instrumental analysis of vowel and plosive duration in
Transcrição
instrumental analysis of vowel and plosive duration in
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Software INSTRUMENTAL ANALYSIS OF VOWEL AND PLOSIVE http://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only. DURATION IN BRAZILIAN PORTUGUESE Francisco de O. Meneses Laboratório de Fonética e Psicolinguística (Lafape) State University of Campinas, Campinas, São Paulo, Brazil [email protected] Vera Pacheco Laboratório de Pesquisa e Estudo em Fonética e Fonologia Bahia South-west State University , Bahia, Brazil [email protected] INTRODUCTION • The segments in fluent speech, according to Fowler (1981), are produced in an integrated manner. MATERIAL •Three subjects were recorded (one man and two women). • The duration of a segment may vary depending on adjacent segments. •A corpus of words with CV and CV.CV structure was created. Onset position was filled with plosives. The vowels / a, i, u / occurred in peak position. AIMS • Duration measures were obtained from Praat (Boersma & Weenink, 2002). • This paper aims at assessing the effects of emphasis, pause and syntactic position on plosive and vowel duration in Brazilian Portuguese (henceforth BP). • Statistical analysis was performed with BioEstat (Ayres et al, 2001). Alpha was settled at 0.05. RESULTS Figure 4: The duration difference between consonants in emphasis, pre-emphasis e post-emphasis position. • Considering, however, that a considerable amount of achievements are presented p values > 0.05, we can say that the change caused by segmental emphasis is not as intense as that caused by the pause. Sub.: 1. papa 2.baba METHOD 3.pico 4.bico 5.pulo Design 6.data 7.dura 8.cata • Three experiments were conducted: (I) the first focused on pause (II) the second focused on stress (III) the third focused on syntactic position. 9.quite Figure 5: Consonants durations are shown as a function of position within a sentence. Figure 1: The duration difference between vowels in different conditions: near and far the pause. • Experiment I: target words with two different distances from pause: • The results showed that the durations do not change when comparing the stops in the core functions of subject and predicate. CONCLUSION - Pedro disse “X”, enquanto Paulo disse “Y”. -Pedro disse “X” baixinho, enquanto Paulo disse “Y” alto. • Experiment II: target words with three different positions relative to emphasis: Before: •Você disse “pa” alto? •Não, disse “pa” BAIXINHO On: •Você disse “casa” baixinho? •Não, eu disse “PA” baixinho After: •Você disse “pa” baixinho? •Não, ELE disse “pa” baixinho Figure 2: The duration difference between consonants in different conditions: near and far the pause. •The fact that the vowels and plosives submit duracional inversely proportional behavior when in the context of proximity and distance to pause, allows us to say that this duracional behavior is not independent of prosodic context. • Pause and emphasis contexts, to a greater or lesser extent, display consonant compensatory reduction due to the lengthening of the adjacent vowel (Klatt, 1976). Compensatory reduction is considered a coarticulatory phenomenon (Fowler, 1981). • The results point to the possibility that segmental duration has close links with factors beyond the level of the syllable and the sentence. Duration is strongly influenced by prosodic and conversational factors especially pause. REFERENCES • AYRES, • Experiment III: Target word in NP and VP: M., AYRES JR, M. AYRES, D. L, & SANTOS, A.LS. Bio Estat 2.0, CNPq, Belém. 2001. • BOERSMA, P. & WEENINK, D. Praat software. Versão 4.0. - Sua mãe tem controle de tudo. Ela data também o que lê. -Pare de escrever a carta novamente. A data também está errada. The Netherlands, Amterdam. 2002. • FOWLER, C. A. A relationship between Coarticulation and Compensatory Shortening. Phonetica 38: 35-50. 1981. • KLATT, D. Linguistics use segmental duration in English: Figure 3: The duration difference between vowels in emphasis, pre-emphasis e post-emphasis position. acoustical and perceptual evidence. The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 59:1208-1221. 1976.