2010.485369 Political journalism in South Africa as a developing democracy – understanding media freedom and responsibility Herman Wasserman* 1 Abstract As an emerging democracy in Africa, the political communication system of South Africa has undergone major shifts since the early 1990s. Democracy brought greater and constitutionally protected freedom of the media. This freedom was, however, seen as linked to certain responsibilities for the media to fulfil as democratic institutions. Ongoing clashes between the media, politicians and the government have made it clear that there is no consensus about what media freedom and responsibility mean in the context of a new democracy. In order to assess the political communication system within South Africa, against the background of the new wave of democracy that has swept the globe since the early 1990s, a structural analysis of the political economic, regulatory and policy conditions underpinning the political communication system is not sufficient. Attention should also be paid to the dynamic, cultural dimensions of political communication – the attitudes, value frameworks and mutual expectations of role-players in the system. Drawing on approximately 30 semistructured interviews with journalists, politicians and political intermediaries in South Africa as part of a multicountry comparative study, this article explores how values like freedom of speech, media responsibility and the democratic role of the media are understood by these various role-players in the political communication process. The aim is to identify emerging themes in the discourse around freedom and responsibility, in order to gain a better understanding of how these interpretations inform the sometimes strained relationship between the media, intermediaries and politicians in these emerging democracies. Key words: Freedom, new democracies, political communication, responsibility, South Africa INTRODUCTION Like Brazil, South Africa can be considered an emerging democracy in the global South – both these countries have emerged from first colonial rule, and then an authoritarian government supported by a strong military, and are now establishing themselves as regional economic powers, yet still have persisting vast socio-economic inequalities. The role that the media play in facilitating political communication in these countries can, therefore, be seen to be influenced by legacies of the past, as well as new challenges brought on by rapid social change in a globalised era. South Africa formally became a democracy with the first election of a majority government in 1994, following a process of negotiation that started with the unbanning of liberation movements and the release of political prisoners. This negotiated transition, after decades of bitter struggle for liberation from white minority rule, has often been seen as part of a global trend of democratisation after the Cold War (Blankson 2007: 19; Von Lieres 2005: 22). * Herman Wasserman is professor in the Department of Journalism and Media Studies, Rhodes University, South Africa. Email: [email protected] Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 240 2010/07/30 10:27:56 AM Political journalism in South Africa as a developing democracy ... 241 As part of the transition from apartheid to a constitutional democracy, the South African media landscape underwent major structural shifts in terms of ownership, editorial staffing and the regulatory environment. Linked to the new political freedoms in the country after apartheid, the media’s democratic role was formally acknowledged by enshrining press freedom in the new constitution. This freedom was seen as entailing certain responsibilities, and the media entered into a system of self-regulation governed by ethical codes. From a number of clashes between the media and politicians, it has become clear that not all actors in the political communication process share the same view on the extent of the freedom the media should enjoy in the new democracy, or how that freedom should be applied responsibly. The greater freedom enjoyed by media in new democracies (although the transition process is far from uniform, as Sparks 2009 points out) usually brings with it an expectation of media as performing a ‘watchdog’ function, while governments often prefer media to support them in achieving national and developmental goals (Gurevitch & Blumler 2004: 338; McQuail 2005: 178; Voltmer 2006: 4). Media with fresh memories of authoritarian rule are often sceptical about the way in which the notion of responsibility may be abused to protect powerful interests from media insults (Blankson 2007: 24). From the opposite perspective, it seems ironic that new media freedom would be used for unfettered profit-seeking (Yin 2008: 20). When journalism’s role in a new democracy is investigated, the structural dimension of ownership, regulation and policy is just as important as the dynamic dimension of values, attitudes and expectations (Pfetsch 2004). This article aims to focus on the latter aspect, by exploring some of the main themes in the discourse around media freedom and responsibility, as expressed by actors in the political communication process. METHODOLOGY The interrelationship of discourses of the free market, democratisation and a pluralised and independent commercial global media, suggests that political communication in new democracies should ideally be approached from a comparative perspective, which includes both the structural aspects of institutional histories, economic systems and ideologies, but also the more flexible and dynamic cultural dimension of how every nation’s citizens respond differently to structural changes (Murphy 2007: 8). This is indeed the approach followed in this article, which stems from a larger study of political communication in new democracies conducted in eight countries, including Brazil (in Eastern Europe: Bulgaria, Poland; in Latin America: Brazil, Chile; in South East Asia: South Korea, Taiwan; and in Africa: Namibia, South Africa). The interaction, relationships, expectations, values and norms of three sets of actors – politicians, political journalists and intermediaries like spokespeople, lobbyists and extra-parliamentary activists – were compared on the basis of around 25 to 30 semi-structured interviews per country. This article is based on responses from a selection of interviewees on questions involving their understanding of press freedom and responsibility. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 241 2010/07/30 10:27:56 AM 242 Herman Wasserman The findings of this study are not meant to be conclusive or generalisable evidence of the political communication process in these countries. Instead, the findings offer an overview of some of the main themes or tropes that emerged from the interviews, and as such provide the first contours of a debate about press freedom and responsibility in South Africa from a comparative perspective. CONTEXTUALISING THE RESPONSES The advent of democracy had a significant impact on journalism in South Africa, both in terms of structural aspects such as media policy, regulation and ownership, as well as on the cultural dimension of media practice, such as normative discourses and professional practice. The political communication system initially opened up as a result of greater media freedoms, but has subsequently come under pressure as politicians and government clashed with private media, or interfered with the governance and editorial processes at the public broadcaster. The South African media underwent significant shifts in ownership and staffing, in an attempt to transform the industry in terms of race, politics and economics (Berger 2001: 151). Of central importance for this transformation were changes in ownership and control of the press and the public broadcaster. In the press, ownership of important newspaper titles was transferred to black empowerment consortia (and to foreign investors like Independent and Pearson Plc), an agency was set up to develop community media, community radio stations were established and black journalists were appointed to senior editorial positions. But the alternative, grassroots media of the apartheid era also dwindled due to the withdrawal of funding. In broadcasting, an independent licensing body, the Independent Broadcasting Authority (later taken up in the larger Independent Communications Authority, Icasa) would award licences, although the government retained the right to make political appointments and remained the sole shareholder of the corporatised SABC, where public service functions became increasingly blunted by commercial priorities and government intervention (see Banda 2009; Berger 2001; FXI 2008; Sparks 2009; Tomaselli 2002, 2004). New policy frameworks and normative expectations have also been formulated. After the authoritarian control of the media during the apartheid era, the new negotiated constitution, adopted in 1996, includes a bill of rights which safeguards freedom of expression – including freedom of the press. At the same time, the highly legalised media environment of apartheid made way for a self-regulatory system in which media institutions subscribed to ethical codes. A new non-racial professional body (the South African National Editors’ Forum, Sanef) was established and members of the public were given recourse to formal complaint mechanisms (although the ruling party has argued for the establishment of a statutory media tribunal, because it perceives self-regulation as failing to protect people’s dignity and human rights [Louw 2007]). These formal guarantees notwithstanding, the relationship between the independent as well as public media and the government has been marked by interventions and conflicts since early in the new democratic era (see Berger 2009; Fourie 2002; Hadland 2007; Jacobs 1999; Louw 2007 for examples). It Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 242 2010/07/30 10:27:56 AM Political journalism in South Africa as a developing democracy ... 243 has become clear that normative values such as freedom of expression, the public interest and social responsibility, are all but self-evident in the new democracy (Shepperson & Tomaselli 2002; Wasserman 2006). While notions of media freedom and responsibility feature in both political attacks on the media and in vigorous defences of them, these concepts have seldom been subjected to critical consideration to establish the meanings and values attached to them by various actors. The responses by interviewees representing various actors in the South African political communication process should, therefore, be read as attempts to render explicit the expectations and value frameworks underpinning the use of these concepts against the background of these ongoing tensions. FINDINGS Changes in freedom of expression There was wide agreement among journalists, politicians and intermediaries that the South African media today enjoy much greater freedom than under apartheid. Formal safeguards were seen as protecting the right to express political opinion, and made it possible to contest unfair publication in a court of law. The freer flow of information was noticeable not only domestically, but also transnationally. One journalist typified this situation as a move away from a South African ‘tribalism’, a parochial view on world news: I hope that in our generalism we have become less tribalised. Let’s take a less provincial view also on world affairs. I mean, I think South African media was very (…) parochial, that’s the word I was looking for. South African media was very parochial and is less so now. The role of press freedom and a range of watchdog organisations in defending these constitutional freedoms was also highlighted. Despite formal guarantees, journalists and intermediaries often expressed the fear that press freedom is under pressure. This ranged from pressures being brought to bear on journalists by politicians (‘bullying’ or ‘heavy-handedness’, especially towards black journalists who were expected to ‘toe the line’, as one journalist put it) to economic pressures preventing the media from fulfilling their investigative watchdog function as well as they should. The public broadcaster, the SABC, was singled out as one media institution where press freedom is being threatened by the increased meddling by government or the presenting of biased news, and was seen as being on the way to becoming a state broadcaster. When freedom of expression was defined more broadly than the formal constitutional changes brought about by democratisation, the outlook was less positive. Measured in terms of people’s ability to voice their concerns or as a qualitative dimension of media practice, freedom of expression was seen, mostly by intermediaries on the left, as not making a real difference in the lives of the poor Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 243 2010/07/30 10:27:56 AM 244 Herman Wasserman majority of South Africans. Because the exercise of freedom of expression is dependent on access to information and to channels of communication that have been increasingly commodified and commercialised in the new dispensation, this freedom is all but out of reach of the poor majority. Media freedom, more specifically, in this view is seen as hampered by commercial interests, leading to a narrow conception of the public and its interests, and to a form of self-censorship. Main threats to freedom of expression and press freedom today Several respondents, from various positions in the political spectrum, pointed to new threats to press freedom emerging in the post-apartheid era. These threats came in various forms – direct political threats, economic threats (which resulted in processes like the juniorisation of the newsroom and the demise of investigative journalism) and threats associated with a narrow understanding of media freedom. Political threats Mention was often made of new political threats against freedom of expression and press freedom. Sometimes these were experienced as direct threats, for example, the ruling ANC’s proposal that a media tribunal be established to replace the self-regulation by the Press Ombudsman, or the proposal of new laws that could make pre-publication censorship possible). Other threats identified by respondents seemed more implicit, like perceived government influence in the editorial content of the public broadcaster or behind-the-scenes politicking on the board of the SABC. Economic threats The end of apartheid brought about a shift towards the increased commercialisation of the South African media. The erstwhile vibrant alternative media (Switzer & Adhikari 2000) disappeared, as funding from overseas donors dwindled or was redirected elsewhere; foreign capital moved into the country (for example, the Independent Group taking over large sections of the Englishlanguage press); the Afrikaans media house Naspers became a global player; media houses ‘unbundled’ their holdings and sold parts off to Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) firms, which led to the rise of new conglomerates. One of the biggest commercial successes in the print media sphere has been new tabloid newspapers whose runaway circulation figures have overtaken their broadsheet counterparts by far. Although attempts have been made by government to intervene in the marketplace in order to support community media, these have met with mixed success. As part of this commercialisation process, and in some cases (for instance, the Afrikaans media) as a result of the purging of newsrooms of journalists associated with the previous regime, a widespread juniorisation of the media has taken place (De Beer & Steyn 2002) – something which was mentioned by several journalists as having a detrimental impact on investigative reporting. Several journalists lamented the self-censorship brought about by commercialisation and ‘dumbing Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 244 2010/07/30 10:27:56 AM Political journalism in South Africa as a developing democracy ... 245 down’. Intermediaries on the left of the political spectrum pointed out that the media’s drive for profits make them beholden to the demands and interests of a social and political elite. Linked to this commercialisation was the criticism that the South African media market is increasingly monopolised by a few big players, even if they produce a wide variety of media titles and outlets. Some respondents bemoaned the demise of alternative media and the lack of viable, grassroots community media. Lack of investigative journalism Although there have been examples of excellent and far-reaching investigative work being done by a newspaper like the Mail & Guardian or the Sunday Times, the media in general stood accused of favouring entertainment and diversion in the form of ‘infotainment’. This is not a unique complaint about contemporary media (see Thussu 2007 for a discussion of how this process plays out globally), but was seen by respondents as particularly problematic in a new democracy, where the media should contribute to the strengthening of democratic institutions and root out corruption. In the South African context, the lack of investigative journalism in the post-apartheid era was seen as particularly ironic or unfortunate, given the fact that media are now freer to embark on such reporting than they ever were under apartheid. In other words, the hard-won freedom was seen to be squandered for short-term commercial benefit. Some commentators linked the lack of investigative journalism to the preference for glamorous (‘sexy’) news stories of interest to an elite, and, conversely, the marginalisation of issues of relevance to the poor majority which require greater effort on the part of reporters. Again, this situation was seen to be exacerbated by the juniorisation of newsrooms, brought on by increased commercial pressures. These problems are connected as follows by an intermediary at a social movement: (T)he groups that I’m concerned with, one of the problems we have is the quality of journalism and reporting and that’s got to do with juniorization of the newsroom and lack of investment in serious investigative journalism. And also to prioritize the issues of the poor, they are not sexy, and I think that is our problem with all the bourgeois media in my mind, I mean poverty is not sexy, in fact there are some guys who don’t have water in some rural Transkei, really, I mean, you know what I’m saying, and part of our democratization processes because of such a compromised process of democratization which does not address the issues of historical injustice was to create what I call the ‘stupefaction of a nation,’ so we are all into these bullshit things of the celebrity’s and the gossip and of course glamorizing this sort of mindlessness and of course also selling products. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 245 2010/07/30 10:27:56 AM 246 Herman Wasserman Media responsibility Responsibility as a corollary of freedom Although there was wide acknowledgement that press freedom entailed certain responsibilities, there was also some resistance against the idea of media responsibility when this was understood as a kind of self-censorship. Among those who saw responsibility as a corollary of press freedom, there were mixed opinions as to whether the media succeeds in acting responsibly. Some of the general terms associated with media responsibility were ‘transparency’, ‘accountability’, ‘accuracy’ to people’s ‘dignity and reputation’ or the avoidance of incitement to violence and harm: ‘the fact that you cannot extend your freedom to harm that of another’. Understandably, in the light of South Africa’s history, stereotyping – especially regarding racism and xenophobia – and the constitutional injunction against hate speech were singled out by a number of respondents as an area where restraint on press freedom was important. The avoidance of racial stereotypes is a common feature in media ethical codes in the country, but the interviews also took place shortly after a wave of xenophobic violence swept the country, which could have contributed to the salience of this aspect in interviewee responses. The juniorisation of the newsroom (mentioned above) was seen by one intermediary as a contributing factor to the inadequate reporting on the conflict (and incitement of xenophobic attacks) erupting across South Africa in 2008. It would, therefore, seem as if there is an acceptance – if not consensus – among journalists that some restraint on press freedom is necessary or desirable. A negotiation of the strong liberaldemocratic normative ideals of independence and freedom seems to be taking place, and the fact that this restraint is often described in terms of concepts such as ‘dignity’, ‘avoidance of harm’, ‘protection of (human) rights’ or the ‘social well-being’ of ‘a community’ seems to indicate that such negotiation is informed by South Africa’s history, where these normative values have often been violated in the political process. The importance of a historical influence for the normative theory of journalists was expressed as follows by a newspaper journalist: I think also that, unlike other parts of the world, where journalist may be … I don’t know how to put this … but we have a certain history. Our history is not the same as many other countries. So when we write we have to sort of keep that at the back of our minds. We don’t have to continuously remind … people. But now and then, based on our history, depending on what the issue is, we have to remind in our reporting, also state the fact that we don’t need to have that type of situation again, we need to also educate our readers that the people, especially the young people of today, that many of them are fully sympathetic to what happens there so we need to educate them in what they do ... that they have is because of our history … our struggle … people who have struggled to where we are today …. For these critics, media claims to ‘objectivity’ and ‘balance’ were belied by stereotypical news frames representing elite prejudices. For instance, a social movement intermediary referred to the Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 246 2010/07/30 10:27:56 AM Political journalism in South Africa as a developing democracy ... 247 ‘criminal’ frame that the media imposed on shack-dwellers protesting a lack of social delivery. In their view, the way the media reported on these events also meant that they forsook their information and education function, because members of the public were not sufficiently informed about the reasons and context for such protests: The way the media reported that, you know (…) made it like a crime scene you know. Then for people that do not have a clear understanding of the issues of people from (the shack community of) Joe Slovo and what also lead them to barricade the N2 (highway) you know, then there were not that much of that education side of their reality you know, of what was the cause of the situation you know. Few has been reported about the facts of the situation you know but then also like apart from that then the only side that has been promoted you know, then is the governmental side of the story you know. Then you’ll find out then someone who does not live at Joe Slovo you know, now that person will not be able like to, to be fully informed you know, by what the person is reading from the newspapers. Then from that particular person, then he will see what was taking place at Joe Slovo like as a criminal act or a something or as an act that was unnecessary because the media played like to play a vital role you know. Standard normative concepts like ‘accuracy’, ‘truthtelling’, ‘balance’ and ‘objectivity’ were used by journalists to describe their responsibility. However, even as far as press responsibility is concerned, commercialisation held sway for some, like a journalist who was of the opinion that irresponsible journalism will eventually be ‘punished’ by the market, since credible journalism has commodity value. Journalists themselves were, however, less inclined to see themselves as in cahoots with the government. In fact, when journalists engage in introspection on their responsibility, the implied question is usually whether they take a strong enough adversarial stance against the government. The ideal role, from journalists’ point of view, seems to be that of detachment and balance. One journalist saw it as a good sign when politicians from both the ruling party and the opposition criticised them, because it proved they were ‘on the right track’. Responsibility as a smokescreen for control There was another side to the normative debates that demand responsibility from the media, as part of the freedom they enjoy. Some respondents – mostly journalists, but also intermediaries and opposition politicians – warned that the notion of ‘responsibility’ may become a smokescreen for government to get the media to toe the line. When used in this way, the demand for ‘responsibility’ becomes a form of pressure to get journalists to self-censor their work. For this reason, journalists sometimes were reluctant to put too fine a definition on ‘responsibility’, preferring to stay with the legal circumscription of press freedom, for instance, not to incite violence. This view was shared, albeit from a different position on the political spectrum, by some social movement intermediaries who saw claims of ‘responsible journalism’ as a way of sidelining political firebrands who provide radical critiques of the political status quo. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 247 2010/07/30 10:27:56 AM 248 Herman Wasserman The media as opposition An important perspective that emerged on media freedom in post-apartheid South Africa, was that the media have now become political players in their own right. Several respondents described the media’s traditional ‘watchdog’ role in terms that liken it to an opposition political party. In the absence of a major opposition party to the ruling ANC,2 the media have emerged as an ‘alternative power centre’ to the government (Blankson 2007: 20). This role was described as follows by a journalist (reference): I think generally speaking in the absence of any serious political opposition I think the media is one of the organizations – and I say this being from the media side of the fence – it’s one of the sort of crucial things that basically shines a spotlight on things and it’s become almost a quicker way than the official methods for trying to get justice done. You know if you haven’t got the house you’re supposed to get or this or that you phone a radio station or you write to the Sowetan or even the Daily Sun and you get yourself on the front page and something happens as a result so I think the media’s played quite a role in ensuring freedom. Journalists were described as having become ‘embedded’ with opposing factions within the ruling party, and find themselves ‘being used as pawns in very unseemly political fights’, sometimes even leading to being hired as spin-doctors. Some politicians supported the view that the media are influenced by political motives in their own understanding of their responsibility, although what the media’s supposed political position was, differed according to the politician’s own orientation. LEGITIMATE REASONS FOR RESTRICTIONS ON MEDIA CONTENT The contested understanding of the media’s role in a new democracy like South Africa’s raises the question whether it would ever be justified to restrict the media, if they fail to act responsibly or in line with the spirit of the constitution that safeguards their freedom. In general, respondents agreed with the constitutional restraints preventing the media from engaging in hate speech or inciting anyone to violence. These limitations were understood against the history of institutionalised racism in the country. However, some historical remnants from the apartheid era have been controversial. While libel laws or the controversial section 205 of the Criminal Procedure Act (which makes it possible for journalists to be subpoenaed to testify in court) have been hotly debated in journalistic circles, not all journalists interviewed in this study saw these measures as unfair. Overall, media freedom was seen as relative to their responsibility in terms of providing truthful and accurate information in the interest of the public, broadly conceived. Yet fears were also expressed that even legitimate limitations on media freedom could represent the start of a slippery slope, where the government could seek to counter criticism by silencing the media. The example of Zimbabwe was held up as a warning in this regard. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 248 2010/07/30 10:27:56 AM Political journalism in South Africa as a developing democracy ... 249 CONCLUSION The future of journalism in the developed world is all but certain, and cause for much debate and punditry. In a new democracy like South Africa (and, in similar ways, Brazil), the context within which journalism is practised is different in many regards, yet its norms, values and practices are also subject to much contestation and negotiation. The role that political journalism should play in consolidating the democratic gains made and in ensuring a democratic future for the country is debated against a history of state repression under apartheid, and amidst fears that the future might hold further threats to freedom of speech. At the same time there is the recognition that journalism carries a certain social responsibility. The relation between freedom and responsibility is less certain. While journalists are often criticised for abusing the notion of ‘freedom’ for commercial gain, without regard for the quality, breadth or depth of perspective, politicians are mistrusted for using the notion of ‘responsibility’ to exercise control over a vigilant media. Perhaps the fact that journalism is the topic of so much debate and criticism is a recognition of its importance for democracy in this developing country, and as such a positive sign for the future of journalism in South Africa. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The assistance of Josh Ogada with the interview and transcription process and Dr Sarah Qian Gong with coding of the transcripts is gratefully acknowledged. This article forms part of a larger, comparative transnational study on political communication, funded by the British Academy (LRG-45511), which covered Southern Africa (Namibia, South Africa), East Asia (Taiwan, South Korea), Eastern Europe (Bulgaria, Poland) and Latin America (Brazil, Chile). ENDNOTES 1 2 This article is based on a paper read at the first Conference of the Brazil–South African Journalism Research Initiative, Stellenbosch University, South Africa, 23 and 24 June 2009. The ANC split in 2009 to form another opposition party, the Congress of the People (Cope), but the interviews took place before this split. Cope did not register significant enough support in the 2009 general elections to pose a challenge to the ANC. REFERENCES Banda, F. 2009. SABC health scare. The Media. May: 14. Berger, G. 2001. De-racialization, democracy and development: Tranformation of the South African media 1994–2000. In K. Tomaselli & H. Dunn (eds), Media, democracy and renewal in southern Africa, 151–180. Colorado Springs: International Academic Publishers. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 249 2010/07/30 10:27:56 AM 250 Herman Wasserman . 2009. For media, SABC is the frontline for preventing political creep. Mail & Guardian Online. http://www.mg.co.za/article/2009-05-14-for-media-sabc-is-the-frontline-preventing-politicalcreep (accessed 14 May 2009). Blankson, I.A. 2007. Media independence and pluralism in Africa: Opportunities and challenges of democratization and liberalization. In I.A. Blankson & P.D. Murphy (eds), Negotiating democracy: Media transformation in emerging democracies, 15–34. Albany: SUNY Press. De Beer, A.S. and E. Steyn. Sanef’s 2002 South African National Journalism Skills Audit: An introduction and the Sanef report regarding the media industry. Ecquid Novi 23(1): 11–86. Fourie, P.J. 2002. Rethinking the role of the media in South Africa. Communicare 21(1): 17–40. Freedom of Expression Institute (FXI). 2008. Save our SABC. Coalition submission to NCOP on Broadcasting Amendment Bill. http://www.fxi.org.za/content/view/202/1/ (accessed 14 May 2009). Gurevitch, M. and J.G. Blumler. 2004. State of the art of comparative political communication research: Poised for maturity? In F. Esser & B. Pfetsch (eds), Comparing political communication, 325– 343. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hadland, A. 2007. State-media relations in post-apartheid South Africa: An application of comparative media systems theory. Communicare 26(2): 1–17. Jacobs, S. 1999. Tensions of a free press: South Africa after apartheid. Research Paper R-22, Joan Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University. Louw, R. 2007. National overview: South Africa. In So this is democracy? Report on the state of media freedom and freedom of expression in southern Africa, 75–86. Windhoek: Media Institute of Southern Africa. McQuail, D. 2005. McQuail’s mass communication theory. London: Sage. Murphy, P.D. 2007. Media and democracy in the age of globalization. In I.A. Blankson & P.D. Murphy (eds), Negotiating democracy: Media transformation in emerging democracies, 1–11. Albany: SUNY Press. Pfetsch, B. 2004. From political culture to political communications culture: A theoretical approach to comparative analysis. In F. Esser & B. Pfetsch (eds), Comparing political communication, 345–366. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Shepperson, A. and K.G. Tomaselli. 2002. Ethics: a radical justice approach. Ecquid Novi 23(2): 278– 289. So this is democracy? State of media freedom in Southern Africa. 2005. Windhoek: Media Institute of Southern Africa. Sparks, C. 2009. South African media in transition. Journal of African Media Studies 1(2): 195–220. Switzer, L. and M. Adhikari (eds). 2000. South Africa’s resistance press: Alternative voices in the last generation under apartheid. Athens: Ohio University Press. Thussu, D. 2007. News as entertainment: The rise of global infotainment. London: Sage. Tomaselli, K.G. 2002. Media ownership and democratisation. In G. Hydén, M. Leslie and F.F. Ogundimu (eds), Media and democracy in Africa, 129–155. New Jersey: Transaction Publishers. . 2004. Transformation of the South African media. Critical Arts 18(1): 1–6. Voltmer, K. 2006. The mass media and the dynamics of political communication in processes of democratization. In K. Voltmer (ed), Mass media and political communication in new democracies, 1–20. London: Routledge. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 250 2010/07/30 10:27:56 AM Political journalism in South Africa as a developing democracy ... 251 Von Lieres, B. 2005. Culture and the limits of liberalism. In S.L. Robins (ed), Limits to liberation after apartheid: Citizenship, governance and culture, 22–32. Oxford: James Currey. Wasserman, H. 2006. Globalised values and postcolonial responses: South African perspectives on normative media ethics. The International Communication Gazette 68(1): 71–91. Yin, J. 2008. Beyond the four theories of the press: A new model for the Asian and the world press. Journalism & Communication Monographs 10(1): 5–62. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 251 2010/07/30 10:27:56 AM COMMUNICATIO Volume 36 (2) 2010 pp. 252–264 Copyright: Unisa Press ISSN 0250-0167/Online 1753-5379 DOI: 10.1080/02500167.2010.485372 Political journalism in Brazil as a developing democracy: The relationship between government and the media Antonio Hohlfeldt* 1 Abstract This article deals with the Brazilian desire to know and voice an opinion about everything which might be regarded as a true reflection of the facts. This need arises from a long history of informational and democratic exclusion. In asserting the public’s right to be heard, it is argued that patience is a virtue. The author describes the different stages in the democratisation of communication in Brazil, which might serve as a way to effectively obtain our ultimate goal: the free and fair expression of opinion in all the different forms of media. Key words: Brazil, citizenship, democratisation, Latin America, media, panopticon, politics INTRODUCTION Since the beginning of the movements for the re-democratisation of Brazil in the 1970s, the growing overlapping of the fields of politics and communication has become increasingly evident. The process of re-democratisation has extended the possibilities of such a relationship, opening up the way for a type of press which, though it has become increasingly commercial in nature, has nevertheless managed to remain sensitive to issues of relevance to the average citizen. The extensive amount of research undertaken from 1984 to 2002 into the leading newspapers in the country highlighted the fact that the level of popular participation in political processes has increased substantially, although such participation is not directly related to the activity of the different political parties. In general, the media have been sensitive to such civil action, as well as open to recording associated thinking and expression. The ongoing re-democratisation of Brazil has run parallel with the changes occurring in the national media. Such processes are complementary, despite their being subject to occasional confrontations and ongoing challenges, resulting from the tendency towards personalisation in the new communication media (especially television), and from some decisions which have been made by the judiciary regarding freedom of expression and information. In contrast, some decision-making, such as the Supreme Federal Court’s revocation of the Press Law, has been reminiscent of that which characterised the period of dictatorship. Despite the legal vacuum that such a revocation has caused, such action has led to significant progress towards attaining full freedom of expression and opinion. Another challenge which is posed in Brazil, in common with the rest of Latin America, is that of the concentration of media ownership (in the form of newspapers or television channels) in the hands of only a few families. Such a phenomenon is also exacerbated by the tendency of * Antonio Hohlfeldt is professor in the Graduate Programme in Social Communication at the Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. Email: [email protected] Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 252 2010/07/30 10:27:56 AM Political journalism in Brazil as a developing democracy ... 253 many companies to have become media conglomerates. In contrast, the advent of information and communication technologies has opened up the way for community radio stations, which are relatively free from legislative control. In addition, the varying levels of electronic governance which are in place have significantly changed the level of civil participation in the large-scale public debate. The dissemination of information by the different levels of public administration has increased substantially in Brazil. Executives in the federal, state and municipal spheres of government, as well as legislators and the judiciary, have their own radio and television channels which enable them to produce their own programmes, and to utilise specific spaces to explain their different ways of functioning and general characteristics. In addition, civil entities have significantly increased their online presence on websites and blogs, which cover the most diverse levels of information. Brazil is currently a democracy, which allows for the circulation of a wide diversity of opinions. Ultimately, however, the interpretation of such opinions can only be facilitated by enhancing the standard of education that is available. Politics and communication deal with a common force: the imaginary. It is the conquest of such a force that politicians seek, as well as what interests the media, in so far as they have influence over it. The relationship between communication and politics is also a relationship of power, because a common agenda exists between them. To politicians, it is fundamental that the media record and publicise their actions, whereas the media live off what they can report. As a result, politics is becoming more dramatic by the day (Esteves 2003: 109) – a fact that has already been pointed out by both Guy Débord and Roger-Gérard Schartzenberg. Such a relationship, according to Esteves, is becoming more intense, because it depends on what transpires in the arena of public debate, which is fundamental to politics, and also because both its dimension and its extension are markedly increased by communication. Only a few decades ago, the most promising communication strategy used by politicians was approaching the voter and citizen around the time of an electoral campaign or inauguration. Nowadays, increasingly, politicians tend to be viewed by the average citizen from the latter’s role as a spectator, especially of television. Television, accordingly, has become the leading vehicle for either the promotion or condemnation of a politician. A somewhat extreme view of the media is asserted by some researchers, who affirm that in Brazil television either elects or deposes presidents. In fact, television was the channel of communication to grow the most in Brazil when it was under the sway of a military dictatorship, from 1964 to 1984 (Lattmann-Weltmann 2003: 134). The same type of growth has occurred more recently in the case of the Internet, which justifies its popularity among politicians. Television by itself earns more than half of the advertising budget of the entire country (ibid.: 136). Nowadays, the same official inaugurations, which all politicians attend, serve less to manifest their physical presence than to fix their image in the mind of the public, by means of the attendant television coverage. Such coverage allows politicians – and especially the President of the Republic – to enter the homes of citizens and voters every night, to speak directly to them, and to become ‘close’ to them, similar to the way in which soap opera stars or Hollywood film stars grow closer to their admirers (Barba 2003: 29). Some strategists assert Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 253 2010/07/30 10:27:56 AM 254 Antonio Hohlfeldt that nowadays the main communication resource that a government has, is the President of the Republic himself (Izurieta, Perina & Arterton 2003: 206). One of the consequences of this new situation is that, just as the public is coming to depend more on the media to be informed about politics, politics is becoming increasingly depoliticised (Barba 2003: 45). For many radical critics of the media such a reality is deplorable; for other critics it is just a new form of reality to which politicians need to adapt, because, after all, the number of voters has grown exponentially in all countries that are recognised as true democracies.2 Such growth has meant the loss of direct and permanent contact of the nation’s major political leaders with their electorate and citizenship. As a result, nowadays it is through such media as newspapers, television and the Internet that the messages of political personalities are collectively transmitted.3 It is through the media that politicians still seek to elicit information – especially by means of polls and surveys – about what is happening around them. However, in contrast to a few decades ago, politicians no longer have to maintain direct contact with all their potential groups of supporters and the electorate (ibid.: 25–27). THE PERSONALISATION OF POLITICS The personalisation of politics, as various scholars have emphasised (Rúas 2003: 68–69), is probably the most evident consequence of such a process, due to the current growing ideological and partisan lack of definition of such a field. To summarise: the electorate no longer decide for which candidate to vote based on familiar loyalties, regional relationships or ideological affinity. Instead, their vote is based on the best projects, the most trustworthy images, and the expectations that the respective candidates are capable of arousing in them, by way of their skilful exploitation of the media. The history of the four attempts by the former union leader, Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, representing the Workers Party (PT), to be elected to the Presidency of the Republic of Brazil is a good example of such manipulation of the media. Lula was defeated by Collor de Mello in the first democratic elections after the military dictatorship came to an end in 1989. During the electoral campaign concerned, TV Globo deliberately set out to attempt to manipulate the public in the way that it presented the lies of the candidate, who claimed to be, among other flattering designations, the ‘Maharajah’s hunter’.4 However, the truth was reflected in a debate aired on television, and which was later edited in such a way as to indicate what had actually transpired. That debate was decisive in determining the final electoral count.5 The media serve to concretise the practise of citizenship (Izurieta, Perina & Arterton 2003: 203; Lattmann-Weltmann 2003: 129–130). In the contemporary climate, a politician must be able to communicate effectively. No government can currently make decisions without first consulting the general electorate. Such consultation occurs through polls and opinion surveys, which are reported on by the media (Barba 2003: 34). In contrast, governments have the obligation to inform, and give account of their actions to, their citizenry. Such information can be conveyed by means of the media – especially by means of either collective interviews or exclusive meetings between the authorities Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 254 2010/07/30 10:27:56 AM Political journalism in Brazil as a developing democracy ... 255 concerned, and a journalist assigned to cover such matters. Such openness of communication allows for transparency, and the recognition of public responsibility, which is frequently translated as being a measure of accountability. Such recognition is a key issue in modern democratic practice, ‘because it refers to the real functioning of the institutions and to the revenue they bring, or [might] not [bring], to those who [would] submit the system to their sovereignty and interest’ (LattmannWeltmann 2003: 149). The production and dissemination of information makes possible the existence of checks and balances, which are considered primary characteristics of the most firmly established democracies (ibid.: 151, 153, 155).6 Having discussed the theoretical premises on which such an argument is based, it is necessary to consider certain historical issues of relevance to the current context. Carolina Matos was responsible for coordinating a research study that involved evaluating some Brazilian newspapers, such as Folha de São Paulo and O Estado de São Paulo, from São Paulo, and O Globo, from Rio de Janeiro, in addition to such periodicals as Istoé and Veja. The study took as a reference point some newsworthy political events that had transpired recently in Brazil,7 including the process of ‘Direct-now’. Such a process entailed the mobilisation of all Brazilian society in favour of the constitutional amendment which had been proposed by the Federal Deputy Dante de Oliveira, with respect to the reinstitution of direct elections, at all levels of government, throughout the country.8 Although such a reinstitution was not approved due to the level of pressure exerted by the administration of the last general in power, President Figueiredo, such mass mobilisation was one of the most significant ever obtained on a national level, especially in light of the open stance taken by the newspaper Folha de São Paulo in favour of such a democratic proposition (Matos 2008).9 The 1989 elections, in which Collor de Mello was elected president of the country, follows the abovementioned political action in importance as reflecting the truly democratic process in which the nation had participated. Following on the analysis of such elections is an overview of the 1994 presidential elections, during which (after the institution of ‘Plano Real’, which transformed the Brazilian system of currency and launched a new financial and economic plan for the country) the sociologist Fernando Henrique Cardoso completed his first mandate.10 Lula was victorious in the 2002 elections. For the first time in the history of Brazil, his election to office represented the rise of the worker and blue-collar class to the highest authority in the nation.11 The period in question has been subject to much contradictory assessment, due to the field of Brazilian journalism, especially in the 1990s, becoming more commercial (Matos 2008: 10), though, simultaneously, it was able to continue functioning as a mediator in respect of the political debate in the country from 1994 to 2002 (ibid.: 11, 298, 301–302). Such duality was possible especially because there was a strong cross-section of civil society, which exerted a great deal of pressure on the governors in general, as well as on the re-institutionalised political structures. Matos confirms that the media have a central role to play in the mediation and promotion of political debate (2008: 12, 13). She holds that the advance of the professionalisation of Brazilian Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 255 2010/07/30 10:27:56 AM 256 Antonio Hohlfeldt journalism (ibid.: 13; Lattmann-Weltmann 2003: 133), due to the openness that governmental structures have provided to the market (Matos 2008: 20), has enabled the focus to fall on the most prominent of the range of concerns of the citizenship (ibid.: 22–24). ‘According to the National Association of Newspapers (ANJ), created by 126 journalistic societies and representatives of the media industry, 529 out of 2 464 newspapers are published daily. In 2002, the circulation was of 6.9 million newspapers daily, a very small amount if we take into consideration that there are approximately 180 million people in Brazil’ (ibid.: 35). To reach such levels of circulation, the successive governments had to face some resistance from the Brazilian left-wing parties, even during the time of Lula’s administration. Lula’s party, the PT, has always been strongly criticised by the big media groups – especially TV Globo. For instance, there has been much criticism of the breaking of the government’s monopoly on telecommunications which, however, has facilitated the rapid implementation of the mobile phone system (currently, both quantitatively and qualitatively, one of the most developed in the world). Such a process culminated in the realisation of a National Congress of Communications, with representative entities in all governmental areas, throughout the three levels (federal, state and municipal) of government, and across the different powers of state (including the executive, legislative and the judiciary). The National Congress also includes participation by professional entities, the workers, representatives of communication companies, and various civil society organisations. The congress was boycotted by the big media groups, which accused the left-wing parties and popular movements of instrumentalising the initiative. However, the event had widespread repercussions, and resulted in the mobilisation of a significant level of public opinion, especially due to the participation of small communication groups. Above all, the Superior Federal Court decided, on 30 April 2009, in a moment which was considered historical, to rescind the so-called Press Law (a remnant of the dictatorial period) (Correio do Povo 1 May 2009: 2). For many people such a decision seemed ominous, as it appeared that it would leave a judicial gap in regard to certain practical situations, such as in the case of the right to reply. Others, again, regard the Civil Code as providing enough of a solution in such cases. The most significant fact in this regard is that the last document remaining from the period prior to the democraticisation of the country was ultimately excluded from the current legislative setup. Soon after rescinding the Press Law, the Superior Federal Court decided to do away with the existing requirement of a diploma in journalism to work as a journalist. Such a move generated a strong reaction from FENAJ, as well as from many other sectors of Brazilian society. Currently, the journalist corporation and other leftist groups are trying to reinstate such legislation by means of the promulgation of a new bill, the passing of which is subject to the vote of the National Congress.12 According to Carolina Matos (2008), this progress is the result of such pioneering attitudes as those of Folha de São Paulo which, in 1984, supported the ‘Direct-now’ campaign. Such modifications took effect in the newspaper O Globo which, until then, had been seen as a partner of the generals, just as in the case of the other Globo organisations. With the assumption of the editorship of O Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 256 2010/07/30 10:27:56 AM Political journalism in Brazil as a developing democracy 257 Globo by the experienced journalist Evandro Carlos de Andrade in 1972, the newspaper adopted a new image, resulting, during the 1990s, in major graphic and editorial changes. The tempo of such changes increased further when the newspaper adopted strategies similar to those of the New York Times, which led to the former becoming one of the leading referential newspapers in the country. The magazine Realidade, which was published by Abril Publishing in as early as the 1960s, opened up a new path for literary journalism of the highest quality. When its publication was interrupted by the promulgation of Institutional Act No. 5 in December 1968 (which led to a dramatic increase in the level of censorship practised, and to the imprisonment of a number of journalists), a new alternative was found in the form of Veja magazine, directed by Mino Carta. That same professional would later, by revitalising Istoé magazine, lend continuity to the rebirth of weekly magazines which, until then, had been nonexistent after the closure of O Cruzeiro in the early 1960s. JOURNALISM AND RE-DEMOCRATISATION How journalists participated in the re-democratisation and, later, the extension of the democratic basis in Brazilian society, requires consideration. According to Matos (2008: 255), their participation in the political process was attained by their maintaining a distance from the proscriptions of militant journalism,13 as well as by their adoption of the practise of a truly professional form of journalism, which proactively seeks out information and makes itself accessible to all sectors of society. Such a process is slow and ongoing, as the journalists concerned have become increasingly capable of incarnating ‘multiple journalistic identities’ and, therefore, of representing the different social sectors (ibid.: 256). At the same time, the growth and continuous nature of the ever-increasing democratisation of the country has resulted in the media becoming increasingly complex (ibid.: 283). Journalists have come to play an expanding dualistic role in contemporary society, sometimes as facilitators of information, and sometimes as promoters of public debate (ibid.: 287). What chiefly characterises current journalism, from the author’s perspective, is its analytical approach, which allows for the same type of in-depth coverage of issues as was originally achieved only through radio broadcasts. A substantive contribution has been made to such debate by the promotion of critical discussion about the media in general, by the different websites concerned, such as those of the ‘Observatório da imprensa’ (Press Observer), ‘Alberto Dines’ (www.observatoriodaimprensa.com.br), and ‘Comuniquese’ (Communicate) (www.comunique-se.com.br), all of which are known to support the maintenance of a sense of balance and ethics in journalism (Matos 2008: 293). Matos (ibid.: 302) summarises her observations regarding the evolution of journalism in the following statement: (a) the commercial media (market press) has contributed to the progress of democracy, acting as a mediator of the public debate and as an instrument of political contestation, although a number of political and economic factors have prevented the accomplishment of still greater progress; (b) the Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 257 2010/07/30 10:27:56 AM 258 Antonio Hohlfeldt journalists concerned have participated in different ways, by assuming a role of social responsibility, by adopting a progressive professional reading, and even by engaging in democratic militancy; (c) though the interests of larger segments of the population (civil society) have been included within the scope of the public media, such inclusion should be deepened and extended still further, in order to include less privileged segments of the Brazilian society; (d) the state has abandoned its past authoritarian approved and has made progress towards the full-scale implementation of a system of liberal socio-democracy, which, though still quite fragile, is starting to release its hold on the press, showing growing potential in exercising a role that is more inclusive and which is focused on providing a public service both for the media and for the entire Brazilian society. Regarding the 1988 constitution, the only chapter about which consensus has not yet been reached and about which, consequently, no final report has yet been written, is that relating to the field of social communication. Such inconclusiveness is due, on the one hand, to the intense debate that has taken place within the lobby of the Brazilian Association of Radio and Television (ABERT), and, on the other hand, to the debate that has taken place between civil society and those who defend the need for greater interference by the state in this regard. Despite 20 years elapsing since the promulgation of the constitution in question, none of the attendant pressure has decreased. In fact, recent incidents relating to the digitalisation of television and the current debate regarding the expansion of telephone companies into the arena of the provision of Internet services and television images, have made such a conflict of interest even more evident. The democratisation of Brazilian society has even had direct consequences for such a quasimonopolistic setting. It is no longer possible to imagine an incident taking place, similar to that of PROCONSULT, in which it was claimed that TV Globo was involved in the attempt to prevent Leonel Brizola from becoming the state governor of Rio de Janeiro (Lattmann-Weltmann 2003: 142).14 The over-dramatisation of such incidents as the death of a potential president (that of Tancredo Neves, who, on passing away suddenly, had to be replaced by his Vice-President, José Sarney15), or of a political campaign, such as that of Fernando Collor, in which the different media clearly took sides, has become commonplace. In contrast, over the years outstanding examples of civil resistance, such as that of the ‘Direct-now’ campaign (initiated by the same Folha de São Paulo) or that of opposition to the then president, Collor de Mello, resulting in the scandalous unveiling of PC Farias, have been brought to the much-needed attention of the public. The newspaper concerned shared with at least two weekly magazines, Veja and Istoé, extensive in-depth coverage of the impeachment and resignation from office of the president, as well as publicising of the well-known movement of young Brazilian students, called the ‘painted faces’.16 The same media that supported the ‘Plano Real’ neither covered up the internal crisis lived out by president Cardoso towards the end of his second mandate,17 nor the fact that Lula could increasingly be seen to stand as an unbeatable candidate in his fourth attempt to attain the presidency of Brazil. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 258 2010/07/30 10:27:56 AM Political journalism in Brazil as a developing democracy 259 More recently, the debate about the implementation of quotas for black people and indigenous Indinas has received extensive coverage in the media.18 Some of the major referential newspapers in Brazil have transformed the ongoing debate about quotas into a symbolic fight, which is embraced by different social actors whose voices have attained full-scale legitimacy in the media (Balocco 2007: 277). In both Fernando Henrique and Lula’s administrations, a series of denunciations, which later turned into scandals, were carefully followed and documented by the media.19 As a result, first Fernando Henrique, and later Lula, considered submitting a bill to the National Congress forbidding all public employees – including the police and the judiciary – from passing on information to the media. The passing of the so-called ‘Gag Law’ was, however, successfully resisted by the Superior Federal Court (Lattmann-Weltmann 2003: 166; Matos 2008: 224). Similarly, Lula renounced his intention to modify the Audiovisual Law, which was at that time considered to pose a potential threat to freedom of creation (ibid.: 226), as well as his intention to create the National Council of Journalism, in consensus with the Journalist National Federation (Santos 2008: 45). One of the initial difficulties that Lula encountered with the media was that relating to his depiction by the US journalist, Larry Rother (a correspondent for The New York Times) as an alcoholic. CONCLUSION: FREE DISSEMINATION OF IDEAS Two major challenges still remain as obstacles to full freedom of expression and the full-scale dissemination of ideas throughout the country. On the one hand, many of the current judiciary have imposed sentences directly involving the limitation of freedom of expression and information. Those cases involving the publication of a book by the journalist Fernando Morais and a biography about the singer Roberto Carlos, among others, have put the defenders of fundamental civil rights on alert (Mattos 2008: 236). On the other hand, the tendency towards what Lattmann-Weltmann calls ‘denunciationism’ (2003: 159) has involved issues ranging from allegations of the Minister of Health’s alleged irregular acquisition of bicycles for public health agents, to various episodes in which the media have made denunciations, as well as expanding on, judging and condemning, de facto, the defendant concerned. Such coverage has, in effect, negated any possibility of mounting a proper defence. Federal deputies, senators and state secretaries have, in the past, all fallen foul of such deprecatory coverage. All institutions, including the media, ultimately show how they function, so that their extremes can be countered by more balanced forces. Though Brazil has now, as a nation, gained a fullblooded voice, the challenge still lies in the field of communication, in what the audience has to say, and to whom it is prepared to listen. Let us conclude with the analogy employed by LattmannWeltmann (2003: 173) in his study of the media: we do not know of a more appropriate metaphor to characterise this desire [the desire that the Brazilian society has to know and control everything] Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 259 2010/07/30 10:27:56 AM 260 Antonio Hohlfeldt than the Benthamian concept of panopticon (or pan-optic): an architectonic construction idealised to serve institutions that are closed to the public and where, thanks to an ingenious disposition of cells and a sort of control tower, a relatively large group of interns can be easily controlled – better, potentially controlled – by a single observer who sees them without being seen. Perhaps such an analogy is somewhat unfair. However, the Brazilian desire to know and voice an opinion about everything might be regarded as a true reflection of the facts, arising from a long history of informational and democratic exclusion. In asserting our right to be heard, we ought, however, to be patient. We need to be aware of the different stages in the democratisation of communication, so that we can master each effectively in order to attain our ultimate goal: the free and fair expression of opinion in all the different forms of media. ENDNOTES 1 2 3 4 5 6 This article is based on a paper read at the first Conference of the Brazil–South African Journalism Research Initiative, Stellenbosch University, South Africa, 23 and 24 June 2009. In Brazil, voting is mandatory, with each voter’s participation in the electoral process being checked up on afterwards – in order to receive their salary, each voter, worker and public employee must present a document proving that they have voted to their employer. Such control, which is only intended to ensure that each and every voter does, in fact, take part in the election, does not entail control over the vote that is cast, over which candidate or party the citizen chooses to vote for, or their potential casting of blank votes, or their annulling of their vote. Any absence from the process must be justified by the voter concerned through his or her completion of a set form made available at post offices throughout the country on election day. Brazil, however, in contrast to the voting practices of some other countries, does not allow voters who are abroad at the time of the election to cast a vote, be it through its embassies or by mail. In respect of the 2010 elections for the Presidency of the Republic, the Senate, Federal Legislature, State Legislature, and State Governors, the National Congress has decided to allow the electoral campaign to be conducted over the Internet. The first democratic election to take place in Brazil after a dictatorship assumed control over the country in 1964, was in 1989. Some of the candidates were: The current President of Brazil, Lula, who stood for the newly founded PT, and Fernando Collor de Melo, who stood for a small party created especially to enable his participation in the elections. Collor de Mello’s project had the evident support of most of the media, due to Lula’s allegedly radical leftist discourse. The former politician, who had previously been the Governor of the state of Alagoas, saw to it that his campaign assistants developed an image of youth and modernity which was, above all, strongly combative of corruption. His adoption of such a stance led to his nickname as ‘Maharajah’s hunter’. The use of the term ‘maharajahs’, in common parlance, refers to those public political workers, employees and elected politicians who are accused of corruption and who, as a result of such corruption, receive high monthly salaries. Among other charges, Collor de Mello accused Lula of not having recognised his own illegitimate daughter (a teenager at the time) from a previous relationship. Such a fact severely destabilised Lula’s campaign, as Brazilian society is strongly moralist and conservative by nature. Some experts are concerned about the situation because, in their opinion, the Brazilian media tend to Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 260 2010/07/30 10:27:56 AM Political journalism in Brazil as a developing democracy 7 8 9 261 report on, and criticise, such political actions as those that promote the denunciation of misconduct, the trial process and the attendant sentencing, often without the necessary care that a responsible journalist should take. Those cases involving Escola Base and the Brazilian Minister of Health, Alceni Guerra, are paradigmatic examples of such coverage. In the former case, the directors of an elementary school in São Paulo were accused of sexual misconduct towards some learners at the school. The school was the closed, with those allegedly responsible for such misconduct being arrested, though later they were cleared of all such charges, when it was discovered that the entire incident had been a fabrication involving both police officials and journalists. With regard to the second incident, TV Globo, which has shares in the insurance company Golden Cross, accused the minister (at the time) of embezzlement, involving his purchase of bicycles to be used by public health workers for visiting the residences of poor citizens in major cities. Though the minister concerned resigned (which had a negative effect on his family), after proper investigation it was proved that he, in fact, had not been guilty of misconduct in this regard. The media, however, after the scandal was over, only announced the innocence of the minister concerned in small print on the inside pages of the newspapers concerned, or in short news broadcast inserts on radio and television. Folha de São Paulo was created in 1960, as a result of the amalgamation of three different newspapers which had been founded from 1921 onwards. The amalgamated newspaper promoted a true graphic revolution from 1970 to 1980 in Brazil. A Província de São Paulo, which had republican tendencies, was launched in 1875. In 1890, the newspaper was renamed O Estado de São Paulo, after the advent of the republic. As the newspaper has always defended freedom of the press, it suffered during the dictatorships of the Estado Novo in 1937, as well as after 1964. The newspaper O Globo was created in 1925 by Irineu Marinho, on his selling of A Noite, which he had successfully published since 1911. In 1944 Roberto Marinho, his son and successor, acquired the first radio station of the current group, launching TV Globo in 1965. Currently, the mediatic conglomerate is the largest in the country. The magazine Istoé, which originated in the defection of the journalist Mino Carta, its director at that time, to join Domingo Alzugaray, from Editora Três, in May 1976, was published monthly. Around 1988, Istoé amalgamated with the magazine Senhor, becoming Istoé/Senhor, a weekly publication, until March 1992, when it reverted to its original title of Istoé. The magazine Veja started its circulation on 11 September 1968, a few months after Institutional Act No. 5 was promulgated. As from 12 December, the magazine radicalised the tendency towards dictatorship and censorship that was prevalent in the country. The project was an extremely bold one for Brazil at the time, being personally sponsored by Victor Civita, an Italian residing in Brazil, who had started publishing Walt Disney’s magazines during the 1940s. The movement called ‘Direct-now’ was the last unsuccessful attempt by those parties opposing the military, to stage the 1964 coup to restore Brazil to democracy in 1984. Although the project gained the majority vote in the National Congress, it did not reach the quorum required by the government to change the constitution of the country. Members of the board of the newspaper Folha de São Paulo, who were concerned about the loss of readership, took the opportunity to use the civic and political campaign to approach young people, whom they saw as potential readers, and to enlist them as subscribers. The campaign, which was initiated by Folha, not only helped to ward off attempts at intimidation that were made by Collor de Melo’s government against the newspaper (by helping to promote federal tax diligences), but also served to promote the campaign opposing Collor de Melo and his campaign treasurer and assistant at the presidency, Paulo César Farias. Such an approach also helped guarantee a significant increase Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 261 2010/07/30 10:27:57 AM 262 Antonio Hohlfeldt in the number of subscriptions, especially by young readers, in both the short and medium term. 10 In June 1994, Lula, who was running for the second time for the Presidency of the Republic, had practically 50 per cent of the vote intentions, according to the polls at the time. After good results had been achieved with the valorisation of the Brazilian currency – the real – and the inflation spiral had been interrupted, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, then Minister of Finances of the President, Itamar Franco, became an unbeatable candidate. As a vice-president, the latter had become president after Collor de Melo resigned, as a result of being accused of corruption and suffering impeachment by the National Congress, Cardoso had already won the elections in the first term, without the need for a second term, meaning he won more than half of the valid votes, according to the Brazilian electoral legislation. 11 Lula was running for the fourth time for the Presidency of the Republic, since Fernando Henrique Cardoso had been re-elected, as predetermined by the Brazilian electoral legislation. PT used an extensive political marketing project for the candidate, which transformed both his presentation and the party discourse. Lula had, as Cardoso’s vice-president, become one of the most conservative and respected Brazilian entrepreneurs, and, together with José de Alencar constituted the same team that, in 2006, was also re-elected to the federal government, thus fulfilling their mandate, which is due to conclude at the end of 2010. 12 Brazilian journalists have to be unionised. Each state has such a union, and FENAJ – the National Federation of Journalists – binds together all the journalist unions in the country. FENAJ initiated the idea of a National Council of Journalists – something which encountered strong resistance from the big media groups, as well as from public opinion, during Lula’s first administration. The idea has recently been reintroduced at the National Congress of Communication, at which congress it met with approval as one of the suggestions to be addressed to the Presidency of the Republic. 13 In this way, it is a movement contrary to the tendency towards advocacy journalism or citizen journalism, which has prevailed in the last few years, especially in the United States. 14 Already during the time of military dictatorship, though starting to open up to the gradual and slow return to the democratic process, the federal government had authorised free elections for the state administrations which, until then, had been directly appointed by the military. Leonel Braziola, exgovernor of Rio Grande do Sul, linked up with the former party of Getúlio Vargas and João Goulart, the latter of whom had been overthrown by the military coup in 1964, to run for the governorship of the state of Rio de Janeiro. TV Globo had, apparently, led a movement of falsification of the counting of votes, by means of the company PROCONSULT, in order to avoid the election of Brizola, a leftwing populist leader. Brizola, after denouncing the fraud, was elected governor of Rio de Janeiro. PROCONSULT was charged with counting the votes. It was the last time the country had a election system like this. Brazil has since adopted a mechanical voting system. 15 Having been elected to office, Tancredo Neves died after a hospitalisation that lasted almost a month. His death was announced on 21 April, which is a national date of commemoration of the martyrdom of the first Brazilian independence fighter, Tiradentes, who opposed Portuguese colonialism during the 18th century. The announcement took place on ‘Jornal Nacional’ on TV Globo, during the national television news which, at the time, reached almost 100 per cent of the Brazilian television audience throughout the entire country. In a similar way to that in which Tiradentes had given his life for the sake of the emancipation of Brazil from colonial rule, with his execution being carried out by the Portuguese authorities, Tancredo Neves would have given his life for the sake of democracy in modern-day Brazil. Such heroism led to him hiding the fact of his terminal illness in order to Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 262 2010/07/30 10:27:57 AM Political journalism in Brazil as a developing democracy 16 17 18 19 263 guarantee the victory of democracy in the elections, bringing the dictatorial period (initiated in 1964) to its definitive conclusion. The participation of Brazilian students in the event by way of their representative organisations was shown by them painting their faces in the green and yellow colours of the Brazilian flag, and embarking on mass countrywide street protests against the then President of the Republic, Fernando Collor de Mello. Worldwide, there was an overwhelming level of economic and financial instability. The possibility that Lula might be elected, led the major international finance groups to anticipate unparalleled levels of inflation for Brazil, with a possible withdrawal of international capital. At the same time, Cardoso no longer held the majority in the National Congress and, having been accused of corruption and of selling several government companies to private groups, lacked the backing of national public opinion. Such denunciations were mainly voiced by PT and other leftist parties opposing the government. Lula’s government implemented social inclusion policies, of which one involved the creation of quotas set to guarantee the presence of American Indian and African-American descendents at public universities throughout the country. During his first mandate, Lula was involved in the scandalous incidents involving the so-called ‘Mensalão’, who were accused of paying monthly bribes to members of Congress to guarantee that they received the majority of the votes in the National Congress. REFERENCES Abreu, A.A., F. Lattmann-Weltmann and M.A. Kornis. 2003. Mídia e política no Brasil – jornalismo e ficção. Rio de Janeiro: Fundação Getúlio Vargas. Barba, J.D. 2003. Estrategias de comunicación política. In R. Izurieta, R.M. Perina and C. Arterton (eds), Estrategias de comunicación para gobiernos, 23–76. Buenos Aires: La Crujía. Cardoso, P.R. and Á.L. Cairrão (eds). 2006. Comunicação política. Porto: Universidade Fernando Pessoa. Cadernos de Estudos Midiáticos 4 (Special edition). Correio Do Povo, Porto Alegre. 2009.1 May: 2. De Signis, 2002. La comunicación política – transformaciones del espacio público. Barcelona: Gedisa. Esteves, J.P. 2003. Espaço público e democracia – comunicação, processo de sentido e identidade social. São Leopoldo: Edunisinos. Izurieta, R., R.M. Perina and C. Arterton (eds). 2003. Estrategias de comunicación para gobiernos. Buenos Aires: La Crujia. Jambeiro, O., C. Bolaño and V. Brittos (eds). 2004. Comunicação, informação e cultura – dinâmicas globais e estruturas de poder. Salvador: EDUFBA. Lattmann-Weltmann, F. 2003. Mídia e transição democrática: A (des)institucionalização do pan-óptico no Brasil. In A.A. Abreu, F. Lattmann-Weltmann and M.A. Kornis (eds), Mídia e política no Brasil, 129–183. Rio de Janeiro: Fundação Getúlio Vargas. Matos, C. 2008. Jornalismo e política democrática no Brasil. São Paulo: Publifolha. Queiroz, A. (ed). 2005. Marketing politico brasileiro – ensino, pesquisa e mídia. São Paulo: INTERCOM/ Cátedra UNESCO de Comunicação. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 263 2010/07/30 10:27:57 AM 264 Antonio Hohlfeldt Ramos, M.C. and N. del R. Bianco (eds). 2008. Estado e comunicação. Brasília/São Paulo: UNB/Casa das Musas/INTERCOM. Ribeiro, A.P.G. and L.M.A. Ferreira (eds). 2007. Mídia e memória. Rio de Janeiro: Mauad X. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 264 2010/07/30 10:27:57 AM COMMUNICATIO Volume 36 (2) 2010 pp. 265–275 Copyright: Unisa Press ISSN 0250-0167/Online 1753-5379 DOI: 10.1080/02500167.2010.485374 Digital journalism and online public spheres in South Africa Tanja Bosch* 1 Abstract This article explores and evaluates the growth of digital journalism in South Africa, within the context of increased use of online social media in the field. Increasingly, local activists are using mobile and online social networking to promote their events and causes, and reach their constituencies. Similarly, journalists are using digital media to practise their craft, reach new audiences, and sometimes even to change the notion of who practises journalism, as in the case of citizen journalism. South African journalists, via community media and sometimes even tabloid newspapers, have long embraced the notion of civic or community journalism, framing news ‘in a way that facilitates people thinking about solutions, not just problems and conflict’ (Hoyt 1995). With the rise of Web 2.0 and increased access to the Internet, digital journalism in South Africa has spread to include a strong focus on user-generated content, with traditional news media using Twitter and other social media to generate reader feedback. Similarly, the Mail & Guardian ‘Thoughtleader’ blog, originally designed for socalled J-bloggers, is another example of the ‘convergence’ between journalism and social media. The article provides an overview of emerging trends and theories in the South African context, focusing particularly on the public sphere created by bloggers, the citizen journalism of MyNews24.com and journalists’ engagement with online social media. Furthermore, the article reflects on the possibility that online news sites and blogs may represent a space for the creation of online public spheres in South Africa. Key words: Citizen journalism, digital journalism, social media, Twitter, Web 2.0 INTRODUCTION The term ‘digital journalism’ is quite broad, and can be used and interpreted in many ways. One definition of digital journalism is ‘the use of digital technologies to research, produce and deliver (or make accessible) news and information to an increasingly computer-literate audience’ (Kawamoto 2003: 4). Kawamoto (2003) further highlights several additional characteristics of digital journalism, including hypertextuality, interactivity, nonlinearity, the use of multimedia, convergence, customisation and personalisation. In many ways, digital journalism is not a new phenomenon and has been practised in South Africa for some time. Journalists have always used digital technologies in the practise of their craft, though it is only in recent years that these technologies have allowed for a softening of the boundaries of professional journalism, with the increased involvement of a more active audience. In South Africa, online or digital journalism is often a supplement (and not a complement) to print and broadcast news media (Scott 2005). While specific to trends in the United States (US), the rise of Internet journalism, as articulated by Scott (ibid.), has some parallels with the South African situation. There, in the 1990s, there was a decline in more costly practices such as ‘investigative reporting, foreign correspondence, * Tanja Bosch is senior lecturer in the Centre for Film and Media Studies, University of Cape Town, South Africa. Email: [email protected] Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 265 2010/07/30 10:27:57 AM 266 Tanja Bosch maintaining a large and diverse staff of reporters and performing as the watchdog of the political and economic seats of power’ (ibid: 3). Similarly, in a local context, traditional print media have faced the challenges of the increasing juniorisation of newsrooms, and over-reliance on press releases and stories from the news wires, as a result of economic imperatives. While these reasons were not the primary motivations for print newspapers to move online, the rise of digital journalism in South Africa is tied to global trends to move newspapers online. In general, the use of new media has led to new storytelling techniques that engage the audience in more navigable ways (Pavlik 2001). For example, the local news site www.eyewitnessnews.co.za, run by Primedia Broadcasting and linked to Talk Radio 702 and Cape Talk 567MW news, provides several multimedia versions of posted stories. Readers have the option of subscribing to the RSS feed and receiving updates, reading the text versions of stories heard on the radio, or linking to multimedia versions of stories that include still photographs or video television-style packages. Here we see how readers navigate the pages in a more rhizomatic or non-linear way, clicking on stories which interest them most, and then following the links, demonstrating a paradigmatic shift in visual storytelling (ibid.). This non-linearity of the new media is a key feature of digital journalism, and all online news sites give readers the opportunity to access digital archives of stories, at no cost. This article considers the following forms of digital journalism: the move from traditional print to online newspapers; the news blogs associated with these news media; the rise of citizen journalism (using the Internet and cell phones); and the use of popular online social networking media by journalists, and by citizens for journalists. But first: an examination of how newspapers have made the move towards digital journalism. ONLINE NEWSPAPERS AND NEWS BLOGS A few South African newspapers, such as the Mail & Guardian and the Financial Mail, went online in the mid-1990s. They were followed by a wave of online publishing between 1995 and 2000, though this soon crashed, primarily because initially newspapers merely transferred content online with text-heavy sites, and advertisers did not recognise the value of Internet audiences (Berger 2004). In terms of the current South African online media landscape, Buckland (2008) mentions two media companies that stand out positively: The Times Online has an aggressive multimedia and blog strategy; and M-Net and DStv have strong interactive websites that add value to television shows. In line with global trends, South African news sites also demonstrate a new form of journalism that places stories in a much richer historical and cultural context (Pavlik 2001), as hyperlinks give readers access to all stories on a particular subject, allowing them to recall similar stories or the context of a story at the click of a mouse button. One of the main ways in which digital journalism is practised in South Africa, is thus in tandem with the traditional print and broadcast media. Many traditional print newspapers have online versions Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 266 2010/07/30 10:27:57 AM Digital journalism and online public spheres in South Africa 267 which offer either additional content and links to related sites or, more often, opportunities for readers to comment and links to blogs and other opinion sites. However, the most common option is for newspapers to replicate content from the newspaper online, with little user interactivity. In terms of the mainstream news content of most newspapers’ websites, the majority of online news content is what Scott (2005) refers to as ‘shovelware’, i.e. the reproduction of content that originally appears in a news organisation’s primary distribution channels. According to Kovach and Rosenstiel (2001: 141) ‘[t]he paradox is that news organizations are expanding technology to chase not more stories but fewer’. Moreover, all of these online newspapers are published in English (with a few in Afrikaans), consolidating the dominance of English in the traditional newspaper industry. No online newspapers (or news blogs) were found in any of the indigenous African languages, raising issues about linguistic and cultural barriers to the consumption of these online media by the majority of the population. The Internet is consolidating the barriers historically imposed on non-English-speaking people, described by Crystal (1997) as the ultimate act of intellectual colonialism. Malila (2005) writes that not enough African-language speakers have access to the Internet to create a demand for indigenous language news media online. However, there have been some examples of online African language media: the first Zulu website was an online version of the newspaper Isolezwe. By 1996, most newspapers were produced on desktop publishing systems (Drijfhout 2005) and despite the move to online, newspaper circulation in South Africa is on the increase. Despite the Internet boom in the 1990s, City Press doubled its circulation to 266 717 copies between 1992 and 1996, and the tabloid, the Daily Sun, made history by moving beyond 300 000 daily sales (Drifjhout 2005). This raises the issue that only a small percentage of the South African population is connected to the Internet. The online audience has grown by 121 per cent over the past two years, with around four million users online, with English the predominant language of users (South African Yearbook 2008), but this still represents a small percentage of the total population, and there is a great degree of uneven access to technology across the country, and across rural– urban divides. Despite low numbers of connected South Africans, online news site News24.com experienced a record 1 452 209 unique domestic browsers during the month in which Jacob Zuma was elected president, partly as a result of its creation of a stand-alone elections section featuring news, videos and citizens’ views on election issues. The site also compiled user SMSes, tweets and email contributions, together with a live comments facility (news24.com). Increasingly, people are accessing the mobile Internet using their cell phones. Similar to international trends, South African online news content also reflects a kind of ‘colonization’ (Riley 2008), where there are few links to other news sites, and where there is sometimes an extreme focus on the local. Moreover, some sites have used the tools of the new technologies more effectively than others, with sites such as Indymedia struggling to reconcile the principle of maximum openness with the need to control the quality of content, while other sites have exercised gate-keeping controls to the point where their collaborative processes are more similar to the mainstream news industry’s modes of content production (Bruns 2008). Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 267 2010/07/30 10:27:57 AM 268 Tanja Bosch THE INTERNET AND THE ONLINE PUBLIC SPHERE Habermas’ (1989) conceptualization of the public sphere consisted of political discussion between the press, institutions of political discussion such as parliament and literary salons, and other public spaces. The public sphere was a space where ordinary people could meet and deliberate, constituted as a public, and free from interference from the state and church. And most important in Habermas’ conceptualisation was that anyone could participate in this public sphere. This notion in particular has flagged the idea of the Internet as a place in which a modern political public sphere might emerge. Poor (2005) argues that ‘the possibility for multiple public spheres is relevant … given the large number of people who use the Internet [and] it is doubtful that a single public sphere could consist of millions of people and still function, since deliberation would be difficult. Allowing for multiple publics, with different interest, allows for smaller and thus workable, yet still global, public spheres through the Internet’ (ibid.). Of course there are also many critiques of this notion of the Internet as a potential public sphere, also noted by Poor (2005): Although the Internet allows for great amounts of information storage, access and literacy are likely to be unequal. Second, although people around the world can communicate with each other far more easily with Internet technologies than with previous technologies, there may be audience fragmenting …. The third issue, essentially, is that any online public spheres will face the problems of Habermas’ bourgeois public sphere, and become corrupted by commercialism. These concerns are valid, and become particularly relevant within the context of the digital divide in South Africa. Internet access and computer literacy may be limiting factors, though Habermas’ requirements are present. The Internet is a space for mediated discourse, and it does, in principle, allow for democratic participation. There is frequent discussion of political issues, and these are judged by the merit of the argument and not the standing of the speaker (Poor 2005). The increase in mobile social networking applications and smartphones may be one way to widen participation. ONLINE SOCIAL MEDIA: FACEBOOK AND TWITTER Social networking sites have become increasingly popular globally, with the rise of Web 2.0, the so-called second generation of web-based communities, with increased collaboration and sharing between users through applications like wikis, blogs and podcasts, RSS feeds etc. The online social networking site Facebook has become particularly popular, with an estimated 30 million users worldwide, and of those who have publicly shared their location, there are approximately 157 000 Facebook users registered on the South African network. Local usage is fairly widespread, and South African users can add headlines from major South African news sites, and access Facebook mobile using their cell phones – a feature often used to update users’ status messages. Journalists around the world are increasingly using social networking sites, with news agency Reuters even opening an office in the virtual world of Second Life. Journalists use these online social media for Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 268 2010/07/30 10:27:57 AM Digital journalism and online public spheres in South Africa 269 research and also for social networking. For example, the National Union of Journalists has one of the biggest union groups on Facebook in the world. The Professional Journalists Association for working journalists in South Africa has been using Facebook to lobby and recruit new members. In South Africa, citizens and journalists alike are embracing the new social media. In fact, delegates to the World Economic Forum in Cape Town broke their own news on the popular online social networking forum even before journalists had a chance to write the story. As one Mail & Guardian reporter writes: ‘I raced back to the media room at the Cape Town International Convention Centre afterwards to find that the newsmakers – including Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe, Western Cape Premier Helen Zille and World Cup chief Danny Jordaan – had already broken their own news on Twitter’ (Mail & Guardian 2009). Recently, the newsgathering power of the service was demonstrated abroad when a passenger on a plane that crashed outside Denver was able to send real-time updates on the story as it developed. CITIZEN JOURNALISM Citizen journalism is probably the most striking manifestation of digital journalism in South Africa. Participatory journalism, as it is also known, is defined by Bowman and Willis (2003: 10) as: The act of a citizen, or group of citizens, playing an active role in the process of collecting, reporting, analysing and disseminating news and information. The intent of this participation is to provide independent, reliable, accurate, wide-ranging and relevant information that a democracy requires. Participatory journalism is a bottom-up, emergent phenomenon in which there is little or no editorial oversight or formal journalistic workflow dictating the decisions of a staff. Instead, it is the result of many simultaneous, distributed conversations that either blossom or quickly atrophy in the Web’s social network. In short, participatory or citizen journalism is the practice of journalism – normally practised by ‘professional journalists’ – to collect information relevant to a citizen or a community and to objectively report on that information for dissemination to citizens, using any number of tools of transmission. Citizen journalism is part of a broader convergence culture sweeping across media industries globally, which comprises more direct engagement with audiences as both consumers and producers of content (Deuze et al. 2007). There are two notable examples of digital citizen journalism in South Africa. The Reporter.co.za website was set up by Johncom digital in January 2006, with about 20 part-time newsroom staff to assist ‘reporters’ with their stories and do fact checking. The site allows ordinary readers to submit stories and photographs, with the possibility of being paid for stories that are published in mainstream newspapers. The local website zoopy.com, launched in March 2007, is another example of citizen or participatory journalism. Zoopy is South Africa’s first online and mobile social media community, where users upload videos, audio, photos and notes. Zoopy TV was later created as a separate platform, offering interviews with newsmakers, interviews with citizens to Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 269 2010/07/30 10:27:57 AM 270 Tanja Bosch gauge public opinion, and entertainment news. Much like YouTube, this is an example of how technology has been appropriated in a local context. International NGOs are increasingly offering training programmes in South Africa designed to equip local communities to use cell phones and the Internet for citizen journalism. The main challenge to citizen journalism, however, is its reliance on the mainstream press ‘whose output it debates, critiques, recombines, and debunks by harnessing large and distributed communities of users’ (Deuze et al. 2007: 335). It is thus largely reactionary, but often also dependent on traditional outlets for content delivery. Increasingly, community newspapers are also turning to the Internet as an extension of their practice. For example, Tshwane News (http://www.societynews.co.za/) is Pretoria’s online community newspaper, while Fever Publications (http://www.feveronline.co.za/) in KwaZuluNatal and the Eastern Cape provide news and blogs. Such online sites are increasing in number, and invite readers and community members to submit stories and photographs, though much of the content appears to be rather mainstream and traditional in structure. Similarly, Cape Town-based community radio station, Bush Radio, posts news items on its blogspot, which users can subscribe to via RSS, while also providing ‘tweets’ of top news items via Twitter. While it is the only local radio station making use of the new technologies, there is no user interactivity and nearly all of the news items are repetitious of mainstream print news items, with no evidence of any civic journalism or direct engagement with community members. Community journalists are attempting to engage with the new technology, but not yet managing to do so in meaningful ways. Berger and Mgwili-Sibanda (2006) have demonstrated how small-scale print media across the continent have failed to effectively use ICTs and have not realised their potential to contribute African news content to global cyberspace. Moreover, in considering the provision of local news via online platforms, we should keep in mind that ‘the adequacy of news for local communities is also largely dependent on assumptions of homogeneity amongst local audiences who are increasingly fragmented into vertical interest groups rather than horizontal affiliations with local civil society’ (Maher 2006: 8). In South Africa, not only the mainstream commercial media and small-scale local media are using digital media to practise journalism: smaller, non-profit organisations and community media are also increasingly tapping into digital technologies, particularly online social media. Local media activists are increasingly using online social networking sites such as Facebook to further their causes. For example, Amandla! People’s Media uses the group to recruit members and direct them to its print publications, radio and TV items and events, while the Social Justice Coalition Facebook group similarly uses the space to invite online members to their events and to raise awareness of the issues around which their campaigns run. This is a good example of the glocalisation of digital news. For the sociologist, Roland Robertson, who is often credited with popularising the term, ‘glocalization means the simultaneity – the co-presence – of both universalizing and particularizing tendencies’ (1997: 4). Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 270 2010/07/30 10:27:57 AM Digital journalism and online public spheres in South Africa 271 Politically, blogs have played an important role in the US as forms of citizen journalism. Drezner and Farrel (2004: 2) have shown how blogs can socially construct an agenda or interpretive frame that acts as a focal point for mainstream media, shaping and constraining the larger political debate. Similarly, Kerbel and Bloom (2005) note that political bloggers have become so influential in the early 21st century that politicians followed their lead and began blogging to reach a politically aware audience. They write that ‘the Internet is emerging as a vehicle for enhanced civic involvement with the potential to counteract the negative effects of television on the political process’. During the US elections in 2004, blog coverage was perceived as more credible than the mainstream media (Carlson, 2007). Internationally, there has been a growing increase of weblogs by journalists (Robinson 2006; Singer 2005; Tremayne et al. 2006; Wall 2005) – as well as the use of blogs as sources by journalists (Lowrey 2006; Yang 2006). Case study 1: The Mail & Guardian’s Thoughtleader blogs The M&G online was launched in early 1994 as the first South African newspaper on the Internet, and is still one of the country’s top three biggest news sites. The Thoughtleader and Sportsleader blog sites feature opinion and analysis, allowing readers to submit their own contributions and to comment on others. While cell phones are increasingly important in the South African context, it is the Internet in particular that has led to new types of participation and democratic possibilities (Poster 1997). Thoughtleader.com was originally intended as a space for J-bloggers, i.e. journalists who blog, but then later widened to include any individual who could provide high-quality critical commentary on their areas of expertise, and it was by invitation only. It is an editorial group blog providing commentary and analysis, and aims to provide a platform for thought-provoking opinion from M&G journalists and columnists, as well as other writers, commentators, intellectuals and opinion makers across various industries and political spectrums. Thoughtleader is all about debate, offering readers the opportunity to comment and discuss issues raised by contributors. (www.thoughtleader.co.za) Thoughtleader can be delivered directly to your email inbox, accessed via your cell phone, or you can follow it on Twitter. More recently, the site introduced the Reader Blog, once-off contributions by readers, meaning that in this case invitations to blog regularly, are not required. Thoughtleader is one example of the extension of digital journalism, as journalists and other members of society engage in debate and discussion, creating a kind of online public sphere. What is interesting here is that the majority of blog posts form some kind of political commentary, with extensive reader debate. What is particularly interesting in the case of Thoughtleader.com is the degree of engagement between the readers and the authors of the blog posts. Blogging is one example of digital journalism which collapses the traditional boundaries between sender and receiver (Maher 2006). Bloggers often react to readers’ comments, and bloggers also refer to blog posts authored by Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 271 2010/07/30 10:27:57 AM 272 Tanja Bosch others. Thoughtleader has also engaged in a great degree of self-reflexivity, engaging in discussions with readers about the gender and racial composition of bloggers and other policy issues, via Vincent Maher’s blog (Maher is the M&G’s online digital strategist). This is an extension of the usual forms of interactivity found on the traditional news sites. One can argue, as Scott (2005) does in an American context, that these forms of interactivity are weak or fake symbolic forms of the true interactive potential of the technology. Journalists rarely respond to emails from readers and the commentary sections of online newspapers are not moderated, resulting in what one critic calls ‘barroom brawl’-type interaction (Sorid 2002) versus the kind of reasoned debate that is required for the creation of a true public sphere (Habermas 1989). ‘If online news organizations were serious about fostering community interaction, they would have to abandon the shopping mall mentality of how to organize a site and discover the virtues of the digital community’ (Scott 2005: 34). Here we see an emergent tension between traditional online news sites and news blogs such as Thoughtleader.com. The latter engage more deeply with the audience in a sustained debate, creating conditions for the development of a democratic public sphere – even if it is only the digital citizenry who participate. In South Africa’s new democracy there has generally been increased citizen participation in the political public sphere, though democratisation may not always lead to a politicised society (Lee 2002). The role of participatory online journalism can thus be key to offering an alternate space to host public discussion and debate, and for the formation of public opinion. The extension of digital journalism to the blogosphere raises its potential for online discussions to play a role in the development of South Africa’s deliberative democracy. One concern, however, is that besides the Thoughtleader blog posts, only a small percentage of those who use the blogosphere do so in ways that pertain to the public sphere (Dahlgren 2001). Case study 2: News24.com MyNews24, which is located at http://my.news24.com, is a citizen journalism website which attracts the most local users of any content-driven website in South Africa (Reece 2009). The MyNews24 website was launched within the mainstream, commercial news site News24. It is not marketed or run as a separate website, and traffic is predominantly generated by featuring MyNews24 content on the News24 homepage. This was not only a strategic branding decision (in an attempt to introduce the MyNews24 brand on the back of the popularity and established reputation of News24) but also because of severe technical limitations that required MyNews24 to be linked to the same content management system (CMS) that News24 uses currently (ibid.). As with many other online news sites, MyNews24 encourages a large degree of interactivity between users with a comments facility below each story or item of user-generated content. As far as this facility is open to all users, it might be considered a kind of online public sphere. Moreover, most of the stories and discussions deal with political issues, with news articles contributing over Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 272 2010/07/30 10:27:57 AM Digital journalism and online public spheres in South Africa 273 48 per cent of all article page impressions (Reece 2009). However, as Reece (2009) points out in her case study, one disadvantage is that the discourse around each article only exists for as long as users are able to comment on articles. When a new article is published, the direction of the discourse, and public sphere discussion, is ultimately redirected. CONCLUSION Political blogs and citizen journalism sites occupy an interesting space of authority and credibility in the online landscape, alongside more traditional online news outlets. The bloggers on Thoughtleader position themselves discursively to claim authoritative positions in the field of social commentary, and in doing so attempt to move their political discussions towards informal kinds of consensus. On the other hand, the citizen journalism and interaction on MyNews24 results in an even more structured quasi-public sphere, with deliberation on political matters, even if this does not lead to the formation of public opinion. Moreover, an examination of these two sites reveals their use by citizens to participate locally in global online spaces. The introduction of glocalisation has been a first attempt to strengthen the importance of the local and place, but its unavoidable emphasis on the global (as a starting point of analysis) nevertheless generates a one-sided perspective. For this reason, globalisation needs to be complemented by an inverse analytical approach, in which the local is taken as the point of departure, and the global is added as a second component. In this way, glocalisation gains a mirror image called ‘translocalisation’ (Appadurai 1995), which allows one to focus more on the dynamics of the local and the global, using the local as a starting point. In the translocal, a diverse mixture of media is used to fulfil the communicative needs of an evenly diverse group of communities (not just individuals). Although the emphasis is often on new media, both old and new media can be (and are) combined to facilitate these communities to represent themselves, and to participate in local and global public spaces and democracies. Civil society uses of online media and citizen journalism present interesting cases in the merging of old and new media to build campaigns and communities of practice, while mainstream online media often consider local content to be fairly homogenous, without consideration for the great diversity within so-called ‘local’ communities. Other issues to consider include how changes in the way we report also raise issues about how the nature of journalism education should change as a result; issues concerning the regulation of digital content; economic challenges to the development of digital journalism; and differential levels of access to technology among the newsrooms and the citizenry of the country. Digital journalism is well established in South Africa, where the technology has been appropriated toward the development of a democratic public sphere via the promotion of local news. What remains are challenges with regard to media content and the role of the media (old and new) in strengthening democracy. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 273 2010/07/30 10:27:57 AM 274 Tanja Bosch ENDNOTE 1 This article is based on a paper read at the first Conference of the Brazil–South African Journalism Research Initiative, Stellenbosch University, South Africa, 23 and 24 June 2009. REFERENCES Berger, G. 2004. The new media maelstrom: New technologies promise a wealth of media and messages. Rhodes Journalism Review 24: 39. Berger, G. and F. Mgwili-Sibanda (eds). 2006. What the newsroom knows: Managing knowledge within African newspapers. Grahamstown: Highway Africa. Bowman, S. and C. Willis. 2003. We media: How audiences are shaping the future of news and information. The Media Centre. http://www.hypergene.net/wemedia/download/we_media.pdf (accessed 18 June 2009). Bruns, A. 2008. Blogs, wikipedia, Second Life and beyond: From production to produsage. New York: Peter Lang Publishing Inc. Buckland, M. 2008. South Africa’s sleeping online media giants. http://www.matthewbuckland. com/?p=429 (accessed 18 June 2009). Carpentier, N. 2008. The translocal and community media: Translocalisation as a mirror image of glocalisation. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Communication Association, TBA, Montreal, Quebec, Canada. http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p231024_ index.html Crystal, D. 2007. English as a global language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Dahlgren, P. 2001. The transformation of democracy? In B. Axford and R. Huggins (eds), New media and politics, 64–87. London: Sage Publications. Deuze, M. 2003. Types of newsmedia online: The Web and its journalisms – considering the consequences of different types of newsmedia online. New Media Society 5: 203. Deuze, M., A. Bruns and C. Neuberger. 2007. Preparing for an age of participatory news. Journalism Practice 1(3): 322–338. Drifjhout, D. 2005. Newspaper publishing in South Africa: After 1994. Preservation Services, National Library of South Africa. http://www.nlsa.ac.za/NLSA/docs/bibliophilia2005%20-%20ddrifjhout. pdf (accessed 18 June 2009). Habermas, J. 1989. The structural transformation of the public sphere. Trans. T. Burger and F. Lawrence. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Kawamoto, K. 2003. Digital journalism: Emerging media and the changing horizons of journalism. Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Kovach, B. and B. Rosenstiel. 2001. The elements of journalism. New York: Crown Publishers. Lee, F. 2002. Radio phone-in talk shows as politically significant infotainment in Hong Kong. Press/ Politics 7(4): 57–79. Maher, V. 2006. Towards a critical media studies approach to the blogosphere. http://vincentmaher.com/ papers/VMO-01.pdf (accessed 18 June 2009). Mail & Guardian. 2009. Newsmakers spread their own soundbites. http://www.mg.co.za/article/200906-11-twitter-newsmakers-spread-their-own-soundbites (accessed 18 June 2009). Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 274 2010/07/30 10:27:57 AM Digital journalism and online public spheres in South Africa 275 Malila, V. 2005. Language is culture. Rhodes Journalism Review 25. http://www.rjr.ru.ac.za/rjrpdf/rjr_ no25/Language_culture.pdf (accessed 18 June 2009). Pavlik, J. 2001. Journalism and new media. New York: Columbia University Press. Poor, N. 2005. Mechanisms of an online public sphere: The Website Slashdot. Journal of ComputerMediated Communication 10(2). http://jcmc.indiana.edu/vol10/issue2/poor.html (accessed 18 June 2009). Poster, M. 1997. Cyberdemocracy: The internet and the public sphere. In D. Porter (ed), Internet culture, 201–217. New York and London: Routledge. Reece, C. 2009. The digital divide in South Africa. Unpublished MA thesis, University of Cape Town. Riley, P., et al. 2008. Community or colony: The case of online newspapers and the web. JCMC 4(1). jcmc.indiana.edu/vol4/issue1/keough.html (accessed 18 June 2009). Robertson, R. 1997. Comments on the ‘global triad’ and glocalisation. In N. Inoue (ed), Globalisation and indigenous culture, 217–225. Japan: Kokugakuin University Institute for Japanese Cultural Classics. Scott, B. 2005. A contemporary history of digital journalism. Television and New Media 6(1): 89–126. Sorid, D. 2002. Political chat becomes barroom brawl on the web, 14 April. http://reuters.com/news_ article.jhtml?stype=internetnews&StoryID=812439 (hash) (accessed 16 June 2009). South Africa Yearbook. 2007/2008. South Africa: Government Communication and Information Service (GCIS). Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 275 2010/07/30 10:27:57 AM COMMUNICATIO Volume 36 (2) 2010 pp. 276–287 Copyright: Unisa Press ISSN 0250-0167/Online 1753-5379 DOI: 10.1080/02500167.2010.485377 Positioning yet another idea under the glocalisation umbrella: Reader participation and audience communities as market strategies in globalised online journalism Marcos Palacios* 1 Abstract The creation of a globalised network of information has led researchers to direct their attention to several trends detected in the area of media and journalism. Glocalisation is one such umbrella notion. The current article positions readers’ participation and audience communities as market strategies in terms of globalised online journalism. Systematic glocalisation involves making extensive changes to the production process (in terms of production routines), in such a way as to incorporate human resources and expertise in enlarging, contextualising and enriching the news with a local focus. In the absence of such a move, there is likely to be an increasing measure of homogeneity in the news coverage conducted in the mainstream media in Brazil, as information is almost exclusively produced by the national and international news agencies concerned. In this article I suggest that, instead of using systematic local treatment and contextualisation as forms of audience targeting, two other less costly forms of capturing and maintaining audiences are comprehensively employed as marketing strategies in mainstream online newspapers: readers’ participation mechanisms (which generate a sense of co-production and complicity) and incentives to form audience communities (which generate a sense of belonging and identity). In order to illustrate how such strategies work, I present the case of four mainstream Brazilian online newspapers. Key words: Brazil, glocalisation, Internet, readers’ participation, web journalism INTRODUCTION The creation of a globalised network of information has led researchers to direct their attention to several trends detected in the area of media and journalism. According to Cottle (2009), ‘[w]e live in a world that has become radically interconnected, interdependent and communicated in the complex formations and flows of news journalism.’ Such interconnectedness has generated a range of academic analyses intent on treating the evolving situation from a diversity of angles and theoretical frameworks, but which have also generated some all-embracing concepts and notions. Glocalisation is one such over-arching notion. In the current article, I shall try to position yet another idea in the inviting shade of such an umbrella-like notion: the role of reader participation and audience communities in market strategising, within the ambit of globalised online journalism. Glocalisation as an academic notion – and I prefer to use this more fuzzy word instead of the more precise word concept – ‘reminds us that the global consists of interconnected localities, which in turn are formed with respect to global processes’ (Reese 2008). The term ‘glocalisation’ * Marcos Palacios is professor of Journalism at the Universidade Federal da Bahia, Brazil. Email: marcos.palacios@gmail. com Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 276 2010/07/30 10:27:57 AM Positioning yet another idea under the glocalisation umbrella ... 277 has been used in the social sciences since at least 1995, in which year Robertson’s article on time–space and homogeneity–heterogeneity first appeared. According to Khonder (2004), ‘[t]he term was modelled on the Japanese word dochakuka, which originally meant adapting a farming technique to one’s own local conditions. In the business world, the idea was adopted to refer to global localisation.’ Nowadays, ‘glocalisation’ has become an umbrella term with widespread implications. The term is used in many areas of research and across many different subject areas, with a correspondingly large range of specific meanings and theoretical tonalities. A search through the Sage Periodicals database returned 371 articles (in all the fields of investigation covered by Sage periodicals, including those of business, the humanities, the social sciences, technology and medicine) in which the word ‘glocalisation’ was found. The combined expression ‘glocalisation + journalism’, when input to retrieve all relevant articles from the same database, returned a total of 37 articles.2 The term ‘glocalisation’ has been used in different contexts to qualify flows of journalistic information around the world. The most customary idea associated with glocalisation is that of a type of ‘translation’ of the global news at the local level, entailing the use of a particular mode of framing which encompasses the inclusion of local voices and points of view, resulting in ‘glocalized journalistic practices’ (Rao 2009). Such practices are generally seen as antidotes, or reactions, to the overwhelming homogenising tendencies of the otherwise globalised press. In multilingual countries – such as India and South Africa – a proliferation of vernacular language newspapers and journalistic sites might be interpreted as a sign of glocalisation (Wasserman & Rao 2008: 166). The decrease in the cost of production and circulation, resulting from the spread of digital technologies, has made space for smaller publications, using local languages and dialects, which are directed at specific local groups and which, therefore, operate as a type of ‘double translation’ of both linguistic and ethnic aspects. Both such phenomena (i.e. local framing and linguistic translation) are aimed, ultimately, at capturing and maintaining the loyalty and fidelity of audiences, in a situation that is dominated by the hyper-abundance of information, which is readily available by means of navigating or ‘zapping’ the Internet. In contrast, with the acceleration of contents production on the Internet, which has been brought about by user-friendly and low-cost online content management tools, such as blogs and easy-toedit sites, ‘journalism has become part of a holistic mix of media elements that intentionally or unintentionally provide people with varied glimpses of the world around them’ (Berkovitz 2009). In such a context, mainstream media companies have been forced to reposition themselves in the market, as journalism no longer dominates the mediascape and competition for attention has increasingly become a matter of survival for the industrial media. According to Bucher (2002), some authors even argue that a paradigm shift is underway, from one which was dominated by the communicator to one which is dominated by the audience. In the case of Brazil, the multilingual nature of the glocalisation phenomenon is not decisive, as the country is, de facto, that of ‘one language’.3 Throughout the world, some measure of translation, Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 277 2010/07/30 10:27:57 AM 278 Marcos Palacios nationalisation or localisation seems to be employed in the cultural sphere (Sedda 2008). As a result, some degree of glocalisation is detectable concerning the presentation of international news in national newspapers, even if such glocalisation takes the form of selection and/or framing alone. Such glocalisation, according to Ruigrok and Atteveldt (2006), especially tends to hold sway in the arena of such major events as terrorist attacks or global climate change. In contrast, it is fair to state that the systematic treatment of global news with a localised/national and/or regional/local focus is a demanding and costly process, as it involves the local production of original journalistic material, if consistent contextualisation and anchorage are to be maintained. The effective systematic ‘glocalisation’ of journalistic material involves making considerable changes to production processes (productive routines), incorporating human resources and expertise to enlarge, contextualise and enrich the news with a local focus. Even with a certain measure of ‘anchorage’, a large measure of homogeneity in news coverage in the mainstream media seems to be inevitable. Brazil is no exception in the globalised scenario: large chunks of information in the mainstream press are produced by national and international news agencies, simply being used more or less as received, with the inevitable homogenising effects that have been observed by other authors in several different countries (Bockowski & De Santos 2007; Wasserman & Rao 2008). Furthermore, with digital online distribution, the process of news production is increasingly characterised by self-reference (Fausto Neto 2008), with the globalised, interconnected, freely accessible press environment becoming the main source of news in a process of continuous feedback, making it inevitably subject to homogenising effects. Continuous monitoring of all media in most newspaper newsrooms, in a 24/7 mode of operation, has done away with the traditional idea of the scoop or has, at least, reduced such a phenomenon to a short-lived advantage, with little significance in market terms, as the ‘latest news’ tends to spread in a matter of minutes throughout the globalised system of news distribution. PARTICIPATION AND MARKET TRENDS The creation of spaces for reader participation in mainstream journalism is generally interpreted as being a response by media companies to the growing tide of so-called grassroots or citizen journalism. In this article I shall neither discuss the terminology that is relevant to, nor address the everrecurring question of ‘Is citizen journalism really journalism?’. In order to limit the scope of this article to the desired length, I shall, instead, accept as a premise the fact that we are witnessing the emergence of new models of journalistic practices and that increased reader/user participation forms an implicit part of such a transition scenario. User-generated content (UGC) on the Internet is a phenomenon of such proportions that it can no longer be ignored by the mainstream media, nor treated as some kind of fleeting fashion. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 278 2010/07/30 10:27:57 AM Positioning yet another idea under the glocalisation umbrella ... 279 By contrast, I have chosen to take a slightly different stance from that which is usually adopted in terms of a dominant viewpoint that considers the absorption of UGC in mainstream media to be part of a shift towards a genuinely ‘more conversational’ type of journalism, as has been defended by Gillmor (2004) and like-minded analysts.4 I propose the more provocative idea that the integration of UGC into the mainstream media and the creation of communities of readers are being appropriated by the mainstream media much more as commercially inspired strategies, aimed at attracting and maintaining audiences in a world marked by new forms of competition in the (online) newspaper industry, than as genuine efforts to empower the readership. According to some authors, the participation of readers in the news-making process is being introduced slowly and in a ‘rather static’ form, due to the ‘innate conservatism of big media companies’ (Gillmor 2004; Matheson 2004). It could also be suggested that the ‘if you can’t beat them, join them’ strategy is being adopted by such big media enterprises. Do readers want to have a voice? Do they want to write news? Do they long to show their cell phone pictures and videos? Do they feel like playing games like ‘do it yourself journalism’ or ‘photo-reporter for a day’? Well, they don’t have to look elsewhere; we’ll set nice playgrounds for them in our newspaper … And continue feeding them our products, which are basically the same our competitors are offering. Along less cynical lines, I wish to suggest that participatory strategies make strong sense in a situation of globalised – largely homogenised, and therefore scarcely ‘glocal’ – production of news by mainstream online newspapers. Homogenisation is not a new phenomenon, as the presence of such a phenomenon could already be detected in the print media well before the appearance of the Internet and globalised news systems. The scenario in which (online) newspapers compete for attention and audience fidelity is, however, new. Replacing or complementing the more costly work of effective ‘glocalisation’, in the sense of a large-scale professional ‘anchoring’ and local contextualisation, the strategies of reader participation and community formation might prove to be efficient market mechanisms for attracting and retaining audiences in a situation in which the following conditions tend to prevail: • • • • The physical location of the newspapers’ readers is no longer of relevance; Distribution is digital, instantaneous and universally ‘free’, with no direct charges being made for access to most online newspapers; News production – worldwide – is increasingly a self-referential activity; All other newspapers – and therefore competitors – are located a mere click away from the reader. In this article I suggest that, alongside differing degrees of the systematic and professionally conducted local framing and the contextualisation of news as forms of audience targeting and glocalisation, are two other, less costly, forms of capturing and maintaining audiences. The following are in use as the marketing strategies of mainstream online newspapers that are intent on counteracting the effects of a flatland-shaped globalised journalistic environment: Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 279 2010/07/30 10:27:57 AM 280 • • Marcos Palacios Reader participation mechanisms, which aim to generate a sense of co-production and complicity; Incentives to form audience communities, which aim to generate a sense of belonging and identity. In order to illustrate how such strategies work, I briefly present the case of four mainstream Brazilian online newspapers: Estadão (São Paulo); Correio Brasiliense (Brasilia); O Globo (Rio de Janeiro); and A Tarde (Bahia). The four newspapers are all traditional, well-established ‘quality newspapers’ in their respective geographical areas, being the four largest cities in Brazil. All four also have considerable regional and national penetration, both in terms of their print and online versions. Figure 1: Geographic location of selected newspapers All four Brazilian newspapers selected provide mechanisms for reader participation, with three of them publishing reader-generated contents (in the form of articles, photographs and cartoons), with two of them maintaining some kind of ‘community of readers’. Table 1: Participation, user-generated content and communities UserLetters Comments Grading Comments generated My newspaper Communities on news news on blogs content (Customisation) of readers Forums Polls Estadão Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes O Globo Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Correio Braziliense Yes Yes Yes Yes No No No No No A Tarde Yes Yes Yes Yes No No Yes Yes No Encouraging readers to comment on news and on blog postings is standard practice for the four newspapers concerned, with three of the newspapers allowing for discussion forums on selected Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 280 2010/07/30 10:27:58 AM Positioning yet another idea under the glocalisation umbrella ... 281 themes. O Globo, Estadão and Correio Braziliense also invite their readers to evaluate the quality of the news they publish, in terms of a grading system from 1 to 5; A Tarde also uses a similar grading system, but with only three different points. All four newspapers allow their readers to print out material from the newspaper, to email their news reports, and to select news reports for indexing by such social networks as del.icio.us or Digg. The two largest of the four newspapers (Estadão and O Globo) provide space for communities of readers (in the form of Limão,5 in the case of Estadão, and in the form of GloboOnliners,6 in the case of O Globo). Such spaces are available to those readers who wish to interact with one another and who wish to access special services. Limão is a readers’ community that is maintained by the same group which produces Estadão and is specifically aimed at teenagers and younger readers. Globo Online, which is directed towards a more general audience, is currently being redesigned. Both communities offer a wide range of ‘exclusive services’ for their users, including photo album facilities, games, chat rooms, e-mail services with anti-spam protection, and wikisites. Personalisation/customisation facilities (My newspaper) in Estadão and O Globo (Meu Estadão and Meu Globo) offer tools which allow individual readers to create a customised menu of news focused on their own interests, in line with which the latest news is displayed (see Figures 2 and 3). Estadão also offers the possibility of maintaining a personal archive (Arquivo Virtual) for news clippings. Although the available news reports are also supplied in the ‘standard version’, customisation mechanisms are aimed at creating a differential which allows the menu of news to be adjusted to suit personal tastes and sets of interest. Though no ‘glocalisation’ is involved in such repackaging of news, by providing a space for the collection and storage of news and options of alternative designs, the personalised pages created in this way help reinforce the ‘feeling of belonging’ (My newspaper). Such pages, therefore, potentially foster audience loyalty in the arena of online press coverage, which is otherwise subject to a considerable degree of homogeneity. Figure 2: Standard home page in Estadão (5 June 2009, 16:30) Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 281 2010/07/30 10:27:58 AM 282 Marcos Palacios Figure 3: Customised home page in Estadão (5 June 2009, 16:35) Of the four abovementioned newspapers, Correio Braziliense is the only one not to publish UGC. However, it does offer an option for readers to submit suggestions for possible news reporting (Sugestões de Pautas). A few issues require consideration: Do such participatory strategies and the way they are used produce a ‘conversational journalism’? Are such tools being adopted in order to produce such a form of journalism? What role do such strategies play – if any – in the process of glocalisation? An overview of the way in which such tools function raises some thought-provoking questions, which I shall now consider. To start, I suggest that such tools can be classified as belonging to one of three different types: • • • Conversational tools; Reader community and customisation tools; UGC. Users’ comments on news, even when numerous (and some news topics on O Globo and Estadão receive well over 1 000 comments), do not comprise true ‘conversation’, as all such comments are editorially reviewed before publication (to prevent the inclusion of libellous or pornographic items, or items that reflect racist, sexist or homophobic positions, etc.). Such comments, then, seem more akin to soliloquies than to dialogues or conversations. Apart from the readers’ comments being filtered prior to public online posting, no response from the journalists or editors concerned is added, and little debate actually takes place, even among the readers themselves. The dominant pattern in news comments is a sequence of individual items, which is presented merely in the form of footnotes to the news. The same applies to comments that are posted on blogs. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 282 2010/07/30 10:27:58 AM Positioning yet another idea under the glocalisation umbrella ... 283 As such comments are pre-moderated (i.e. they must be approved by a staff member prior to online publication), many of them are simply not published, or else might be subject to extensive delay, as queues for moderation are inevitable when a news topic attracts a large number of comments. By contrast, the incorporation of comments – even when they are in the form of a soliloquy – may be effective as an audience maintenance strategy, as those readers who have submitted comments might return to the relevant webpage to check whether their comments have been included, and whether their comments might have received any responses. To ‘have a voice’ – even one with relatively little or no resonance – might supply some form of ‘gratification’ and reinforce a sense of identification with the newspaper concerned, as well as with its readership. Other conversational tools, such as chat rooms and forums, do generate some degree of debate. However, editorial control still remains firmly in the hands of the newspaper staff, as the topics are pre-defined and any debate takes place in ‘appropriate’ spaces, with pre-moderation of the contributions made. Given the characteristics (in the form of set topics and more qualified participation) of such conversational tools, they could be classified as niche tools. In this respect, one could suggest that they also represent strategies for attracting and maintaining audiences. Reader communities, I suggest, are used to produce a space in which users are encouraged to interact with one another, so producing a ‘feeling of belonging’ to the newspaper ‘community’ and thereby acting as an additional motivation to return to the newspaper site concerned. Many non-journalistic services (games, downloads of utilities, personalised horoscopes, prizes, etc.) are offered to such communities as ways of stimulating the growth of such audiences and fostering their loyalty. Such customisation strategies as My Estadão and My Globo are used in a similar way, being aimed at individual readers and designed to create a sense of belonging and identification which, the newspapers involved hope, will be translated into the fidelity and loyalty of their users. It is in the third group of tools – UGC – that one finds the potentially more powerful mechanisms for glocalisation in the case of globalised mainstream online newspapers. In fact, if much material of acceptable journalistic quality were to be submitted by the users concerned and used by the newspaper, some measure of glocalisation would inevitably take place, as such material would introduce increasing coverage of ‘local views’, and help to produce anchorage of global facts. Indeed, attempts to use such material as a source of ‘local colour’ have already been made by news editors, especially in relation to major news topics. The recent Air France aeroplane crash, which occurred in Brazil, is a case in point. The national newspapers requested and printed reports that were submitted by readers in response to such teasers as ‘Did you know any of the passengers?’ In a blog, which was created by Estadão after the accident, readers were invited to describe their experiences related to the crash (with some of their responses being titled ‘I almost embarked on that plane’; ‘How I heard of the accident’; and ‘My cousin missed the plane’). A Tarde also invited readers to contribute any of their personal views and experiences that could add a sense of ‘proximity’ to news about the crash. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 283 2010/07/30 10:27:58 AM 284 Marcos Palacios I suggest that user content should be placed in a realistic perspective, as far as the production of the newspaper is concerned, and as far as the impact of such content as news pieces is concerned. Usually, user stories are confined to specific editorial spaces, which are clearly labelled ‘readers’ pages’ (Figure 4). Seldom is a reader’s story blended with main pressroom news. In other words, a separate procedure is established for dealing with UGC, which is ultimately ghettoised in a ‘special’ section, which usually forms a poorly articulated mosaic of hyper-local information, lacking in contextualisation and unlinked to the editorial material present on the rest of the website. Figure 4: Eu Reporter – user-generated content in O Globo Whether such participative sections as Eu Reporter or Foto-Reporter (Figures 4 and 5) aim at transforming journalism into a ‘conversation’ or a ‘collaborative form of news production’ is debatable. I suggest that it is more realistic to see them as strategies which encourage the audience to return to the relevant sections, which they can see as a reflection of their own concerns, serving as a form of ‘vanity press’ in which they can take pride, and by means of which they can attain a personal sense of achievement. Estadão, in fact, pays for user-produced photographs, if they are used outside the Foto Reporter page or sold by the O Estado News Agency. However, such photographs are seldom published outside the page concerned. Foto Reporter items tend, rather, to be published in an ‘appropriate space’, which is isolated from the rest of the editorial material. It is also true that, under certain circumstances, UGC can complement and enrich editorial material. However, once again there seems to be little systematic tapping of such a ‘collective intelligence’ resource in standard journalistic production in the Brazilian mainstream press. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 284 2010/07/30 10:27:59 AM Positioning yet another idea under the glocalisation umbrella ... 285 As a rule, UGC in the Brazilian mainstream press costs nothing for the relevant newspaper in terms of copyright. The reader–contributor agrees to pass on to the newspaper – free of charge – any rights over the material submitted for publication. For example, those readers who submit material to Eu Reporter or O Globo are required to agree to a contract in terms of which they accept that ‘all copyrights are transferred, free of charge, exclusively, universally and permanently to Infoglobo Comunicações’ and that Infoglobo ‘may use, transfer and exercise full rights over the material in any media’.7 The inclusion of UGC may not be the most effective form of glocalising and anchoring the news in order to create proximity to it, but it, nevertheless, serves as a low-cost strategy, with the extra dividends to be gained from added audience fidelity. Figure 5: Reader-produced photos appearing in Estadão CONCLUSION To produce the effects of anchorage, glocalisation and a sizable ‘translation’ of global news to the local/regional/national levels, considerable professional expertise has to be mobilised, work routines have to be revised and modified, and a significant amount of investment is necessary. As a consequence – and in the absence of such decisions – one confronts a panorama of extensive news homogenisation in the Brazilian mainstream online press. UGC aggregation, the participation of readers, and other forms of audience involvement may offer surrogate strategies to the more costly reform of the news production process, in order to produce some local anchorage and diversity. Actual production and editorial routines have, as yet, only been marginally affected by reader participation, with little or no integration of UGC in the main body of news in such newspapers. Very little ‘conversation’ can be said to actually occur, with Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 285 2010/07/30 10:27:59 AM 286 Marcos Palacios UGC tending to be insulated and clearly demarcated in terms of such origin in the ‘special sections’ designed for this purpose. Whether the strategies of reader inclusion have a measurable effect on the local anchorage of news in those mainstream media vehicles operating within the globalised production system is debatable. Certainly they do have some effect, as they produce at least a minimum of ‘local voices’ or ‘local colour’, in a news landscape of reduced diversity, which has been brought about by globalisation. Such local anchorage, though produced at minimum cost, also helps to create and foster the loyalty of a wider audience than might otherwise be achieved. Together with the communities of readers and customisation, UGC tends to reinforce the feeling of belonging to a wider community, while also helping to bring readers back to the same newspaper site at a later stage. Loyalty is encouraged in such a way, despite the extremely competitive environment in which online newspapers operate. ENDNOTES 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 This article is based on a paper read at the first Conference of the Brazil–South African Journalism Research Initiative, Stellenbosch University, South Africa, 23 and 24 June 2009. The relevant Internet search was conducted on 3 June 2009. Monolingualism is a de facto and legal situation in Brazil, despite the fact that hundreds of ‘native languages’ still survive, as such languages are in danger of permanent extinction. For a contemporary overview of the current linguistic situation in Brazil, see: UNESCO Interactive atlas of the world’s languages in danger, available online at: http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/index. php?pg=00206 (accessed 3 June 2009). In the case of Brazil, most studies on participatory journalism also tend to highlight the ‘collaborative’ and ‘symbiotic’ aspects of a news network in which citizen participation and news production complement and/or exert pressure on, or are vigilant in respect of, the mainstream media. For an overview of research conducted in the field of participatory journalism in Brazil, see Palacios et al. 2008. http://home.limao.com.br/home/ http://www.globoonliners.com.br/ O Globo, termos de uso, last accessed at: http://oglobo.globo.com/servicos/termos.asp on 15 June 2009. REFERENCES Berkowitz, D. 2009. Journalism in the broader cultural mediascape. Journalism 10(3): 290–292. Bockowski, P. and M. de Santos. 2007. When more media equals less news: Patterns of content homogenization in Argentina’s leading print and online newspapers. Political Communication 24(2): 167–180. Bucher, H.-J. 2002. The power of the audience. In F. Sudweeks and C. Ess (eds), Cultural attitudes towards computer and communication, 3–14. http://medien.uni-trier.de/fileadmin/bilder/ mitarbeiter/Bucher-Power-of-the-audience.pdf (accessed 3 May 2009). Cottle, S. 2009. Journalism studies: Coming of (global) age? Journalism 10(3): 309–311. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 286 2010/07/30 10:27:59 AM Positioning yet another idea under the glocalisation umbrella ... 287 Fausto Neto, A. 2008. Fragmentos de uma ‘analítica’ da midiatização. Matrizes 1(2). http://www.usp.br/ matrizes/MATRIZes_01_02_por.php (accessed 5 June 2009). Gillmor, D. 2004. We the media. http://wethemedia.oreilly.com (accessed 3 June 2009). Khondker, H. 2004. Glocalization as globalization: Evolution of a sociological concept. Bangladesh e-Journal of Sociology 1(2) (July). http://www.bangladeshsociology.org/Habib%20-%20 ejournal%20Paper%20GlobalizationHHK,%20PDF.pdf (accessed 3 June 2009). Matheson, D. 2004. Weblogs and the epistemology of news: Some trends in online journalism. New Media & Society 6(4): 443–468. Palacios, M. et al. 2008. Research methods in participatory journalism. In M. Palacios and J. Diaz Noci (eds), Online journalism research methods: A multidisciplinary approach in comparative perspective. Bilbao: Servicio Editorial de la Universidad del País Vasco. http://www.argitalpenak. ehu.es/p291-content/es/contenidos/libro/se_indice_ciencinfo/es_ciencinf/adjuntos/journalism. pdf (accessed 30 May 2009). Rao, S. 2009. Glocalization of Indian journalism. Journalism Studies 10(4): 474–488. Reese, S. 2008. Theorizing a globalized journalism. In M. Loeffelholz and D. Weaver (eds), Global journalism research: Theories, methods, findings, future, 240–252. London: Blackwell. Robertson, R. 1997. Glocalization: Time–space and homogeneity–heterogeneity. In M. Featherstone, S. Lash and R. Robertson (eds), Global modernities, 25–43, London: Sage. Ruigrok, N. and W. van Attenveld. 2006. Global angling with a local angling: How US, British and Dutch newspapers frame global and local terrorist attacks. http://vanatteveldt.com/pub/ISA2006. pdf (accessed 29 May 2009). Sedda, F. 2008. Reflexões acerca do glocal com base no estudo semiótico da cultura. Matrizes 2(1). http://www.usp.br/matrizes/MATRIZes_01_02_por.php (accessed 5 June 2009). Thurman, N. 2008. Forums for citizen journalists? Adoption of user generated content initiatives by online news media. New Media & Society 10(1): 139–157. Wasserman, H. and S. Rao. 2008. The glocalization of journalism ethics. Journalism 9(2): 163–181. Communicatio 36 (2) 2010_layout.indd 287 2010/07/30 10:27:59 AM DEPARTMENT OF COMMUNICATION SCIENCE Building dynamic futures! Unisa’s Department of Communication Science, one of the oldest, most established and awarded in the country, offers a wide range of courses and degrees. Undergraduate The department offers the professionally orientated BA (Communication Science) degree. Apart from this degree students can also major in Communication for the following degrees: BA, BA (Human and Social Studies) and the BBA (Bachelor of Business Administration). 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