Tropical Sex Fantasies and the Ambassador`s Other

Tropical Sex Fantasies and the Ambassador's Other Death: The Difference in Portuguese
Colonialism
Author(s): Luís Madureira
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Cultural Critique, No. 28 (Autumn, 1994), pp. 149-173
Published by: University of Minnesota Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1354514 .
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Tropical Sex Fantasies and the Ambassador's Other
Death: The Difference in Portuguese Colonialism
Luis Madureira
There is a fundamental difference between our presence in
Africa and that of the other nations who followed us centuries later.
-Armando
Cortesao, Realidadese DesvariosAfricanos
T
he central argument of this paper has evolved from a meditation on the unsolved mystery of the two deaths of an obscure
historical personage, the first Portuguese ambassador to China. It
is a story that merits retelling.
Portugal's first diplomatic mission to the Middle Kingdom
landed in Canton (Guangzhou) in 1517, with the objective of negotiating landing and trading rights in the South China seaport. By
1520, as rumors about the ruthlessness and rapacity of the Fo-langki traders were being widely circulated in the Chinese court
(Chang 51), the Portuguese diplomats still awaited an audience
with the Emperor. In April of the following year, Emperor Wutsung would die, while Tome Pires, the former apothecary entrusted with the post of Ambassador to the king of Portugal, con? 1994 by CulturalCritique.Fall 1994. 0882-4371/94/$5.00.
149
150
Luis Madureira
tinued to wait for an audience. Unbeknownst to the members of
the Portuguese mission, relations between Portugal and China had
in the meantime soured considerably. The actions of a "barbarian"
sea captain trading in Canton around 1519-20 were probably the
catalyst for the eventual outbreak of hostilities between the two
kingdoms. While trading in Canton around 1519-20, he abducted
and enslaved an unspecified number of children from prosperous families.
In the aftermath of this incident, every Portuguese vessel
trading in the South China seas was pursued and bombarded by
Chinese coast guard fleets. In 1522, a Portuguese fleet was attacked, and two of its carracks captured. Their crews were either
killed in combat or taken prisoner and executed, many bearing
placards proclaiming that they were being punished for "robbery
in the high seas." Around the same time, Tome Pires was charged
with piracy and espionage and thrown into a Cantonese jail. He
was soon to meet the fate reserved for barbarian marauders from
the world's antipodes. The reasons for this Draconian sentence are
made explicit in contemporary Chinese accounts of the Portuguese diplomatic mission:
These people [the Portuguese]like to eat small children. It is
said that in their country only the king can eat them; the ministers and those underneath them cannot do it. At that time
[ca. 1521], they secretly bought small children aged ten and
older and ate them. They bought each child for one hundred
gold coins.... [and] devoured countless [of them].
Their method: they bring water to boil in a big pot. As
soon as the water boils, they place a little boy in an iron cage,
fixing the latter above the pot in order to make him sweat.
When [the child's] body has been purged of sweat, they take
him out of the cage. They brush away the coarse skin with an
iron brush. [Since]the child has been kept alive, they then kill
him, slitting open his belly and disembowellinghim, so that
they can eat up the cooked body.
In the course of two or three years, they abducted an
ever increasingnumber of children. Near and far people suffered from this. (qtd. in Pelliot94n)
Like most of his fellow cannibals, Tome Pires died in China. Unlike
any of them, however, he died twice: the first time in a Cantonese
TropicalSex Fantasiesand the Ambassador
151
jail in 1524 [as Cristovao Vieira, one of the surviving members of
the mission, reports in a 1524 letter to King Manuel I: "in this very
prison Tome Pires died of sickness.... in May of the year 1524"1
(qtd. in Brazao 57)]; the second time in 1540 in the northern
reaches of present-day Jiangsu province, at the ripe age of 70, and
the proud father of a devoutly Catholic Eurasian daughter, Ines
de Leiria.
Our colonies are the product of our adventurousboldness, the
affirmation of an intelligent heroism which succeeded in
spreading upon virgin soil throughout the world the seeds of
a high civilization.
-Brito Camacho,Mofambique
It is Tome Pires's first death that is usually treated as "historical" in the histories of Portugal's 1517 diplomatic mission to China.
The Portuguese ambassador's second death, on the other hand,
appears to be the product of a national historiography. The second
death hypothesis was put forth for the first time by the late Armando Cortesao, a renowned Portuguese cartographer, in the introduction to his English translation of Tome Pires's Suma Oriental
(1512-15), published by the Hakluyt Society in 1944. It has since
gained the currency of "historical fact," re-emerging in a number
of recent histories of Portugal.2 The "archival" groundwork for
Cortesao's extension of the ambassador's life by 16 years is an episode (chapter 91) of Fernao Mendes Pinto's Peregrinafdo[Peregrination], an "autobiographic" travel narrative published for the first
time in 1614, 31 years after the death of its author/protagonist.3
In what follows, I would like to propose a provisional reading
of the prolongation of Tome Pires's exile in China-during which
the former apothecary presumably succeeded in leaving both a
genetic and a cultural imprint on Chinese space-as an historiographic equivalent of what Fredric Jameson has called in another
context a "national allegory." The two deaths of Tome Pires would
thus correspond to two conflicting narratives of Portuguese colonial expansion. As I shall argue below, the second death legitimates
what Salazarist propaganda named "the Traditional Anti-Racialism
of Portugal's Civilizing Methods." It becomes a metonymic in-
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Luis Madureira
stance of the "difference between the way in which [the Portuguese] always treated native populations and what the other
[Europeans] did" (Cortesao, Realidadese Desvarios30). The ambassador's daughter and the fragmented Catholic text bequeathed to
her by her father (a cross tattooed on her forearm, the opening
phrase of "Our Father") are recycled "historiographically" as archival traces of a Portuguese penetration into Oriental space-prefiguring the insular but perdurable integration in Asia, which the
cities of Goa4 and Macau are usually made to symbolize. The first
death, on the other hand, not only reaffirms the prevailing Chinese (or Asian) representations of Portugal's mercantile empire as
ruthless piracy, but figures the alterity of the Portuguese, their
"savagery" in the face not only of geographic and cultural others
but of the European center.
An early characterization of this occidental savagery is the
7th-century Jesuit Ant6nio Vieira's frequently cited reference to
his countrymen as the "Kaffirs of Europe." A century later, the
Marquis de Pombal, Portuguese prime minister from 1750 to
1777, focuses on the economic underpinnings of this barbarism,
delineating in scrupulous detail Portugal's effective marginalization from the world system which it had purportedly inaugurated.
Justifying his efforts to resume a protectionist trade policy in the
mid-18th century, Pombal claimed that the English had conquered Portugal without the inconvenience of a conquest, that
British merchants exercised total control over Portuguese commerce and provided Portugal with two thirds of its needs (Galeano,
Las venas abiertas87).
In one of the Africanist narratives inserted into his epistolary
novel, Aline et Valcour,the Marquis de Sade corroborates Pombal's
analysis. The protagonist (Valcour) chides the Portuguese Jesuit
Sarmiento for his country's relapse into obscurantism-a relapse
duplicated in Sarmiento's descent into a "cannibalized" state of
existence. After the "glorious times" when Portuguese vessels
rounded the Cape of Good Hope and showed the Occident the
route to the "precious Indies," Valcour maintains, Portugal has not
ceased to decline:5
The English ... have been able to subjugateyou to the point
where they have taken over your navigationin the Old World,
TropicalSex Fantasiesand the Ambassador
153
and sold you vessels and equipment for your settlements in
the New. Enslaving you more and more, they even robbed you
of your domestic trade.... Not only did they destroy your
commerce, but they made you lose your credit, forcing you to
have none but their own. Through this shameful enslavement,
they have made you the toys of all of Europe. A nation so debased must soon vanish....
[your] arts, literature, science,
have been buried beneath the ruins of your commerce.
(Oeuvrescompletes5: 207)
In an early 19th-century (1835-36) history of Portuguese
expansion, Raimundo da Cunha Matos, a Brazilian officer and formerfeitor [factor] in the African island colony of Sao Tome, complements Sade's representation of Portugal's faded imperial glory. Although Cunha Matos emphasizes the cultural repercussions of
Portugal's decline, his objective, like that of Sade's Valcour, is to
restore the 16th-century empire. Following the dissolution of the
Iberian Union in 1640, Cunha Matos argues:
The [Portuguese] nation was reborn but she emerged divested
of some of the most beautiful flowers adorning her. She appeared arrayed in the mantle of fanaticism, and was for many
years governed by men who measured the vastness of the
world from the narrowness of their cells. She was governed
by inquisitors, missionaries, courtiers, some fanatical, others
ignorant, who seemed more willing to transform the Portuguese into a Nation of Monks than to restore them to the glorious pedestal on which they stood when the Pachecos, the Albuquerques and the Castros [prominent figures in Portugal's
conquest of "India" in the early 16th-century] lived; fortunate
times when, upon the high seas and the lands where the National Colors flew, the Portuguese name could not be dishonored with impunity. (CompendioHistorico56)
Both Sade and Cunha Matos anticipate, to a certain extent, V. I.
Lenin's assertion in his famous analysis of European imperialism
that Portugal became a de facto British protectorate after the war
of Spanish Succession (1700-14):
Great Britain has protected Portugal and her colonies in order
to fortify her own positions against her rivals, Spain and
154
Luis Madureira
France. In return she has received commercial advantages,
preferential import of goods, and, above all, of capital into
Portugal and the Portuguese colonies, the right to use the
ports and islands, her telegraph cables, etc. (85-86)
In the midst of another global war (July 1944), Cortesao (in a
weekly chronicle written from London and published in the Portuguese periodical Seara Nova) concludes an economic overview of
the post-World War II world by pointing out that "the rich countries and principal importers of agricultural products and raw materials from poor countries establish their own enterprises in the
latter, as is happening today with our Port wine, cork, and certain
minerals.... For these and other reasons did Charles Seignobos
say, as early as 1897 that Portugal had been reduced to 'une colonie
commerciale d'Angleterre"' (Cartasde Londres 222-23). (The last
sentence was expunged by the Salazarist censor.)
More recent articulations of Portugal's marginal position in
relation to the "developed" world include Boaventura de Sousa
Santos's theses on Portugal's semiperipheral socioeconomic status
and Immanuel Wallerstein's placement of the southern layer of the
Iberian peninsula on the "outer rim" of a three-tiered global system (100). What defines this position, according to Boaventura
Santos, is a fundamental contradiction:
Portugalwas the center in relation to its colonies and the periphery in relation to England. In less technicalterms, we can
say that for a long time Portugalwas simultaneouslya colonizing and a colonized country. On April 25 1974, Portugalwas
the least developed country in Europe and at the same time
the sole possessor of the largest and longest-lastingEuropean
colonial empire (105)
It thus becomes evident that one of the most important ideological
functions of the narrative about the resurgence of the old empire,
whose inception in dominant Portuguese discourses coincides with
the rise of fascism in the early 1930s, is to occlude this disseminated
"counter-narrative" of Portugal's decline. In fact, one of the more
compulsory reasons for the deletion of Cortesao's indelicate reference to Portugal's peripheral role in the economic exploitation of
the world was its refutation of the official version of the same story:
Tropical Sex Fantasies and the Ambassador
155
the happy times which Cunha Matos invokes wistfully were supposed to have already begun by 1944.
During Portugal's recent confrontation with armed resistance
to its resuscitated brand of imperialism in Africa, the employment
of the "counter-narrative" about a metropolitan "lack of development" underwent further transformations. The economic dependency of the metropole became, in the discourses of national liberation, a major grievance against Portuguese colonial domination.
For Amilcar Cabral, for example, "The Portuguese [was] a piece,
albeit minute and rotting, of imperialism" (76). Mozambique's
Eduardo Mondlane and Angola's Americo Boavida also described
Portugal's colonial system as "economically backward" and
even as "barbaric" and "primitive." For
"underdeveloped"-and
Boavida, the most "revolting" aspect of this exploitation resided in
the fact that 19.2% of the West African colony's total exports went
to Portugal and 76% to foreign countries. Portugal was then
obliged to re-export to Angola finished products which needed to
be manufactured abroad because its low level of industrialization
prevented it from producing them in loco (Boavida 67). Mondlane
mentions another aspect of Portugal's parasitic colonialism: the
"emigration outlet" which the Portuguese colonies provided "for a
mass of poverty-stricken and frequently unemployed people" (78).
What these critiques of Portuguese colonialism underscore is the
fact that the metropole's simultaneous roles as colonizing and colonized nation effectively deprived it of even the tritest of legitimations for its colonialist enterprise: the civilizing mission.
To any suggestion of Portugal's developing role in its African
"provinces," Cabral would counter that "the main effect produced
by the impact of imperialism on the historical process of the dominated class is paralysis, stagnation (even in some cases, regression)
in that process" (128). At the same time, the wonted official reiterations of the cultural or civilizational boon which a colonial policy
of assimilation would deliver to the "natives" were systematically
exposed as derisorily transparent subterfuges. Behind them
lurked the specter of a parasitic, cannibalistic mode of colonial exploitation. In Mayombe,Pepetela's novel about the MPLA'sguerrilla
campaign in Angola, a political cadre defines the anti-colonialist
struggle to a group of workers in Kabinda's Mayombe forest as one
waged by "soldiers who are fighting so that the trees you fell may
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Luis Madureira
serve the people and not foreign powers [, who] are struggling so
that the oil of Kabinda may bring wealth to the people [of Angola]
and not to the Americans" (35). This reference to "Americans"
points to a fundamentally unequal relationship between industrialized "core countries" and a semiperipheral metropole, to Portugal's incapacity to process industrially the raw materials extracted
from its colonies. One of the structural requirements of the narrative which I have been outlining here appears to be that the exigencies which the maintenance of an overseas empire exact upon
a semiperipheral metropole should render all the more irremediable the collapse of that empire.
It is precisely to this narrative structure that the Portuguese
novelist Antonio Lobo Antunes submits his recent fictional revisitation of the colonial war in Angola (Os Cus deJudas-translated into
English as Southof Nowhere).Watching a group of Luchazi dancers,
the narrator, an army doctor stationed in southern Angola, juxtaposes the vitality of their dance to the decrepitude of a moribund
empire:
The stout and juicy sweatof their bodies possessed such a distinct texture from the sad and shuddering drops running
down my own spine that, confronted with a people whose
inexhaustible vitality I had already glimpsed, many years
before, in the solar trumpet of Louis Armstrong, expelling
acrimony and bile with the muscularjoy of its song, I felt
myself the heir to a clumsy and agonizing old country, to a
Europe bursting with palatial boils and the gallstones of
ailing cathedrals. (58)
These palatial boils and cathedral-sized gallstones register the
anachronistic trophology of a "modern" empire which culled
obsessively from the stereotyped rhetoric of the aristocratic heroes of Portugal's early expansion. Significantly, although Lobo
Antunes is paraphrasing here an already banal construction of
pan-Africanist negritude, the African vibrancy which in Leopold
Senghor's "New York" is summoned to reinvigorate an overtechnologized West becomes in this fragment the dance of the empire's death.
The anachronism of Portugal's "civilizing mission" is foregrounded again when the fascist legitimations of imperialism are
satirically incorporated into Lobo Antunes's narrative:
andthe Ambassador 157
TropicalSex Fantasies
Angolazours mister president and longlivethafatherlandof
course we are and with what passionate pride the legitimate
descendants of the [Fernaode] Magalhaesand the [Pedro Alvares] Cabralsand the [Vascoda] Gamasand the glorious mission that we so gallantlypursue here is as you mister president
havejust proclaimedin your extremely notable speech indeed
similar to theirs the only thing lacking being the grey beards
and the scurvybut the way things are going may I be struck
blind if we won't soon get there. (129-30)
For the novel's cynical narrator, the colonial soldiers are "agents of
a provincial fascism corroding and undermining itself with the
acid recessiveness of a sad and parochial stupidity" (176). It seems
no coincidence, then, that the Salazarist "idea of a Portuguese Africa" is textualized as an avatar-as a latter-day reenactment of an
imperialist project which Joseph Conrad had already vilified in
Heart of Darkness:
The idea of a Portuguese Africa, which high-school history
books, politicians'harangues and the chaplain from the convent of Mafrapainted with majesticsplendor,was nothing but
a sort of provincial set, rotting in the immeasurablevastness
of space, suburbandevelopment projectswhich the high grass
and the bushes quickly ate away,and a great desolate silence
about everything, haunted by the disfigured faces of starving
lepers. (Lobo Antunes 148)
It is precisely this demonitized "idea" that Tome Pires's other
death ratifies. The small Christian community that, according to
Fernao Mendes Pinto, the ambassador's daughter formed in a
northern Chinese town, re-emerges in the work of more recent
historiographers as the trace of an earlier legitimating narrative of
Portuguese colonialism.
II
Bond looked down into the deep blue-violeteyes that were no
longer hard, imperious. He bent and kissed them lightly. He
said, "they told me you only liked women."
She said, "I never met a man before"... His mouth came
ruthlesslydown on hers.
-Ian Fleming, Goldfinger
158
LuzsMadureira
A generation titillatedby the amorous exploits of James Bond
and his kind is unlikely to react to the excesses of the Lusitanian libido in sixteenth-and seventeenth-centuryAsiawith the
horrified fascinationevinced by ... foreign observers.
-C.
R. Boxer, The PortugueseSea-BorneEmpire
In a "historiographic" pamphlet published in English in
1954, a Portuguese historian asserts that Christianity has consistently shaped Portugal's legislation and social practices, creating,
as a result, "a religious ethos, generally pointing to Rome, . . . char-
acteristic of Portuguese thought" (Andrade 5). The religio-ethical
content of Portugal's "national character," he continues, has contributed to the evolution of the Portuguese as the most ethical of
Western colonialisms: "The Portuguese from the days of great
Afonso de Albuquerque [Governor of "Portuguese India" from
1509 to 1514] have shown their fellow-beings overseas that consideration which religion teaches. They have observed the principles
of human brotherhood and have not had recourse to armed conquest except in cases of dire necessity" (5). In other words-those
of the Brazilian intellectual Osorio de Oliveira-"after Christ no one
has contributed more than the Portuguese to brotherhood among
men" (qtd. in Freyre, O Mundo que o PortuguesCriou 55). It was this
alleged "multiracialism" that informed the constitutional revisions
of 1951 whereby the African colonies became officially integrated
into the national "body." Portugal redefined itself, as a result, as
an "Afro-European"power. For "once the natives reach[ed] a specified degree of civilization6 they [were] placed on equal footing with
the whites" (Andrade 18). Portugal's colonies were figured as integral and organic [discursive] parts of the metropole. They were
not colonies, or dependencies, but "provinces" and "states."
As early as 1946, Cortesao (in a letter whose publication was
blocked by Salazar's censors) argued that "the Portuguese can
never forget that their African provinces of Guinea[-Bissau], Angola and Mozambique, which they discovered five centuries ago,
introducing them to western civilization, are as much a part of Portugal as their European province of Algarve, for example, which
seven centuries ago they conquered from the Moors and also integrated into western civilization"7(Cartasde Londres383). If the colonies were integral parts of the national body, it would follow that
Tropical Sex Fantasies and the Ambassador
159
the nationalist struggles erupting in virtually every one of Portugal's African "provinces" after 1960 were attempted dismemberments, fueled either by international communism or murderous
racial hatred against the most benevolent of colonizing peoples.
In a June 1962 speech before Lisbon's Geography Society,
Cortesao delivers this dire admonition:
We all know of the attackswhich the Communistshave made
against us in the U.N. and in their propaganda, and of the
support and incitementwhich the so-called"nationalists"from
our overseasterritorieshave received from Moscow.They [the
"nationalists"]should not overlook the fact that Soviet ideology does not place any trust in alliances.So none of these "liberation movements,"as those bloody fools [sangrentos
patetas]
call them, can gain their trust unless it comes under total Come Desvarios29)
munist control. (Realidades
Thus, what the Portuguese colonial army was sent to defend was
not an atavistic mode of colonial exploitation, but the multiethnic
and tropical extension of the national "body": "For many centuries, we have been creating in Angola and Mozambique a multiracial human society, which has, since the discoveries, always been
Portugal's policy in the overseas territories" (Cortesao, Realidadese
Desvarios 40). The ideal of a hybrid tropical civilization was to acquire a wide currency in Portuguese colonialist discourses, particularly in the decades of anti-colonialist struggle.
Reis Ventura, a rather mediocre Portuguese novelist who
lived in Angola and wrote a series of novels and short stories set in
the former "province," became one of the more popular promulgators of this "multiracial" ideal. The mediocrity of Ventura's fiction notwithstanding, its impact upon the European population of
Angola in the period immediately following the 1960 uprisings
is difficult to underestimate. His novel Queimadosdo Sol [Burnt by
the Sun] (1966) opens with the arrival in Luanda of a beautiful
"mulatta" (Ana Maria), the daughter of the richest Portuguese
businessman in Matadi. Immediately after her arrival, she is escorted to her father's home on the Zairean border by a group of
"the best soldiers in the world," commanded by a valiant second
lieutenant. "Standing in the midst of his comrades with his hand
resting on the butt of his machine gun, [he] cut an imposing sil-
160
Luis Madureira
houette from the statuary of heroes" (12). Second lieutenant Taia
is rather obviously cut from the figurative register of the colonialist
heroic, as the "legitimate heir" of the Gamas, Cabrals, and Magalhaes. It is fitting, then, that this heroic genealogy should be reaffirmed by the etymology of the Portuguese term for second lieutenant. Alferes originates from the Arabic word meaning "knight"
or "squire" (al-fars). As a native of the southern province of Algarve, moreover, Taia is the symbolic descendant of the intrepid
Algarvean mariners whom Prince Henry sent forth to sail the "tenebrous ocean" in the early 15th century. As Cortesao's "cultural"
identification of the Algarve and "Portuguese" Africa attests, the
religious and ethnic difference of the Algarve (Al-Garb)-"the
southern kingdom"-from the rest of the country remained at
least superficially inscribed in the modern historiography of
expansion. The Algarve was Portugal's peninsular colony. Its conquest in the 13th-century was retained in the titles of Portuguese
monarchs: "King of Portugal, the Algarve, and the Overseas Dominions." Just as Ana Maria herself, Taia's ancestors were once
presumably absorbed into a heterogenous but stable national
"family" in a peculiarly Portuguese process of cultural miscegenation. Their shared history of cultural integration legitimates "historically" Taia's utterance at the end of the novel: "I am also quite
burned by the sun" (230).
The pretty assimilada with the "Lusitanian soul" (13) is thus
synecdochic of the "diverse and polychromatic group, encompassing all the social rungs and the most important ethnicities of
the [Angolan] capital" (206) who meets in her father's house-a
group who itself "seems to epitomize Angola's multiracial society"
(206). As a fellow officer informs second lieutenant Taia, the Fatherland (a feminine noun in Portuguese: a Pdtria) is a multivalent
signifier, containing, among other things, the name of a beautiful
and assimilated "mulatta." This African daughter of an emissary of
Lusitanianism seems to be a "legitimate [tropic] heir" of Ines de
Leiria, the ambassador's Eurasian daughter. The "polychromatic"
couple that she and second lieutenant Taia will compose at the
end of the novel is a metonymic projection of Portugal's illusion of
permanence in the tropics. The marriage between a Portuguese
colonial agent and a stereotypically beautiful "native girl" is but a
mid-20th century version of a legitimating narrative of colonial-
TropicalSex Fantasiesand the Ambassador
161
ism. Its plot, whose frequent [anti-]climax is the coupling of a Portuguese male with a non-European female, is rigidly framed. In
the main, Queimadosdo Sol subscribes to the narrative structure of
Tome Pires's alleged travels in China (from 1524 to 1540). The
peripeteia leading to the ambassador's other death transfers onto
Chinese space the "symbiosis" between the Portuguese colonizer
and his female other which became the defining feature of subsequent legitimations of colonialism. Both protagonists exhibit what
has been lauded as a specifically Portuguese mode of being in nonEuropean space. In marked contrast to other European conquests
and displacements, the argument goes, Portuguese colonialism has
been, at least since the early 15th century, characterized by integration and coevalness.
The Brazilian sociologist Gilberto Freyre (1900-87), has
named "lusotropicalism" this process of incorporation into and
transformation of non-European spaces and cultures. In an essay
on Fernao Mendes Pinto, Freyre gives a preliminary account of
this "sociological" (even "ontological") transformation:
[It is] the knowledge, almost instinctivein the Portuguese, to
contemporize with the most profound exoticisms-especially
those from warm climates-without losing or corrupting himself; to delight in the pleasures yielded by these exoticisms
withoutbeing depravedby their excesses;to benefit from their
values without dissolvinghimself into them; to assimilatetheir
virtues without renouncing, for the love of them, his original,
European, and Christianones. (OLusoe o Tr6pico143)
In Freyre's plausive narrative, the cultural "backwardness" ("I am
among those who accept that there was a certain backwardness")
that makes of the Portuguese tropological "savages" within the
context not only of "developed" Europe but the very exotic places
that Freyre sees as potentially corrupting becomes "advantageous
... to the contacts between the Portuguese and non-European
peoples, and to the policy of integration which, more than any
other, has characterized those contacts" (O Luso e o Tr6pico293).
What the British historian Charles R. Boxer calls "the excesses of
the Lusitanian libido in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Asia"
(306) represented for Freyre the most efficacious implementation
of this policy of tropical integration.8
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LuisMadureira
In 0 Mundo queo PortuguesCriou [The WorldCreatedbythePortuguese] (1940), Freyre argues that:
The general tendency of the Portuguesecolonizertowardmiscegenation seems to have given to the peoples of Portuguese
formation [sic]from America,Asia, and Africaa rather special
psychologicaland cultural unity. The descendants of the Portuguese-either ethnicallypure [sic]or raciallymixed-originating from diverse areas, find amazing similaritiesin their
goals and lifestyles upon establishing contacts with one another. (44)
Lusotropicalism was to provide a ready-made and potent legitimation for an anachronistic (or "parasitic") colonial exploitation.9 To
represent Portuguese colonialism as a sexual conquest of the tropics was to conceal Portugal's semiperipheral status. It was to invest
its "otherness" with a positive and dynamic civilizational value.
Portugal's "difference" from developed Europe, then, was not
transposed onto the colonies as a singularly violent exploitation (as
the oppositional narrative of colonial expansion would have it),
but as a productive seduction, as the Portuguese colonizer's "multiplication" of himself "into racially mixed progeny," and his generous distribution of "the rudiments of the Portuguese language and
Christianity ... joining in the greatest of intimacies that is love
their pure white bodies with the brown, reddish, purple, black,
swarthy bodies of tropical peoples" (Freyre, Um Brasileiroem Terras
Portuguesas139).
As a recent Brazilian critic of Freyre has observed, the process
which he insists upon describing as racially or ethnically "democratic" hinges upon the sexual availability ("resignation") of the
"native woman" (Medeiros 33). In Casa Grande e Senzala (1933),
Freyre's first book (translated into English as The Mastersand the
Slaves), whose "seminal" analysis of master/slave relationships in
Brazil's plantations the same critic depicts as "a caricature of Brazilian society" (Medeiros 54), the "discovery" and colonization of
Brazil are textualized as an unbridled erotic play between incontinent Europeans and acquiescent wild women:
The atmospherein which Brazilianlife began was one of
near sexual intoxication.
TropicalSex Fantasiesand the Ambassador
163
The European leapt ashore only to slide into naked Indian woman.... The women were the first to deliver themselves to the white men, the more ardent ones rubbing themselves against the legs of those they took for gods. They gave
themselves to the Europeans for a comb or a broken piece of
mirror.(60-61)
The fragmented mirrors for which the Tupi women supposedly
"gave" themselves are thus the proleptic figures of their representation in Freyre's sociology of colonization. Freyre's "native"
women are a "speculum" of the colonizer's desire. They are figured as disembodied vaginas, and mean only insofar as they are
penetrated
and inseminated:
"It is as if everyone of the . . . lands
fertilized by even a single drop of Portuguese blood or enlivened
by a smattering of Portuguese culture is a land predisposed for
the flowering of [the] Luso-tropical complex of civilization" (Um
Brasileiro em TerrasPortuguesas 139). In this "eulogy" of colonial
domination, historical agency is clearly the privilege of oversexed
"little men" from the Iberian west.10These accounts of Portuguese
colonialism are thus ultimately tautological. They refer not to specific historical processes of settlement and conquest but to a pervasive and insistent authorial desire. It is to this auto-erotic element
that I would now like to turn.
In elaborating the hypothesis of an alternate ambassadorial
death, Cortesao presents as a crucial piece of archival evidence the
following passage from Cristovao Vieira's 1524 letter: "The women
of the interpreters as also those of Tome Pires that were left in this
city in the present year were sold as the property of traitors" (qtd.
in Cortesao, Suma Oriental liii, from Brazao Apontamentos58). Cortesao sees this index of sexual potency as a crucial demonstration
of the ambassador's capacity to procreate: "If Pires had women
before 1524, and was about fifty when he arrived at Canton in
1517, there is nothing so extraordinary in the fact of Pinto
meeting in 1543 a woman who told him she was the daughter
of the unfortunate Portuguese ambassador and a Chinese
woman" (liii). The libidinal energy of the 16th-century Portuguese male appears, in effect, to have played a significant role
in Cortesao's narrative of the early Portuguese empire. The fact
that "the Portuguese were in the splendor of their robust viril-
164
LuisMadureira
ity," for example, contributed decisively to their fulfilment of
"an historic mission of global importance" (A CienciaNduticae o
Renascimento12).
For Freyre also, the "hybrid vigor" (Um Brasileiroem TerrasPortuguesas 99) which marked Portugal's lusotropical project was at
once "virile" and heterosexual:
Even today [1951-52] ... the northern Europeans with this
complete capacity for integration in the life and culture of
tropical peoples are, nearly always, either great saints ... or
great sinners. Eccentric, exceptional, abnormal individuals.
Sterile, in both cases, in their intense love for peoples of color.
Manyof them homosexuals, as the extraordinaryLawrenceof
Arabia, not to speak of the tropicalist of merely voluptuous
voyages to the tropicswho was [Andre]Gide: Nordic or northern European men with the capacity,so keen in the homosexual, for the sudden understanding of the exotic, the strange,
the different, but with the incapacity,equally characteristicin
the homosexual, to impregnate women of color with relish,
to multiply themselves in numerous children, to perpetuate
themselves in multicoloredprogeny. (UmBrasileiro139)
Aside from the reductive "ethnocharacterology" informing
Freyre's comparative analysis of tropical penetrations, the other
problem with this account is the only partially concealed projection
of authorial desire onto the ostensibly verisimilar actions of the
subjects of his "history." The "field of study" is conflated with the
field of cathectic investment, i.e., the toposof conscious and concentrated sexual fantasy.
The Portuguese colonies become, after their insertion into a
"scientific" textual field, at once the sites of a transference of male
sexual desire and the "scientific" testing sites for a theory of (cultural) penetration. Hence, the island of Mozambique discloses an
atmosphere which is analogous to that of "a laboratory of sociology
and ethnology, for the study of Portuguese processes of cultural
interpenetration and the parallel process of miscegenation"
(Freyre, Aventura e Rotina 412). In fact, "the whole of the Portuguese world became, on a monumental scale, a garden like Lisbon's Overseas Garden [Jardim do Ultramar].A garden which is sur-
Tropical Sex Fantasies and the Ambassador
165
prising in its combinationof the strange and the familiar.A garden
which astonishes in the way it harmonizes diversity with unity"
(Aventurae Rotina 309). When Freyre, who was about 52 at the
time, visited the sites of these laboratorialconditions,"1he recalls
other ethnographers and sociologists who (presumably unlike
himself) still possess "the youthfulnessrequired ... for tough field
research-which is found only exceptionally in men of fifty [cine Rotina315). Given the specific nature of the
(Aventura
qiientdes]"'2
processes taking place in the "field,"it is not altogether ludic to
associatewith sexual practicesthe "tough research"whose undertaking Freyre can only evoke nostalgically.Only a few years ago
(1985), in fact, one of Freyre'sencomiastic colleagues was militating for the transformationof sociology (at Freyre'sbehest) into "a
beautiful mulatta ... in the service of our grown men's pleasure,"
for the "carnivalization"of anthropology so that "free, seductive
and beautiful she may remain with us in a truly Brazilian space"
("CasaGrandee Senzala":50 AnosDepois21-22). Whatever the Brazilian content of this space may be, it is unequivocallythe product
of a male fantasy. It is the hybrid textual site where sexual and
ideological projections intersect.
For both the protagonistand the author of Portugal'stropical
penetrations, then, "the dark woman has been the one whom
[they] prefer to love, at least carnally."Nevertheless, the racialand
patriarchalhierarchies sustaining the very occidental civilization
from which the Portuguese putatively differ remain intact, "'the
white woman is for marrying, the mulatta for f[ucking], and the
Black woman for working"' (qtd. in Freyre, CasaGrandee Senzala
9). And it is exactly this hierarchizationof ethnicity and gender,
this reificationof "native"women, which these histories and sociologies of Portuguesecolonial expansion reaffirm(withonly a negligible difference in emphasis from those of other colonizers). Yet
lusotropicalismwas/is something other than a sexual wish-fantasy
collectively nourished by middle-aged men of science and letters.
Its ideological potency was, as I have tried to demonstrate,considerable. What should also not be discarded-and this could be seen
as a sort of ethics for the foregoing reading-is the role which the
fantasies of old men play in the erection of ideological armatures
for imperialisms(old and new). Whether this enduring ideological
166
LuisMadureira
fantasy has been laid to rest now that Portugal's cycle of empire
has come to a close is a question which I shall broach in the following section.
III
When will it come, the new voyage to that other unknown, our
true self and its coincidence with Portugal?
-Eduardo Louren<o,O Labirintoda Saudade
Little by little words isolate themselves from the objects to
which they refer, then from the words only sounds emanate,
and of the sounds only whispers remain, the final stage before erasure.
-Lidia Jorge, A CostadosMurmurios
It has become commonplace to argue that after the "revolution" of 25 April 1974 and the dissolution of its colonial empire,
Portugal faced an "identity crisis." In a 1974 essay, the lateJoaquim
Barradas de Carvalho revises the Leninist analysis of Portugal's
position within the European capitalist system. Following the ratification of Methuen's Treaty with the United Kingdom in 1703, he
maintains, Portugal not only succumbed under the latter's economic domination and the cultural hegemony of France, but
"ceasedto be itself" (Rumode Portugal 62; italics in original). Portugal
in 1974, Carvalho claims, was at the crossroads of two itineraries:
Europe or the Atlantic.
If it charts a course toward Europe-the Europe of
which the technocratsare so fond-Portugal will once again
lose its independence, it will face either in the short or long
run the situation of 1580 [the Iberian Union]. In a Common
Market Europe, in a future, hypothetical, political Europe,
macro-economicswill cast a unified Iberian Peninsulawith its
capital assuredly in Madrid, which will in the short or long
term go from being an economic to a politicalcapital....
Thus, before this crossroads, Europe or the Atlantic, I
pronounce myself for the Atlantic,as the onlyconditionwhich
will allow Portugalto regain its individuality,its specificity,its
medieval and Renaissancegenuineness....
I propose the creation of an authenticLuso-Brazilian
TropicalSex Fantasiesand the Ambassador
167
comcommunity,and, if possible,a future Luso-Afro-Brazilian
Within
it
all
constituent
would
the
converge in
munity.
parts
the most genuine linguisticand civilizationalindividuality.
Thisis howPortugalcan become
itselfagain. (RumosdePortuitalics
in
63-64;
original)
gal
Barradas de Carvalho, who himself acknowledges the "strangeness" of this project in light of his professed marxism (Rumosde
Portugal 67), exhumes not only the phantasm of lusotropicalism,
but one of Freyre's specific proposals for bringing together all lusotropical peoples in order to develop a lusotropical civilization.13At
the same time, this return of lusotropicalism occludes yet again the
redoubtable contours of a more ancient, more perdurable specter:
Portugal's "underdevelopment."
It is the strategic concealment of underdevelopment, in fact,
that subtends the "political unconscious" of dominant contemporary historiographies of the Portuguese Renaissance. Their inscription in an histoiredes mentalitesparadigm seeks to validate Portugal's contributions to the fashioning of a modern "mentality."
Ironically, however, it also discloses precisely what it seeks to conceal: an epistemological lag-a "dependency" upon an imported
methodology. These recent readings of Portugal's imperial past
are, in the final analysis, overdetermined by their reading of the
present. In more vulgar terms, they transfer onto the historiographic (or epistemological) field a desired integration into the
"family"of industrialized European nations: "The Portuguese Discoveries are not a national or nationalist phenomenon, they correspond rather to one of the sites of an expanding western and eastern Europe, to the Conquestof the World"(Barreto Descobrimentos
e
Renascimento197; italics in original). This historiographic integration of "Renaissance" Portugal into the imagined space of a European protoscientific "mentality" (Lucien Febvre's "mathematization of the real") performs a similar occlusion to the one
undertaken by lusotropicalism. Whereas the latter constructed a
differentPortugal, the former invents a similar (common and intellectually marketable) one. Transformed into the greatest modern
input into the globe's cultural databank,'4 the "discoveries" become not the cultural and historical indices of Portugal's "difference" (the signs of its semiperipheral status), but the revindication
168
Luis Madureira
of its occidentalism, the affirmation of a Portuguese capacity to
"develop": "The Discoveries ... became associated with the [intellectual] stimuli of Humanism ... to awaken in the European an
intuitive knowledge of the historical reality of progress" (Dias 136).
The time seems ripe for the production of a "national" identity
drawn on a European scale, for the disposal of a "self-image" predicated on a lusotropicalist in-continence (as it were). Nevertheless,
the Portuguese sixteenth century is still indispensable for the carving of a "national" identity which would replace once and for all
the disquieting and recurring ghosts of Portugal's "backwardness,"
to the re-imagining of Portugal as "an international partner worthy of its long past" (Louren5o, O Labirintoda Saudade 66).
Only twelve years ago, a self-proclaimed practitioner of national psychoanalysis predicted that Portugal was "approaching
... the well-known situation of the 'sick man of Europe"' (Louren5o, O Labirintoda Saudade 66). In 1988, however, in an issue of
Critiqueentirely dedicated to the "Lusitanian epic" (an unmistakable sign of intellectual Europe's recognition of Portugal's contribution to "progress"'5), the same intellectual sounds a more
optimistic note (original in French): "Alittle while ago, after a prolonged knight's vigil, as if we were but youthful postulants, the
gates of Greater Europe were opened for us. Europe would not
have made us wait so long if she had known better the first poem
[OsLusiadas]to have captured its image travelling in search of universality" (LourenSo, "Cam6es et l'Europe" 675).
Portugal has indeed come a long way since Jorge de Sena
wrote this disconsolate conclusion to his study of Cam6es' epic:
That [OsLusiadas]was done in Portuguesewas perhaps its undoing as a universalliterarymonument, since the Portuguesespeaking world only recognizes foreign universalismsand the
world does not acknowledgeour own. But let us console ourselves with the thought that what Cam6es wrote could only
have been written, in his time, by a Portuguese. So much so
that no one except he has written it. (175).
A similar tautology underpins these recent historiographic returns
to Portugal's 16th-century epopee. If Portugal's voyage of self-
Tropical Sex Fantasies and the Ambassador
169
discovery has begun, the course plotted seems both periphrastic
and tautological-the longest route back to the port of origin.
Notes
1. Unless otherwise indicated, all translations are my own.
2. See, for example, the histories of Portugal of A. H. de Oliveira Marques,
Jose Hermano Saraiva, and Joaquim Verissimo Serrao.
3. The question of the book's veracity has remained contentiously open at
least since the 17th century. The same episode upon which Cortesao bases his
hypothesis, for instance, is dismissed as fictional by the French historian Albert
Kammerer in La Decouvertede la Chinepar les Portugaisau XVIesiecle, also published
in 1944. According to Kammerer, "one cannot lend credence to Mendes Pinto's
account in which he claims to have met in China ... Tome Pires' half-caste daughter" (34).
4. Of Goa, which Nehru reportedly called "the Portuguese pimple on the face
of Mother India" (qtd. in Rushdie, Midnight'sChildren351), Cortesao has written:
"Goa symbolizes one of the greatest services we performed for humanity and one
of the illustrative paradigms of the place which we have earned in the history of
civilization.... We have always considered, and will continue to consider her as
an integral part of Portugal even if it is governed by usurpers [i.e., even after
the forcible ejection of the Portuguese from Goa in 1961]" (Realidadese Desvarios
Africanos 11).
5. "Rappellez ces temps glorieux oiu le pavilion portugais s'ouvrait les portes
dorees de l'Orient; ou, doublant le premier avec courage le Cap inconnu de 1'Afrique, il enseignait aux nations de la terre la route de ces Indes precieuses, dont
elles ont tire tant de richesses.... Aviez-vous besoin des Anglais alors? ... Servaient-ils de pilotes a vos navires? ... En un mot, jusqu'a l'epoque de votre faiblesse, sont-ce eux qui vous ont fait vivre, et n'etes-vous pas le meme peuple?"
(Oeuvrescompletes5: 208).
6. In an official explanation of the "philosophy" of Portugal's colonial rule,
published in Johannesburg in 1950, a Portuguese colonial official describes this
civilizing process in the following terms: "our policy of assimilation of native
peoples [is] markedly realistic and based upon an experience of long centuries of
civilizing action, by means of which we are gradually raising them to our level so
that in time we will make them all as Portuguese as the Portuguese of the MotherCountry, distinct from these only in color" ("Portugal's Assimilation Policy" 182).
7. Cortesao wrote with the authority conferred by "experience." From 1914
to 1932, he had served in various capacities in Portugal's colonial administration,
and he headed UNESCO's colonial affairs bureau from 1942 to 1956.
8. During 1951-52, Freyre undertook, at the invitation of Portugal's Overseas
Minister, a voyage around the "lusotropical world": "Orients and Africas ...
marked by Portuguese presences" (Freyre, Aventura e Rotina xxviii). In 1953,
Freyre published two books about this research trip, Um Brasileiroem TerrasPortuguesas [A Brazilian in PortugueseLands], one of his first attempts at a systematization
of his notion of "lusotropicalism," and Aventurae Rotina [Adventureand Routine], a
travel diary. In the latter text, Freyre provides this description of the "sociologi-
170
Luis Madureira
cal" type represented by Reis Ventura's heroine: "The mulatta, one third black
or a quatroon [terfdou quarta], when she is well-educated and the daughter of a
rich father, is highly valued in Angola.... And it appears that she has a decided
advantage, as a woman endowed with glamour [in English in the original], over
the white woman born in Africa. She is the quintessential lusotropical woman.
The most capable of seducing not only the Rimbauds but also the Burghers"
(Aventurae Rotina 325).
9. It was-allegorically enough-in Goa (in November 1951) that the Brazilian sociologist introduced the term "lusotropicalism." In January of the following
year, he would propose in a conference given at the University of Coimbra that
"lusotropicalism" be included as a new professorship into the university's curriculum. The impact which these conferences were to have on the elaboration of the
Salazarist revisions of colonial policies is difficult to gage. Nevertheless, one of the
Coimbra professors whose work was influenced by Freyre's concept of lusotropicalism was Marcelo Caetano, Salazar's successor and the last of Portugal's academic dictators. The political significance of lusotropicalism is also suggested by
the Brazilian sociologist's meeting with Salazar, Portugal's philosopher-dictator
("What interests me in Salazar is less the politician than the intellectual" [13]),
described in Aventurae Rotina. Freyre finds the Portuguese Chief of State "interested in my books, some of which I see next to him: including the most recent,
Quase Politica [a collection of Freyre's speeches published in 1950]" (13). As for
Salazar the politician, Freyre considers him "one of the greatest Portuguese of all
times, someone who, in truth, resuscitated [fez nascerde novo] in Portugal many a
virtue or value which had become so dormant as to seem dead" (14).
10. Maria Alice Medeiros makes a similar argument in Elogio da Dominafco: "It
is the white elite, in effect, who receives in this work [Casa Grande e Senzala] a
privileged treatment, and is seen as the true agent in the history of Brazil" (25).
Commenting on Paul Claudel's reference to Francisco Xavier in one of his Christian poems ["L'immense Asie tout entiere est cerne par ce petit homme"], Freyre
asserts that "many a 'little' Portuguese man made his presence felt in 'immense
Asia,' some as quasi kings, others as slaves, the greatest number simply as Portuguese men capable of loving Oriental women and of being loved by them. Capable of inseminating [fecundar] women of color and to make their wombs produce other Portuguese also of color" (Aventurae Rotina 299).
11. In this particular case, it is the island of Sao Tome off the West African
coast, which Freyre describes as a "laboratory of experimental sociology in the
sense of improving the conditions of the African worker" (Aventurae Rotina 312),
apparently overlooking the concrete historical conditions which would explain
the characterization of the "islet" as "Africa's slave colony" (Aime Cesaire, Une
Saison au Congo 91) ("cet il6t, ce rocher, San Tome, sa petitesse bouffe du negre
que c'en est incroyable. Par milliers! Par millions! C'est le bagne d'Afrique")
(90-91).
12. Armando Cortesao, on the other hand, emphasizes his youthful vigor in a
November 1945 letter to the editor of a Portuguese newspaper [A Voz]:"I enlisted
when I had already rounded the cape of fifty, and experienced, just as the
younger men, the same tough training, iron discipline and hard life of any British
armed forces in time of war" (Cartasde Londres394).
13. Here is the fragment which I am paraphrasing: "What the circumstances
seem to demand more than ever of all the Lusotropical peoples is that they unite
their forces and attitudes, so that together they can develop the luso-tropical civi-
Tropical Sex Fantasies and the Ambassador
171
lization I have sketched before, [a civilization] in which the Portuguese capacity
to create [prevails], unlike any other European [presence] in the tropics, within
an ethnic democracy, a culture as vigorously European as it is tropical" (Aventura
e Rotina 358). The lusotropicalist sign also governed the proceedings of a 1983
tribute to Freyre, organized by the Portuguese Academy of Sciences on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of Casa Grandee Senzala's publication. Surveying
the "problematics of national identity" triggered by the abrupt closure of the
Portuguese cycle of empire, one of Freyre's panegyrists prophesies: "only
the preservation of our own cultural values, dynamically complemented with the
elaboration of a long term perspective of the future, will allow us ... to speak ...
of luso-tropicalism as active and not as a non-existent or increasingly degenerative process. And [allow] lusotropicalism not to become identified with underdevelopment" (Sessdode Homenagema GilbertoFreyre31).
14. "[T]he Discoveries represent the greatest input until the years 1620-30 into
the planetary databank, the greatest informational and formulational contribution to the Openingof the World"(Luis Filipe Barreto, Portugal,Mensageirodo Mundo
Renascentista19; italics in the original).
15. The French historian Frederic Mauro, for example, concludes his keynote
article by observing: "pour les Portugais, leur chance ou leur genie est d'avoir su
profiter d'une situation geographique et d'une conjoncture historique exceptionnelles, grace a une grande vigueur intellectuelle, reflet, consequence et complement de leur vitalite demographique" ("Les Portugais: premiers champions"
627).
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