James Nelson Novoa and Susana Bastos Mateus

HISPANIA JUDAICA BULLETIN
Articles, Reviews, Bibliography and Manuscripts on Sefarad
Editors: Yom Tov Assis and Raquel Ibáñez-Sperber
No 9 5773/2013
Hispania Judaica
The Mandel Institute of Jewish Studies
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Contents
Editorial
1
English and Spanish Section
Articles
SIMCHA EMANUEL, The Struggle for Provençal Halakhic Independence in the
Thirteenth Century
DAVID M. BUNIS, The Whole Hebrew Reading Tradition of Ottoman
Judezmo Speakers. The Medieval Iberian Roots
JOSÉ HINOJOSA MONTALVO, Indumentaria y signos de identidad entre los
judíos valencianos
RICARDO MUÑOZ SOLLA, Padrones y antroponimia judía del Condado de
Treviño en el siglo 15
ERIC LAWEE, Aharon Aboulrabi: Maverick Exegete from Aragonese Sicily
YOM TOV ASSIS, From Netilat Yadayim (Washing of the Hands) to the
Baptismal Font: A Hebrew Inscription from a Sefardi Synagogue to
the Church in Siculana, Sicily
SUSANA BASTOS MATEUS & JAMES W. NELSON NOVOA, A Sixteenth Century
Voyage of Legitimacy: The Paths of Jácome and António da Fonseca
from Lamego to Rome and Beyond
JUAN IGNACIO PULIDO SERRANO, Pedro de Baeça, un empresario de origen
judío: La administración de las aduanas españolas hacia 1600
LUIS GÓMEZ CANSECO, Lope hebraizante: La Jerusalén bíblica en la
Jerusalén conquistada
JOSÉ ALBERTO RODRIGUES DA SILVA TAVIM, “A Lover³s Discourse: Fragments”.
The Peninsula, Portugal and its Empire in the Iberian Jews³ Discourse:
$)HZ([DPSOHVZLWK6RPH5HÀHFWLRQV
KENNETH BROWN, From Sepharad to Ashkenaz, from a Picaro to a Schlemiel:
The Distinctiveness of 17th and 18th Century Sephardic Creative
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5
15
69
97
131
163
169
193
233
Bibliography and Manuscripts
BIBLIOGRAPHY
NITAI SHINAN, Spanish Manuscripts of Works by Fifteenth Century Spanish
Authors
$XWKRU¶࣠V*XLGHOLQHVDQG7UDQVOLWHUDWLRQ
Contributors
333
359
365
367
Hebrew Section
LIUBOV CHERNIN, 6RFLDO&RQÀLFWLQWKH/LWHUDWXUHRI0LUDFOHV(SLVWOHRI
Severus, Bishop of Menorca
SHALOM SADIK, The Structure of the Soul and Freedom of Choice in the
Thought of Rabbi Yehudah Halevi
HANNAH DAVIDSON, :RPHQDQG*DPEOHUVLQ6SDLQLQWKHth Century
YOCHEVED BEERI, Portuguese Judaizers³ Prayers in 17th Century Spain:
Continuity or Creativity?
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Čė
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A Sixteenth Century Voyage of Legitimacy
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from Lamego to Rome and Beyond
Susana Bastos Mateus and James W. Nelson Novoa1
The article deals with a New Christian family from Lamego, the
Fonsecas, prominent in that city and in international commerce.
7KH IDPLO\ LV VLWXDWHG LQ WKH FRQWH[W RI WKH LPSRUWDQW PHUFDQWLOH
families based around the Douro river in the north of Portugal. It
takes into account various strategies used by them for their own
GHIHQVHZKHQWKHWULEXQDORIWKH,QTXLVLWLRQZDV¿UVWHVWDEOLVKHGLQ
Portugal in 1531. Ultimately they went to Rome in order to plead
their case and also pursue economic interests, settling there and
becoming ensconced in the social and cultural fabric of Portuguese
community in the Eternal City.
On November 22, 1553, Jácome da Fonseca, a Portuguese merchant operating
in Rome, made out, in his own handwriting and in Portuguese, a declaration in
favour of his brother, António, who was then living in Lisbon.2 On the same day it
was undersigned in Latin before Johannes Petrus Barginus, a notary of the Auditor
of the Apostolic Chamber, by two men, a Neapolitan and a cleric from Nice.3 In
it he made clear his decision with regards to a considerable amount of money,
GXFDWVVROGLDQGGHQDULZKLFKZHUHRI¿FLDOO\KLV,QWKHGRFXPHQW
he claimed that all of the money which was present in an account book, the result
of numerous transactions over several years between the two brothers in which
quantities of money and objects were exchanged, was to be ceded to António.
Jácome da Fonseca, a New Christian from Lamego in the north of Portugal,
had been in Rome for over ten years. He was to stay another two, leaving Rome
for the Ottoman city of Salonica in March 1555. His decision to abandon the
1
2
3
Both authors are institutionally linked to the Cátedra de Estudos Sefarditas “Alberto
Benveniste” of the University of Lisbon and recipients of grants from the Fundação
para a Ciência e a Tecnologia of Portugal.
Abbreviations:
ANTT: Arquivos Nacionais da Torre do Tombo, Lisbon.
ASR: Archivio di Stato di Roma, Rome.
CDP: Corpo Diplomático Português, 12 vols Lisboa (1862-1959).
See Appendix, Doc.1.
See Appendix, Doc.2.
[Hispania Judaica௑@
Susana Bastos Mateus and James W. Nelson Novoa
city and Europe was part of a common pattern and strategy shared by Portuguese
conversos in the Early Modern period: that of being able to craftily make out
niches for themselves in given settings, achieving a carefully played out degree
of integration while at the same time allowing for the perpetuation of familial and
social links outside of the Iberian peninsula.
-iFRPHGD)RQVHFDPXVWKDYHOHIWKLVQDWLYH/DPHJRWRZDUGVWKHHQGRI
It was at least then that the last mention is made of him in the proceedings of
VHYHUDOWULDOVRIWKHÀHGJOLQJWULEXQDORIWKH,QTXLVLWLRQLQKLVKRPHWRZQZKLFK
involved him directly. He is mentioned as one of the individuals in the town
WREHQH¿WIURPDSDSDOVDIHFRQGXFWWROHDYH3RUWXJDODQGJRWR5RPHLQDEULHI
PDGHRXWE\3DXO,,,UHTXHVWLQJWKHUHOHDVHRIDUHODWLYHRIKLV3HGUR
)XUWDGRPDGHRXWRQ-XQH5 The next news we have of him is in Rome,
where, in the proceedings of the trial of the New Christian Diogo Fernandes Netto
LQ2FWREHU1RYHPEHUWKURXJKWKHWULEXQDORIWKH*RYHUQRURI5RPHKHLV
PHQWLRQHGDVEHLQJDZHOOUHVSHFWHGPHUFKDQWDQGUHFRJQL]HG¿JXUHRIDXWKRULW\
there among the Portuguese conversos2Q2FWREHUKHLVGHVFULEHGE\D
New Christian resident of the city as a mercante et huomo de bene qui in Roma.6
Other witnesses in the trial attest to Fonseca’s activities as a representative of
the Portuguese New Christians in the court of Rome, one of several individuals
who, at least ostensibly, presented themselves as being in Rome to work on behalf
of their brethren back in Portugal in a number of ways to assuage the effects of
WKH3RUWXJXHVH,QTXLVLWLRQZKLFKKDG¿UVWEHHQLQVWDWHGLQWKHNLQJGRPLQ
Through the payment of papal bulls which altered policy in favour of the New
Christians contrary to the designs of João III (1502-1557), if only for a time and
the purchase of papal briefs of absolution from the sentences of the tribunal which
would enable people to leave and safeconducts to be able to leave the kingdom and
JRWR5RPHWKHVH1HZ&KULVWLDQVPDQDJHGWRSURFXUHEHQH¿WVDQGDGYDQWDJHV
for family members, friends and people that promised them funds in exchange for
WKHLUVHUYLFHVLQ5RPH6XFKDUROHZDVRI¿FLDOO\VDQFWLRQHGLQDSDSDOEULHIRI
5
6
News on the tribunal are scarce. It would seem to have disappeared altogether after
6HH WKH HQWU\ E\ (OYLUD &XQKD GH $]HYHGR 0HD LQ WKH Dizionario storico
dell’Inquisizione, vol. 2, dir. Adriano Prosperi, con la collaborazione di Vincenzo
Lavenia e John Tedeschi, Pisa 2010, pp. 867-868. In addition see our article ‘The Case
of the New Christians of Lamego as an Example of Resistance Against the Portuguese
Inquisition in Sixteenth Century Portugal’, Hispania Judaica Bulletin 6 (2008), pp.
85-88.
Susana Bastos Mateus and James W. Nelson Novoa, ‘The Case of the New Christians
of Lamego as an Example of Resistance Against the Portuguese Inquisition in
Sixteenth Century Portugal’, Hispania Judaica Bulletin 6 (2006), p. 99.
See James W Nelson Novoa,‘The Trial of Diogo Fernandes Neto by the Tribunale del
governatore di Roma’, Hispania Judaica Bulletin 7 (2010), p. 296.
[170@
A Sixteenth Century Voyage of Legitimacy
July 20, 1535, which established that the Portuguese New Christians could have
procurators, clerics or laymen, men or women, who represented their interests
anywhere, even in the Roman Curia. Among the privileges of being designated a
procurator was that of being exempt from the regular jurisdiction of the Inquisition
in Portugal along with one’s kin.7
His role as one such agent or procurator was attested by a letter from the king of
3RUWXJDOWRWKH3RUWXJXHVHDPEDVVDGRULQ5RPH%DOWD]DUGH)DULDRQ)HEUXDU\
:ULWLQJWRWKHGLSORPDW-RmR,,,LQIRUPHGKLPWKDWKHKDGJDLQHGDFFHVVWRD
OHWWHURIKLVLQ)ODQGHUVZKLFKPDGHLWFOHDUWKDWKHZDV¿UPO\HQVFRQFHGLQ5RPH
as a procurator of the New Christians.8$\HDUODWHURQ1RYHPEHUKLV
VWDWXVDVD1HZ&KULVWLDQUHSUHVHQWDWLYHZDVRI¿FLDOO\UHFRJQL]HGLQDSDSDOEULHI
The brief, made out to the nuncio in Portugal, Giovanni Ricci di Montepulciano
ZKR KDG RQO\ WDNH XS KLV GXWLHV WKHUH LQ 6HSWHPEHU RI WKDW \HDU
stated that Fonseca, described as from Lamego but currently residing in Rome,
and his family were to be accorded the rights and privileges which corresponded to
RWKHUVXFKRI¿FLDOO\VDQFWLRQHGUHSUHVHQWDWLYHVLQNHHSLQJZLWKWKHWHUPVVSHOOHG
out in the papal bull of July 20, 1535. Along with Fonseca, Pedro Furtado was
accorded the same rights and privileges in the document.9
)XUWDGRKLPVHOI¿UVWDSSHDUHGLQD5RPDQDUFKLYDOGRFXPHQWRQ$XJXVW
ZKHQDORQJZLWK)RQVHFDKHVROGWKHFRQWHQWVRIDZDUHKRXVHRIVSLFHV
and the warehouse itself to another Portuguese resident of the city, Diogo Dias.10
The sale, registered before a notary of the auditor of the Apostolic Chamber,
indicated that both Fonseca and Furtado, had, through their venture, been involved
LQWKHVSLFHWUDGH,WZDVDQDWXUDO¿HOGRIHQGHDYRXUIRUERWKRIWKHP)RQVHFD
as a merchant, and Furtado a doctor, in a period in which erudite physicians were
SDUWLFXODUO\LQWHUHVWHGLQWKHEHQH¿FLDOHIIHFWVZKLFKRULHQWDOVSLFHVFRXOGKDYHRQ
people. After the sale Fonseca was to remain in Rome, consecrated as a mercator
Portugallensis Romanam curiam sequens, while Furtado was to help engineer the
arrival of New Christians into Tuscany following Cosimo de Medici´s January
LQYLWDWLRQ WR WKHP FKLHI DPRQJ WKHP KLV ZLIH ,VDEHO *RPHV KLV EURWKHU
Gabriel and his brother-in-law, Diogo de Andrade. 11
7
The bull is published in CDP, vol. 3, pp. 220-222 and as doc. 1760 in Shlomo
Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews. Documents YRO 7RURQWR SS
1191-1192, docs: 1522-1538.
8 Published in the CDP, vol. 5, p. 270.
9 Published in Shlomo Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews. Documents 15391545, vol. 5, Toronto 1990, p. 2505, doc. 2568.
10 The contract was published in James Nelson Novoa, ‘Portugal in Rome: Glimpses of
the Portuguese New Christian Representation in Rome through the Archivio di Stato
of Rome’, Giornale di Storia 3 (2010) www.giornaledistoria.net
11 The events are reconstructed in our article ‘De Lamego para a Toscana: o périplo
[171@
Susana Bastos Mateus and James W. Nelson Novoa
The Making of a Family Network in Lamego
The events take us back to Lamego, a Portuguese city in the northern interior of
the kingdom which possessed a Jewish community of some importance already
DWWKHHQGRIWKHIRXUWHHQWKFHQWXU\DQGHVSHFLDOO\LQWKH¿IWHHQWKFHQWXU\EHIRUH
WKHIRUFHGFRQYHUVLRQRI:KLOHEDVHGLQ/DPHJRWKLV-HZLVKFRPPXQLW\
KDG DQ DPSOH QHWZRUN RI LQÀXHQFHV ZKLFK H[WHQGHG WKHPVHOYHV WR 2SRUWR DQG
to the Entre Douro and Minho regions. Dominating the reception of a cobrança
das rendas and DOPR[DULIDGRV, or government posts which involved the collection
of taxes and commerce, these families easily arrived to positions of power both
in the periphery and the court12. Lamego, located in a strategic position between
three districts, extended its sphere of activity to both shores of the Douro river.
This crossroads linked the districts of Beira, Entre Douro-e-Minho and Trás-osMontes, allowing for an ample circulation of goods and people.13.
Situated in this privileged geographical context, the Jewish community in
/DPHJRZRXOGVHHPWRKDYHJRQHWKURXJKDVLJQL¿FDQWFKDQJHLQWKH\HDUVEHIRUH
WKHH[SXOVLRQRIWKH-HZVIURP6SDLQLQ/RFDWHGQHDUWKHERUGHUEHWZHHQ
Portugal and Castille, this city underwent a considerable increase in its population
of Jewish origin after this date. Research on this community suggests that it saw a
do médico Pedro Furtado, cristão-novo português’, Cadernos de Estudos Sefarditas
5 (2006), pp. 313-338. The background to the privileges is dealt with in detail in
the following articles by Lucia Frattarelli Fischer: ‘Ebrei a Pisa fra Cinquecento e
Settecento’, Gli ebrei di Pisa (secoli IX-XX): Atti del Convegno internazionale. Pisa,
3-4 ottobre 1994, Michele Luzzati, Pisa 1998, pp. 89-115, ‘Cristiani nuovi e nuovi
ebrei in Toscana fra Cinque e Seicento: Legittimazioni e percorsi individuali’ in
L’identità dissimulata. Giudaizzanti iberici nell’europa dell’età moderna, Pier Cesare
Ioly Zorattini, Leo. S. Olschki eds., Firenze, 2000, pp. 217-231, ‘Il principe, i nuovi
cristiani e gli ebrei’, in Vivere fuori dal Ghetto. Ebrei a Pisa e Livorno (secoli XVIXVIII), Torino 2008, pp. 15-68.
12 On the Paz family and their importance in the north of Portugal see the unpublished
Master’s dissertation by Carlos Manuel Valentim, Uma Família de Cristãos-Novos
Entre Douro e Minho: Os Paz. Reprodução Familiar, Formas de Mobilidade Social,
Mercancia e Poder (1495-1598), Unpublished Master’s dissertation in Modern
History presented in 2007. Universidade de Lisboa.
13 António Borges Coelho, analyzing the book by Rui Fernandes, Descrição do Terreno
em roda de Lamego duas léguas (1531-1532), refers to the geographical links of
Lamego in Quadros para uma Viagem a Portugal no séc. XVI, Lisboa 1986, pp.
See the introduction to the work by Rui Fernandes, Descrição do terreno ao redor de
/DPHJRGXDVOpJXDV>@Edição crítica de Amândio Jorge Morais Barros,
Lamego 2001, p. 19.
[172@
A Sixteenth Century Voyage of Legitimacy
SHULRGRIUHODWLYHSURVSHULW\XQWLOWKHHQWU\RIWKH,QTXLVLWLRQLQ15 The arrival
RI WKH +RO\ 2I¿FH WKHUH HYHQ LI VKRUW OLYHG HQGHG XS GLYLGLQJ VRPH IDPLOLHV
provoking an exile from Portugal and causing others to leave for Lisbon after a
period of incarceration.
The presence of an inquisitorial tribunal in Lamego in this brief period was
FKDUDFWHUL]HGE\YHU\LQFLVLYHDQGUHSUHVVLYHDFWLYLW\LQZKLFKGLRFHVDQRI¿FLDOV
VHUYHGWKH+RO\2I¿FHLQD9LVLWDWLRQDQRI¿FLDOLQTXLVLWRULDOLQYHVWLJDWLRQZKLFK
gathered hundreds of denunciations, testimony to the tension in social life there
which predominated in the years leading up to the creation of the tribunal in the
city16. The denunciations presented to the Inquisitor, Manuel de Almada, in the
\HDUVEHWZHHQDQGFHQWHUHGWKHPVHOYHVDURXQGLPSRUWDQWJURXSVRI
New Christians from Lamego.17 In addition, the inquisitorial documents, through
the importance which they accorded to genealogy, allow us to reconstruct some of
the fundamental elements of these families and the level of kinship between them.
The Furtado, Fonseca and Paz families all appear in the pages produced by the
+RO\2I¿FHDOOIDPLOLHVZKRVHPHPEHUVZRXOGSOD\DQLPSRUWDQWUROHLQWKHHDUO\
efforts on the part of the New Christians against the Inquisition. In the context of
Lamego some of these people would be of prime importance in the New Christian
diaspora, especially in Rome and other parts of the Italian peninsula.
Through the inquistorial trial of Jerónimo Fernandes, o padilha, a merchant
and one of the brothers of Jácome da Fonseca and António da Fonseca, we can
understand the family ties which united these families from Lamego. Held between
DQGWKLVWULDOSUHVHQWVDPSOHJHQHDORJLFDOLQIRUPDWLRQ$FFRUGLQJWR
the witnesses, the brothers Jácome, António, Jerónimo, Isabel Nunes and Rui
Fernandes, were children of Mestre Fernando and grandchildren of Mestre Rodrigo,
both residents in Lamego who “being Jews, inspired by the Holy Spirit, were
converted well before the general conversion”.18 Their father, mestre Fernando,
moved to Évora, where he met king Manuel and was baptised, having the monarch
as godfather. The family could later invoke mestre Fernando`s conversion before
DVSURRIRIWKHVLQFHULW\RIWKHLUFRQYHUVLRQWRWKH&KULVWLDQIDLWK
In the pages of the inquisitorial trial against Jerónimo Fernandes other family
ties in Lamego are borne out. Thus his relation to the licenciado Diogo de
15
See the article by Maria José Ferro Tavares on the importance of the Jewish presence
LQWKLVUHJLRQEHIRUHWKHJHQHUDOFRQYHUVLRQRIµ2V&ULVWmRV1RYRVHPWHUUDV
da comarca da Beira’, Rumos e escrita da história: Estudos em homenagem a A.A.
Marques de Almeida, Lisboa 2006, pp. 557-579.
16 These denunciations appear in the book of denunciations gathered by the tribunal of
WKH,QTXLVLWLRQRI/DPHJRFI$177,QTXLVLomRGH/DPHJR/LYUR±'HQ~QFLDV
17 See our article ‘The Case of the New Christians of Lamego’, pp. 85-88.
18 “sendo judeus, inspirados pelo espírito santo, se converteram muito antes da expulsão
geral”, ANTT, Inquisição de LisboaSURFHVVRIROU
[173@
Susana Bastos Mateus and James W. Nelson Novoa
Andrade, “...who was a Master of Arts in Law and was well known in Lamego
as a well educated man...”.19 We learn that Diogo de Andrade was married to Ana
Furtado, the daughter of Duarte Furtado who was the brother of mestre Rodrigo,
the grandfather of the accused.20 In this way, we can conclude that there was a level
of kinship between Jácome, António da Fonseca and the doctor Pedro Furtado.21
The last group which can be linked to the Fonseca are the important Paz family.22
Once again, perusing Jerónimo Fernandes’ inquisitorial trial we can see that he
was incarcerated with his wife, Justa de Paz, and with Justa’s sister, Filipa Mendes
and her husband, António Dias. In his defence he stated that the accused appealed
to the fact that they were exempt from the regular jurisdiction of the Inquisition,
in virtue of “a bull made out to Duarte de Paz”, the notorious individual who was
WKH¿UVWNQRZQPDQLQ5RPHWRFODLPWKDWKHZDVDUHSUHVHQWDWLYHRIWKH1HZ
Christians in the papal court whose tenure went from 1532 to 1538, a copy of
which was included in the inquisitorial trial. 23 According to him:
They intend to prove that Duarte de Paz, a knight of the order of Christ, the
son of one Mestre João, at the time residents in the city of Oporto along
with some people, who were moved by hatred against him and his kin more
than by zeal for justice and assistance to Our Lord and the Holy Father as
indicated in justice and clemency declared in the present bull.
19 ³>TXH@HUD/LFHQFLDGRHPOHLVKHHVWDYDHPIIDPDQHVWDFLGDGH>GH/DPHJR@GRVERQV
leterados dela”, Ibid., fol. 63r.
20 Ibid., fol. 62v.
21 See our article:‘De Lamego para a Toscana’, pp. 313-338.
22 On this see the unpublished Master’s dissertation by Carlos Manuel Valentim (n. 12
above).
23 “bula passada em benefício de Duarte de Paz”. The papal brief, apparently dated January
ZDVPDGHRXWWR&DUGLQDO$QWRQLR3XFFLWKHWLWXODUDUFKSULHVWRI
the Basilica of Santi Quattro, the cardinal protector of Portugal in the Roman Curia,
the bishop of Vannes, and the Penitentiary Major since 1529, to ensure that its terms
would be respected and that all of Paz’s kin be exempt from the jurisdiction of the
WULEXQDO$177,QTXLVLomRGH/LVERDSURFHVVRIROVUY2Q3D]LQ5RPH
see Alexandre Herculano, History of the Origin and Establishment of the Inquisition
in Portugal. Prolegomenon by Y.H. Yerushalmi, trans. by John C. Branner, New York
1968, pp. 318-319 and James William Nelson Novoa, ‘The Departure of Duarte de Paz
from Rome in the Light of Documents from the Secret Vatican Archives’, Cadernos
de Estudos Sefarditas 7 (2007), pp. 273-300.
“Entendem provar que vindo a noticia de Duarte de Paz cavaleiro da ordem de cristo
I¿OKRGHKXPPHVWUHMRmRGHSD]PRUDGRUHVTXHIIRUmRQDFLGDGHGR3RUWRFRPRDOJXmV
SHVVRDVPRYLGDVFRP,PSHWXGH,PL]DGHTXHFRQWUDHOOHHVHXVFRQVDJXLQHRVHDI¿QV
tinhão mais que con zelo de justiça se socorreo do nosso senhor o santo padre que o
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A Sixteenth Century Voyage of Legitimacy
The arguments of the defence were based on the idea that the names included
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WKH GRFXPHQW RQH RI WKH SHRSOH LQFOXGHG ZKR FRXOG EHQH¿W IURP MXULVGLFWLRQDO
exemption was Rui Mendes, a resident of Lamego who was an uncle of Duarte de
Paz, being the brother of Paz’s mother. This Rui Mendes was married in Lamego
to Justa de Paz, with a son, Heitor Mendes. Heitor in turn married Isabel Mendes
and from this marriage Justa de Paz and Filipa Mendes were born, “…who are
grandaughters of Rui Mendez, the aforementioned person who is exempt from the
jurisdiction of your graces...”.25
This same defence strategy was used in the inquisitorial trial against Isabel
Mendes. Her family members alleged that the contents of the brief in favour of
Duarte de Paz could be invoked to exempt her from the jurisdiction of inquisitors,
with the exception of Cardinal Henry (1512-1580), the bishop of Braga and the
brother of king João III.26 In the case of the trial of Jerónimo Fernandes, it was his
own brother, António da Fonseca who used the text of the papal brief before the
inquisitors.277KHDUJXPHQWVRIWKHDFFXVHGFRQWLQXHGRQLQWRDQGZH¿QG
UHIHUHQFHVWRWKHWULDOLQDGHFODUDWLRQRISUR[\PDGHRXWRQ'HFHPEHULQ
the headquarters of the Inquisition of Lamego in which António Dias and his wife
Filipa Mendes were present alongside Jerónimo Fernandes and his wife Justa de
Paz and Cecília Cardosa, Jácome da Fonseca’s wife. In this declaration of proxy
they chose as their procurators Rui Fernandes, a knight of the court (probably the
other brother of Jerónimo Fernandes, António and Jácome da Fonseca) and one
Dr. João Ferreira28.
7KHVKRUWOLYHGWULEXQDORIWKH+RO\2I¿FHLQ/DPHJRVHHPHGWRKDYHWXUQHG
LWVDWWHQWLRQWRWKHIDPLO\RIWKHZLIHRI$QWyQLRGD)RQVHFD2Q0D\LQ
the Episcopal palace of Lamego, before the Inquisitor Manuel de Almada and the
jailer Fernão Esteves, a New Christian who was imprisoned and Isabel Cardosa,
the widow of Luís Ferreira, was called forward. This New Christian woman was
the mother of Antónia Luís, who, at the time was about 16 years old and was
25
26
27
28
provesse com sua justiça he clementia e asi aos seus conteudos nesta bula que se aqui
apresenta”. ANTT, Inquisição de LisboaSURFHVVRIROU
“...as quais são netas do dito Ruj Mendez pessoa expressa e exenta da Jurisdição de
VV merces como acima dito he”. Ibid., fol. 6v.
ANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa SURFHVVR ÀV U H Y )RU DQ DQDO\VLV RI WKH
case of Isabel Mendes see Susana Bastos Mateus, ‘A acção do Santo Ofício sobre a
FRPXQLGDGHFULVWmQRYDGH/DPHJRRFDVRGH,VDEHO0HQGHV¶Cadernos
de Estudos Sefarditas 7 (2007), pp. 301-320.
2Q -XO\ $QWyQLR GD )RQVHFD FHUWL¿HV WKDW KH SUHVHQWHG WKH SDSDO EULHI RQ
account of his brother, Jerónimo Fernandes, cf. ANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, processo
IROU
See ANTT, Inquisição de LisboaSURFHVVRIROU
[175@
Susana Bastos Mateus and James W. Nelson Novoa
married to António da Fonseca. Their wedding had been decided upon two years
before and the young woman passed directly from the house of her parents to
the house of her husband.29 Antónia Luís had two other sisters, Beatriz Cardosa,
married to doctor Paulo Luís, procurator of Aveiro and Cecília Cardosa, deceased,
who had been married to Gabriel Dias. A niece of Isabel Cardosa, also called
Cecília Cardosa, was married to one António de Coimbra.
This genealogical reconstruction allows us to conclude that Jácome along
with his brother, António da Fonseca, belonged to important families which were
LQVHUWHGLQWRZHOOGH¿QHGQHWZRUNVRIORFDOSRZHULQWKHQRUWKRI3RUWXJDO$VZH
shall see, these bonds, which existed and were consolidated in Portugal, were to
be of crucial importance when the New Christian went on the plead their cause
LQWKH5RPDQ&XULDZKHUHWKH\SOD\HGDIXQGDPHQWDOUROHLQWKHÀHGJOLQJ\HDUV
of the Inquisition in Portugal. The links of solidarity and family which had been
constructed in Portugal would seem to have accompanied these individuals in their
voyage to the Eternal City and other destinations in the diaspora.
Jácome, and then António da Fonseca, in Rome
As we have seen, it is unclear when and how Jácome arrived in Rome yet he was
FHUWDLQO\WKHUHE\,Q5RPH-iFRPHGD)RQVHFD¶VFRPPHUFLDOIRUD\VZHUH
not limited to the sale of spices. Throughout the middle of the sixteenth century
he was consistently engaged in a variety of commercial activities, linked to the
SDUWLFXODUQDWXUHRI5RPHHVSHFLDOO\LQWKDWSHULRG$VLQGLFDWHGLQWKHRI¿FLDO
designation by which Jácome da Fonseca was constantly referred to in several
documents, mercator Romanam curiam sequens, he was a merchant in Rome. In
sixteenth parlance however this meant much more than a man who simply sells his
wares. Fonseca was one of many such men who settled in the Eternal City to serve
as intermediaries in the purchase and sale of goods in international commerce but
also as a banker who had business dealings with the Roman Curia.30 Aside from
his efforts on behalf of the New Christians the choice of Rome was dictated by
economic and commercial interests. The city, as the capital of a major state in its
own right in the Italian peninsula and as the seat of the Catholic Church, offered
innumerable opportunities for business and commercial activities. By the middle
of the sixteenth century the bureaucracy of the Church had grown to such a point
that funds were consistently required to be able to support its manifold activities
29 ANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, processo 7925, fol. 15r.
30 For the case of Florentine merchant bankers in Rome in the period see Melissa
Meriam Bullard, ‘Mercatores Florentini Romanam Curiam Sequentes’, The Journal
of Medieval and Renaissance Studies VI, 1 (1976), pp. 51-71.
[176@
A Sixteenth Century Voyage of Legitimacy
and obligations, chief among them the Apostolic Chamber, the body charged
ZLWKWKHDGPLQLVWUDWLRQRIWKH&KXUFKV¿QDQFHVZKLFKKDGWRUHO\RQDOHJLRQRI
bankers to provide it with funds.31
In numerous archival documents held in the archives of the Auditor of the
Apostolic Chamber Jácome da Fonseca appears consistently as providing funds
for a number of people who are both in Rome and in Portugal. These attest clearly
to his integration into the social and economic fabric of Rome and his prominence
in business, especially among the Iberian residents of the city. The documents
LQGLFDWHDYDULHW\RI¿QDQFLDORSHUDWLRQVLQZKLFK)RQVHFDZDVDSDUWLFLSDQWOHWWHUV
of credit in which he sends money from Rome and receives it on behalf of others,
acquittances, partnerships in business agreements. The activities, which become
HVSHFLDOO\HYLGHQWWKURXJKWKH¿UVWKDOIRIWKH¶VFRLQFLGHZLWKWKHSRQWL¿FDWH
RI-XOLXV,,,DSRQWL¿FDWHHVSHFLDOO\IDYRXUDEOHWR3RUWXJXHVH1HZ
Christians, notably in the concessions granted to them in Ancona.32
+LV EURWKHU $QWyQLR ZDV RIWHQ DQ LQWHJUDO SOD\HU LQ -iFRPH¶V ¿QDQFLDO
operations and it is clear that the two worked hand in hand for years. There are
several examples of the exchange and passage of money from Rome to his brother
in Lisbon and from António to Jácome in Rome, operations which began in
earnest especially after Jácome signed the declaration in favour of his brother in
VRPHRIZKLFKLQYROYHGWKHWUDQVIHURIIXQGVIURP3RUWXJXHVHWR3RQWL¿FDO
currency and vice versa. It could be that Jácome was consolidating his affairs with
his brother for his next and impending departure, leaving António in place as the
man who would manage his dealings in Rome.
The death of Julius III on March 23, 1555 marked the end of an era in the
relation of the Holy See and the Portuguese New Christians. Writing to João III
to inform about the pope´s death the Portuguese ambassador, Diogo Mendes de
31 Peter Partner, ‘Papal Financial Policy in the Renaissance and Counter-Reformation’,
Past and Present 88 (1980), pp. 17-62; Francesco Guidi Bruscoli, Papal Banking in
Renaissance Rome: Benvenuto Olivieri and Paul III, 1534-1549, Aldershot 2007.
32 On papal policy towards Portuguese conversos see Bernard Dov Cooperman,
‘Portuguese conversos in Ancona: Jewish Political Activity in Early Modern Italy’, in
In Iberia and Beyond. Hispanic Jews between Cultures, ed. Bernard Dov Cooperman,
Newark, 1998, pp. 297-352; Ariel Toaff, ‘Nuova luce sul marrani di Ancona (1556)’,
in Studi sull’ebraismo italiano in memoria di Cecil Roth %DUXOOL 5RPD SS
261-280, Shlomo Simonsohn, ‘Marranos in Ancona under Papal Protection’, Michael,
SS %HQMDPLQ 5DYLG µ$ 7DOH RI 7KUHH &LWLHV DQG WKHLU 5DLVRQ
d’État: Ancona, Venice, Livorno, and the Competition for Jewish Merchants in
the Sixteenth Century’, Mediterranean Historical Review 6, 2 (1991) pp. 138-162,
and Aron di Leone Leoni, ‘Per una storia della Nazione Portoghese ad Ancona e a
Pesaro’, in Pier Cesare Ioly Zorattini ed, L’Identità Dissimulata: Giudaizzanti iberici
nell’Europa cristiana dell’eta moderna, Firenze 2000, pp. 28-78.
[177@
Susana Bastos Mateus and James W. Nelson Novoa
Vasconcelos (1523-1599) had disparaging words about the dead pontiff. It was
Julius III who had allowed the New Christians to prosper and men in Rome
like Jácome da Fonseca were instrumental in obtaining briefs of absolution and
VDIHFRQGXFWVWROHDYH3RUWXJDO,WZRXOGVHHPWKDW-iFRPHKDGÀHGDORQJZLWK
other New Christians, to Salonica, several days before the pope´s death. In addition
Vasconcelos explicitly mentions his brother, António da Fonseca, as his partner in
KHOSLQJRUJDQL]HWKHÀLJKWRISHRSOHIURP3RUWXJDODQGLQDUWL¿FLDOO\LQÀDWLQJWKH
exchange rate for the Portuguese currency to the detriment of the kingdom and of
religion. In the same letter Vasconcelos insists that Jácome’s secret adherence to
Judaism was known in Rome and that both brothers were instrumental in having
money sent out from Portugal to Rome via Flanders.33
-XOLXV,,,ZDVIROORZHGE\WKHQRWRULRXV3DXO,9WKHPHPEHURI
the Theatine order and Roman Inquisitor, Giovanni Pietro Carafa, who became
pope on May 23, 1555 after the short lived reign of Marcellus II (April 9, 1555May 1, 1555). Carafa was to go down into history as the pope who ordered the
burning of the stake of 25 New Christians in 1556 who had embraced Judaism in
Ancona, an action which provoked the boycott of the port city by the Ottoman
Empire thanks, at least in part, to the organization of Gracia Mendes Nasi in
addition to being the author of Cum nimis absurdum, WKH EXOO RI -XO\ which created the ghetto of Rome.
33 “E o sollicitador deste breve e d’outros tais he segundo me diserão Antonio Lopez, o
qual com hum seu genro por nome Simão Lopez e com um Jacome da Fonseca que
d’aqui fogio os dias pasados pera Salonique ordenarão nesta corte huma certa alquimia
de fazer expedições de pessoas dese reino tendo la por respondente a hum Antonio da
Fonseca, morador em Lixboa, irmão do dito Jacome da Fonsequa com a qual alem de
roubarem os humeens com lhe levarem a mais cruel e desacustumada onzena que se
nunca vio que he seiscentos e vinte reis por hum cruzado em espaço de cinquo meses
fazem muito grande deserviço a Deus e a Vossa Alteza porque sendo pessoas sospeitas
na fe e que antre os bons portugueses que aqui residem são havidos por judeus por
HYLGHQWHV VLQDLV VH HQWUHPHWWHQ HP FRXVDV HFFOHVLDVWLFD H EHQH¿FLDLV GH PRGR TXH
nom ha simonia nem erro que at atenças d’estas as pessoas ignorantes e incautas nom
cometão e muitas demandas as quais se acabarião com amigavel concordia muitas
vezes, estes polo ganho que diso tirão as fazem immortais embiando as partes com
palavras e gastando-lhe e fazendo gastar suas fazendas e o que pior he fazendo padecer
JUDQGHGHWULPHQWRDVLJUHMDVHDRVOLWLJDQWHVDQGDUIRUDGHVHXVEHQH¿FLRVFRPJUDQGH
carrego de suas conscientias.
E alem disto tenho sabido que pera tirarem o dinheiro de la pera ca com outro tanto
ganho o empregão em Lisboa em ouro da mina e o mandão a Frandes onde se ganha
muito nelle e d’ahi vem o dinheiro com ganho pera esta corte. E alem d’estas cousas
cometem outros maiores males...” CDP, vol. 7, pp. 378-379. The allegations regarding
the exchange rate would seem to refer to some transactions between Jácome and
)RQVHFDLQZKLFK3RUWXJXHVHDQG3RQWL¿FDOFXUUHQFLHVZHUHH[FKDQJHG
For the situation of Jews in Rome during the papacies of Julius III and Paul IV see
[178@
A Sixteenth Century Voyage of Legitimacy
7KHDUULYDORQWKHSDSDOWKURQHRI3LXV,9RQ'HFHPEHU
ZDVWRVLJQDODZHOFRPHUHVSLWHIRU-HZVLQWKH3RQWL¿FDO6WDWHV$EURJDWLQJVRPH
RIWKHRSSUHVVLYHPHDVXUHVRIKLVSUHGHFHVVRUWKHSRQWL¿FDWHZDVWRXVKHULQD
generally more favourable period for Jews and New Christians, something which
ZDVFDUULHGRQZLWKWKHSRQWL¿FDWHVRI3LXV9*UHJRU\;,,,
1585) and Sixtus V (1585-1590).35 7KH ¿YH SRQWL¿FDWHV ZHUH WR FRLQFLGH ZLWK
the almost four decades in which António da Fonseca was to live in Rome, years
during which he was to attain unparalleled success and prestige. As with the case
of his brother years before it is unknown how he arrived there or what route his
voyage took. What is certain is that he lost no time in consolidating himself there.
The precise date of António da Fonseca’s arrival in the city is unknown though
already in February 1556 he appears in documents as a man to be reckoned with
in business transactions in the city, less than a year after Vasconcelos’ disparaging
letter.36
By January 1560 he was known in Rome as a man to whom even the Portuguese
ambassador, Lourcenço Pires de Távora (1510-1573), who had been in the city
VLQFH FRXOG UHO\ RQ IRU KHOS :ULWLQJ WR .LQJ 6HEDVWLDQ KH
pressed this point asking him to allow Fonseca´s sister-in-law to leave Portugal.37
In December of the same year the ambassador claimed that Fonseca lent him
1,000 cruzados, money on which he did not charge the usual interest.38 Sebastian
had been on the Portuguese throne since 1557, even though his grandmother,
Catherine of Austria (1507-1578) was serving as regent, and in his diplomatic
Kenneth R. Stow, The Jews in Rome: 1551-1557, Leiden 1996.
35 For an overview of papal policy of the last half of the sixteenth towards the Jews
see Kenneth R. Stow, Catholic Thought and Papal Jewish Policy, 1555-1593, New
York, 1977.
36 Notari del Tribunale del’AC. 526, fol. 96 r. ASR.
37 Writing to King Sebastian on January 18, 1560 Tavora states: “António da Fonseca,
portuguez estante nesta cidade é banqueiro he pessoa de que me eu aproveito em
muitas occorrencias de serviço d’El Rey e que com dinheiro me acode em necessidade
pello qual sou obrigado a comprir com seus requerimentos. Falleceo hum seu irmão
nos dias passados nessa cidade de morte supitania por nome Ruy Fernandes a molher
GRTXDO¿FRXVHP¿OKRVQHPSDUHQWHVHSRURGLWWR$QWyQLRG¶$IRQVHFDWHUHVWDVXD
cunhada em lugar de may e ella ser prove e deseja emparar e ter qua em sua casa com
sua molher e porque para ella vir he necessaria liçencia de Vossa Alteza receberei mui
gram merce mandar-lhe a dar para se embarcarem não para Liorne e para segurança
GHYLUUHVLGLUQHVWDFLGDGHGDUiWRGD¿DQoDTXHFXPSULUHHX¿FDUHLSRU¿DGRUDOHPGRV
outros porque conheço ese homen e sei que esta he a sua determinação verdadeira e
para que com favor de Vossa Alteza possa pagar parte de minhas obrigações. Peço a
Vossa Alteza faça esta merce que esta gente pede e a molher se chama N”. CDP, vol.
8, pp. 311-312.
38 /HWWHURI7iYRUDWR.LQJ6HEDVWLDQGDWHG'HFHPEHU&'3YROS
[179@
Susana Bastos Mateus and James W. Nelson Novoa
correspondence with the Portuguese king, Távora makes numerous references to
dealings with Fonseca, making it clear that he took recourse to him on a regular
basis as a banker.39
In addition, António’s prowess in banking and business must have been
considerable and well known in Rome from an early date to the Portuguese
community and in Rome in general. The notarial documents place him squarely
at the center of important commercial transactions, ensconced as a mercator
Portugallensis Romanam Curiam sequens dealing with some of Rome´s wellheeled residents who were predominantly of Iberian origin. In a very short time
he managed to obtain legitimacy and prestige. Aside from a respected man about
town to whom fellow merchants and bankers entrusted their business transactions
he became an uncontested leader in the Portuguese community for over twenty
years.
On December 28, 1562 António da Fonseca was elected governor or
administrator of the Church of Saint Anthony of the Portuguese, the national
Church of Portugal in Rome, linked to the church of the same name, one of
many national churches which were often the center for the communal life of the
various nations which were present in the Eternal City. With a national hospice,
church and confraternity whose origins would be traced to the fourteenth century
the Portuguese presence in the city, by the second half of the sixteenth century,
was consolidated and known. In the wake of statutes which were instated by
WKH3RUWXJXHVHHFFOHVLDVWLFDOLQVWLWXWLRQVLQWKHFLW\LQDQGDWKRURXJK
set of rules managed the day to day communal life of the Portuguese residents in
Rome. They saw the creation of the post of a protector of the Portuguese Nation
in Rome, who was to be the head of all of the Portuguese in the city and was,
almost inevitably, the ambassador of Portugal. By the middle of the sixteenth
39 See, for instance the letter of Távora dated July 19, 1561. CDP, vol. 8, p. 311.
A letter of credit for example was received by Fonseca on February 22, 1560 for 2,000
julios to one Juan de Torralba, sent for Portugal where the sum was originally valued
at 2,100 reais, sent to him by Duarte Rodriguez, a Portuguese merchant living in
9DOODGROLG1RWDULGHOO¶$&IROU$65
Miguel D’Almeida Paile, Santo António dos portugueses em Roma. Livro II, (15081593), Lisboa 1951.
On the Portuguese national church and hospice see Paile, Ibid.; Américo do Couto
Oliveira, Situação jurídica do Instituto de Santo António dos portugueses em Roma e a
sua igreja, Braga 1987. On the Portuguese presence in the city in general see Jorge de
Castro, Portugal em Roma, 2 vols, Lisboa 1939, Arnaldo Pinto Cardoso, A presença
portuguesa em Roma, Lisboa 2001, Gaetano Sabatini, ‘La comunità portoghese a
5RPDQHOO¶HWjGHOO¶XQLRQHGHOOHFRURQH¶LQRoma y España. Un crisol de
la cultura europea en la Edad Moderna, coordenador Carlos José Hernando Sánchez,
0DGULGSS
Paile, Ibid., pp. 162-168.
[180@
A Sixteenth Century Voyage of Legitimacy
century the post of governor was occupied by a man who was elected annually
among a congregation of twenty of the most reputable and wealthy members of
the Portuguese community in Rome.
The prestigious post, which carried with it the multiple responsabilities for the
day to day life of the administration of the national Church was held for a year.
The following year the elected governor of the Church of Saint Anthony then
became the governor of the hospice, the property it owned, as well as various
LQYHVWPHQWVDQGEXVLQHVVLQWHUHVWVDQGZDVDFHQWUDO¿JXUHLQWKHDGPLQLVWUDWLRQRI
the Portuguese community in Rome. Hence there were two governors at all times:
one for the church the other for the hospice. Fonseca was to hold the governorship
VHYHUDOWLPHVKDYLQJ¿UVWEHFRPHDPHPEHURIWKHFRQJUHJDWLRQRI3RUWXJXHVH
eligible to vote for the governor on December 25, 1560.
During the decades which followed until his death in 1588 he was considered
one of the undisputed leaders of the Portuguese community in Rome, a man to
EHFRXQWHGRQIRUPRQH\DQGWREHHQWUXVWHGZLWKHQKDQFLQJWKH¿QDQFHVRIWKH
national church and hospice, selling and purchasing buildings in the city. By
far considered the best administrator of the community among the Portuguese
residents in the city, a fact borne out by the times his numerous governorships
KH ZDV WR OHDYH D GH¿QLWH DQG ODVWLQJ
impression in the collective memory of the Portuguese in Rome.
In what has been interpreted as his preparedness on making out his last will
and testament he bequeathed 361 scudi for a chapel to be built and decorated in the
Spanish national church of San Giacomo degli spagnoli, as a response to the new
UHDOLW\RIWKHGRPLQDWLRQRIWKH6SDQLVKLQ3RUWXJDOIURPRQZDUGV,QD¿QDO
gesture of legitimacy he left 200 scudi to the Portuguese national church so that a
mass could be said by Portuguese chaplains for his soul every year on the feast of
Saint Blaise but in the Spanish national church, likely on account of his living in
the parish of San Biagio della Fossa. He had already disposed that the same be
The governor was elected annually on the feast of the Holy Innocents, December
28, by the members of the congregation. The conditions of eligibility to the post of
governor were, apart from recognized virtue, reputation and wealth, that of being born
in Portugal or at least brought up there and not belonging to a religious order except
IRUNQLJKWVRIWKH2UGHUVRI&KULVW6DLQW-DPHV$YL]RU6DLQW-RKQ2QWKHRI¿FHLQ
the early sixteenth century see Ibid., pp. 168-183.
Ibid., 229.
Gaetano Sabatini, ‘La comunità portoghese a Roma nell’età dell’unione delle corone
¶LQRoma y España: Un crisol de la cultura europea en la Edad Moderna,
coord. Carlos José Hernando Sánchez, Madrid 2007, pp. 851-852. Paile, Ibid, Livro.
II, pp. 230-237.
Paile, Ibid, Livro II, pp. 236-237.
Claudio de Dominicis, ‘La famiglia Fonseca di Roma’, Strenna dei romanisti LIII
[181@
Susana Bastos Mateus and James W. Nelson Novoa
done for the soul of his wife, Antonia Luisa, who died in 1582. A mass was to be
said every year in the same chapel and on the same feast day.
Firmly entrenched in the Eternal City as the uncontested administrator of the
Portuguese community in the city António da Fonseca had attained a notable level
of legitimacy and prestige. With impeccable Catholic credentials he was respected
E\ERWKWKH3RUWXJXHVHZKRKDGFKRVHQWRPDNHRI5RPHDSODFHRI¿[HGUHVLGHQFH
and the Portuguese diplomatic representatives. Little could they have known about
all the details of Fonseca’s long journey from Lamego where he had to defend his
kin from the dungeons of the Inquisition or about his Jewish origins. He died in
the midst of the Portuguese community in Rome, his reputation intact, mourned as
a faithful son of the Church.
Epilogue
$WWKHVDPHWLPHWKDW$QWyQLRGD)RQVHFDZDVOLYLQJKLV¿QHVWKRXULQ5RPHKLV
name was being invoked in Lisbon as one of Christendom’s greatest enemies. The
tribunal of the Inquisition of Lisbon brought before it, in September 1578, Tomé
Pegado da Paz, the son of Duarte da Paz who had returned to Portugal after having
lived, for almost twenty years in the Levant, as a convert to Judaism. Initially
having left the kingdom to search in vain to meet his father he instead served Josef
Nasi, the converso Lisbon-born merchant and courtier who had, during his years
LQ(XURSHJRQHE\WKHQDPHRI-RmR0LFDV50 Before his accusers in
Lisbon he claimed to have come across letters by António da Fonseca to Micas,
providing the New Christian leader with strategic information about what was
going on in Christendom, information especially precious in the years surrounding
the battle of Lepant and the ongoing struggle with the Ottoman Empire.51 Evidently
Fonseca was one of several New Christians, established in Europe, who were in
SS
Sabatini, p. 852; Paile, Ibid, Livro. II, p. 235.
50 Much of the trial has been published in Carlos Manuel Valentim, ‘Tomé Pegado,
espião e servidor do duque de Naxos (1552-1578)’, Cadernos de Estudos Sefarditas SS
51 “E entre alguas cousas que disse tocantes a seu negocio disse maise que no tempo que
esteve em Turquia avera dez annos pouco mais ou menos sabe elle testemunha que há
da fé Antonio de Fonseca, cristoamnovo, residente em Corte de Roma mandava cartas
ao Micas a Constantinpola, pellas quaes lhe escrevia muitos avisos do que (se) passava
na Christiandade contro o Turco pera que o ditto Micas as dissessse ao dito Turco e
he lembrado que se dizia em Constantinopla entre judeus de dentro de casa do Micas,
como o ditto Antono de Fonseca avisara que nom emuitissem os turcos com a armada
de dom João d’Austria, por ir muito bem apercebida”, Ibid., p. 339.
[182@
A Sixteenth Century Voyage of Legitimacy
regular contact with Micas and had provided information about the goings in in the
respective courts where they resided.52
According to Paz’s accusations after leaving Rome Jácome had settled
in Salonica along with two sons who had taken up Jewish names and António
had been in regular contact with them. Jácome had apparently sent a son of his
to collect money to be brought back to Turkey.53 It does not seem that Paz´s
allegations reached Rome. In the same years António da Fonseca was at the height
of his fortune in the city, a recognized leader in the Portuguese community there,
a reference for all. No one could have conceivably accused him of having divided
loyalties.
Both Jácome and António had come a long way since their efforts on behalf
RINLQLQWKHLUQDWLYHODQG\HDUVEHIRUH7KH\KDGEHFRPH¿UPO\HQVFRQFHGLQWKH
social fabric of the capital of Christendom, as merchants and even leaders in the
Portuguese community there. Jácome himself had followed the route so many
others did to the Ottoman Empire where he openly embraced the Jewish faith. By
currying prestige and legitimacy both had successfully and publicly eliminated the
suspicion of disloyalty which their origins could raise and did raise back home. It
was in Rome where, undoubtedly, they had lived their moment of greatest triumph.
Through years of careful and meticulous work both had achieved levels of success
for themselves and their families. In doing so they continued to chart and to build a
network which, based on blood ties from their homeland, continued on in the lands
of the diaspora in the sixteenth century. The paths trod by Jácome and Antonio
are, in this way, emblematic of those chosen by other Portuguese New Christians,
who forced by inquisitorial persecution and the conditions imposed by life in the
Iberian peninsula for their social mobility, chose the way of exile, in this case, the
city of Rome, as a way of attaining legitimacy and social prestige.
52 The matter has been masterfully studied by José Alberto Rodrigues da Silva Tavim,
‘O “aviso” anónimo sobre João Micas na colecção de S. Vicente’, Anais de História
de Além-Mar SS
53 9DOHWLP,ELGS
[183@
Susana Bastos Mateus and James W. Nelson Novoa
Documentary appendix
Document 1
A declaration, on the part of Jacome da Fonseca made out on November
22, 1553 reiterating a previous one made out before a notary of the Auditor
of the Apostolic Chamber on 8 May, 1553 in which he stated that the goods
and money which were mentioned in an account book in forty four folios,
which registered transactions between Jacome, a resident of Rome and his
brother António, a resident of Lisbon, all belonged to António. Jacome
declared that he renounces any claims on the funds, which were the result
of transactions which he undertook on behalf of his brother who was absent
at the time. In addition he stipulated various dispositions to be undertaken
by notaries in order to have the funds passed on to António.
Dyguo eu Jacome da fomseca, bamqueyro portuges E Resydimtte Nesta cortte de
5RPDTXHKHYHUGDGHTXHDRVGHPD\RGH$QQRVHXI\]KNJDGHFUDUDomR
Em os auttos de felyxe de tomannus, Nottayro do Reuerendissimo Audittor deles
a quall decraração foy fecta por mynha mão E estypullada por o dytto Nottario
Em a quall decraraua que ttodos os dinheiros que se achasem asemttados Em
KNJ/LXURGHVWDPDUFD>V\PERO@ ttodos perttemcyaom a Amttonyo da fomseca
mercamte porttugues Abittamte em lixboa E da cydade de llameguo, como mays
ODUJXDPHPWHFRPVWDGDG\WWDP\QKDGHFUDUDFmRTXHHVWDD1DI\OLFD>"@GRG\WWR
Nottayro E ofycyo,,
E porcoamto despoys que asy fyz A ditta decraração, Eu Jacome da fomseca
ttenho dado muytos dinheiros e bem asy os tenho recebidos dos quães de ttodos e
GHFDGDKNJGHOOHV 55WWHQKRDVHPWWLGR>VLF@HPRGLWWR/LXUR>V\PERO@FRPRGHOOH
pode conste, os quays dinheiros que asy ttenho dados como Recebidos sam ttodos
do dito Amtonio da fonseca e perttemcem a elle. Porttamto outra vez de nouo
ttorno A decrarar eu Jacome da fonseca que ttodos os dinheiros partydos verbas
GR /LYUR RX RXWUR TXDOOTXHU JHQHUR GH DVHPWWR TXH HP R GLWWR /LYUR >V\PERO@
por mynha mão se acharem asemttados, sam ttodos do dito amtonyo da fomseca
SRUVHUHPGLQKHLURVTXHDHOOHSHUWWHPFHPHDP\PQmR(SRUTXHHPDOOJNJDVGDV
SDUWLGDVTXHHPRGLWR/LXURWWHQKRDVHPWWDGRVGDOOJNJDVGHODVRXGDVPD\VVmR
obryguações fectas em fauor meu, por esta cedo eu Jacome da fomseca ao ditto
Throughout the document, whenever the symbol is mentioned it refers to
this design (published with the kind permission of the Ministerio dei Beni
Culturali of Italy)
55 Crossed out: “ttiaho”.
[@
A Sixteenth Century Voyage of Legitimacy
Y
amtonyo da fonseca, ou a quem elle ordenar ttodo direito e auçãom que eu ttenho
HPWWRGDVDVGLWWDVSDUWLGDVRXHPFDGDKNJDGHODVSHUDTXHHOOHDPWRQ\RGDIRQVHFD
posa aver ttudo E ARecadar ttudo asy dos prymcypãeys como de quallquer dos
fyadores pera o que ho faço procurador JmReuocavell56, com ttodas As cllausollas
E pomttos e cesõeys E auçõeys e cousas que a ele ditto amtonyo da fonseca lhe
forem necesaryas pera aRecadação dos dittos seus dinheiros,, E por esta dou poder
Aos nottayros ou nottayro que asy tiuerem estipullados, os ttãeys estromemtos e
obryguacões, que em meu fauor se acharem fectos e Jsto dos comteudos que no
GLWR/LXUR>V\PERO@HXW\YHUDVHPWWDGRTXHWWRGRVRVGLWWRV1RWWD\URVRXFDGD
KNJ GHOOHV HVWHPGmR HP IDXRU GR GLWR DPWRQ\R GD IRQVHFD WWRGDV DV WUHVSDo}H\V
e estromemtos, ou proqurações e Rezõiys e aucõeys e Renucyacõys, ou outra
quallquer cousa e genero de direito que A elle ditto amtonyo da fonseca lhe bem
pareçer <e lhes pidir> pera ARecadação da ditta sua fazenda que em o dito seu
/LXUR>V\PERO@VHDFKDUSRUPMQKD0mRP$VHPWWDGDSRUQDYHUGDGHVHUWWRGDVXD
e a elle perttemcer /
( D! YOOWWYD >VLF@ GDV REULJXDF}HV DWWUDV FRPWWHXGDV GLJXR HX -DFRPH GD
IRPVHFD TXH KH YHUGDGH TXH HX WWHQKR WWRPDGR DOOJNJV GLQKHLURV D FDQELR GR
GLWWR DPWRQ\R GD IRPVHFD SHUD PH SDJXDU GH DOOJNJDV SDUW\GDV TXH D P\P PH
HUmR(PGHELWWRFRPRRXWURV\FRQVWDQRGLWWR/LXUR>V\PERO@(SRUDV\RVWWHU
ttomado, outrossy decraro que o dinheiro que tenho ttomado E do ditto amtonyo
GDIRPVHFDHSRUDV\VHUVHU>VLF@SRUWWDPWR57 lhe çedo ttodas as aucões e Rezões
e ttrespaçaçõeys e direitos que eu tynha comttra aquelles que asy me devião as
dittas partydas e dinheiros, e peço por merçe aos nottayros que asy tyverem os
dittos estromentos e obryguações estepullados E aceyttados en meu fauor, que
elles dittos Nottayros fezerom Rezão delas ao dito antonyo da fonseca como
cousa propia sua que he 58 fazemdo lhe ttodas as trespaçasões E estormentos e
procurações e cesõeys e aucões e ttodo outro genero de Rezão e de quallquer modo
de aução que o dito antonyo da fomseca lhe pydyr, pera o que eu dou poder aos
dittos Nottayros que asy o facão e com ttodas as cllausollas e pomttos Necesaryos
(TXHDF\PDGLJXRRVTXmHVWWRGRV(FDGDKNJGHOOHVTXHHPIDXRUGRGLWRDQWRQ\R
da fonseca se posão pidir eu os ey aquy por decrarados e dittos E estipulados e de
WWRGRVHGHFDPGD>VLF@KNJGHOHVPHGRXSRUFHUWR(VDEHGRU(FRPRGLWWRWWHQKR
dou poder ao ditto Nottayro ou Nottayros que elles asy o estepulem, de modo e
maneira que o dito antonyo da fonseca este sattysfeytysymo sygyndo Em ttodo E
por ttodo sua ordem como de pattrãon da ditta fazenda que asy he
E dyguo mãys Eu Jacome da fomseca que he verdade que por comtto do ditto
56 In the margin: “Eu Jacome, de propia, poendo Em o meu propio lluguar como que elle
fose A mynha propia pesoa”.
57 Illegible.
58 Illegible.
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$PWRQ\RGDIRPVHFD(PRGLWRVHX/LXUR>V\PERO@WWHQKRGDGRPX\WRVGLQKHLURV
SHUDHVSLGLF}H\VHEU\QWWHV>"@FRPRSHUDRXWUDVTXmHVTXHUFRXVDVHFRP\V}H\V
HFUHGLWWRV(DV\PHUFDGDU\DVFRPRGH(PRXWUDV$OOJNJDVFRXVDVFRPRGRGLWWR
/LXUR>V\PERO@FRPVWDGLJXR(GHFUDURTXHWWRGRRTXHHPHOOHVHDFKDUHVSU\WWR
e decrarado, sam ttodo dinheiro do ditto amtonyo da fomseca, E a dytta Rezão do
GLWRVHX/LXUR>V\PERO@IH]WWRGDSRUHOOH(HPHOODHXQmRHUGRQHPWWHQKRFRXVD
QHPKNJDHGDGRTXHSRUPHXWUDEDOKRH5HVSRPVmRPHUHFHVHDOOJXRGLJXRTXH
nam quero delle Nada, por Na verdade eu lhe dever Jsto E majs por o que tem fecto
por mym em lixboa,, E outra vez de novo asy No atte aquj Esprjto No dito Liuro
>V\PERO@FRPR1RTXHGDTX\SRUGLDPWWHVHDFKDUHPHOOH(VSU\WWRSRUP\QKD
mão, de ttodo cedo a elle ditto amtonyo da fomseca ttodas As aucõeys e Rezõys e
direitos e ttrespacasõeys E decraro ser ttudo seu e so em dinheiros que perttencem
a elle E não a mym, E aJmda que as dittas obriguacõis ou hobryguacão seJão fectas
HPPHXIDXRUWWRGDVYH]HVTXHHPRGLWWR/LXUR>V\PERO@VHDFKDUHPHVSU\WWDV
por mynha Mão, de ttodo ho que ally se achar, ou de ttodas as obriguações que
VHDFKDUHPIHFWDVHPPHXIDXRUGRVTXmHVHXGLVHUHPRGLWRVHX/LXUR>V\PERO@
que aquellas pessoas deram os ttajs dinheiros ou mercadaryas ao dito amtonyo
da fonseca, diguo que de ttodo cedo a ditta Rezão e aução e ttrespacasão ao dito
antonyo da fonseca e ho ponho No meu propio luguar e dou poder a ttodos os
Nottaryos que Asy ttiuerem as dittas obryguacões que elles façom Rezão dellas
ao dito amtonio da fonseca estepullamdo lhe e cedendo lhe ttodos os direitos E
aucões e Rezõeys e trespacasões / E proqurações que elle ditto antonio da fonseca
lhes pidir, pera com efeyto poder arecadar sua fazenda que he asy dos princypãeys
FRPRGHTXDOOTXHUGRV¿DGRUHVRXGHWWRGRVTXDOOHOOHDQWHVTXLVHUHSRVWRTXH
Receba de hum que nem por Jsto Reste desobriguando ho outro, basta que elle
ditto fonseca o podera aRecadar como pattrãos que he da ditta fazenda em Rezão e
comforme a Jsto lhes farão os dittos Nottayros ou Nottayro As dittas doacõeys. E
EHPDV\FRDQGRVHDFKDUHPRGLWWR/LYUR>V\PERO@DOOJXPDYHUEDGH/LYURDRPGH
não aja obriguação em forma carta ou conhecimentos, de ttodo o que se asy achar
os dittos Nottayros lhe farão as dittas doacões e procurações asy e da maneira
que dito ttenho pera que elle dito amtonio da fonseca, posa aRecadar ttodo e aver
WWRGRKRFRPWWHXGRQRGLWR/LYUR>V\PERO@FRPRSURSLDVXDID]HQGDHGLQKHLURV
e mercamdiryas E cambios E espidicõeys e ttodo outro genero de cousas que asy
saem.
E asy diguo mays eu Jacome da fonseca que he verdade que em o dito livro
>V\PERO@WWHQKRWWRPDGRSRUFRPWWDGRGLWRDPWRQLRGDIRQVHFDDOOJNJVGLQKHLURVD
cambio como a Jmterese fazemdo credittos as pessoas que asy os tenho ttomados e
ID]HQGRGHYHGRUDDFD[DGRGLWR$PWRQLRGDIRQVHFDQRGLWR/LYUR>V\PERO@FRPR
mays larguamente consta no ditto seu Livro, diguo e decraro que os ttaes dinheiros
que asi se acharem espryttos em o ditto seu Livro que elles syruem E servirão
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por comto do ditto Antonio da fonseca e por o dito seu comto os tenho dadas
a canbio, ou A espidicões, E despesas En a ditta sua Rezão como della se bem
SRGHYHUSRLVWHQKRIHFWDDFD[DGDGLWWD5H]mRH/LYUR>V\PERO@GHYHGRUDGHOODV
Por o quall elle Antonio da fomseca sera obriguado a paguar os ditos dinheiros
DV SDUWH RX SDUWH >VLF@ TXH DV\ (X GHFUDUDU HP R GLWR VHX /LYUR >V\PERO@ FRP
ttodos os cambios e Jmttyreses que em o ditto Livro decrarar. As quaes partidas
que asi ttenho ttomadas como ttodas as outras que por o dito seu comtto tenho
dadas, ttodos elles attee o dia d oJe são fectas por minha propia mão e eu Jacome
da fonseca Reconheco a dita Letra ser ttoda de mynha mão, E em o ditto Livro
>V\PERO@QmROKHIDOOHoHIROKDQHPFDGHUQRQHPPHQRV>"@HPHOOHDWWHRGLDG
oJe ay folha Riscada nem folha que pareça vicyosa, eycytto nas primeyras coattro
IROKDVGRGLWWR/LYUR>V\PERO@DVTXDHVHX5\VTXH\SRUP\QKDPmRSHUDP\OKRU(
PD\VYHUGDGHLUDPHQWHFRPFKDU>"@HWWUD]HUDGLWWDHVSU\WWXUD(5H]mRYHUGDGHLUD
(PDVTXDHVHXHPDIROKD¿]HDV\QHLKXPDYHUEDDRPGHGHFUDURVHUWWXGR
fecto por verdade, como em ella se comtem, E se outras allgumas partydas, ou
comttos se acharem Riscados em o dito Livro emtemder se a que são partidas Jaa
paguas, ou comttos fenidos que Adiante vay o conto em suma delles, basta que o
GLWR/LYURQmRWHPQHPKXPDIROKDYLF\RVDPDLVTXHDVGLWWDVIROKDVTXHHVWDP
em o prymeiro caderno E premcypio do ditto Livro, E pera mays fyrmeza de ttodo
ao nottayro com quem estepullo esta minha obriguação E cesão e ttrespacão, lhe
IDoRPHWWHU>"@DPmRHPDYOOWLPDIROKDTXHDWWHRGLDGR-HHVWDHVSU\WWDHPRGLWR
/LYUR>V\PERO@VHUHVWHRGLWR/LYURGHTXHDF\PDIDoRPHPFmRHSHUWWHQoHUDGLWWD
Rezão e o contteudo nele ao dito Amtonio da fonseca como da dita sua decraração
e fee se comtem / 59
E por ttodo asi pasar na verdade e asi de ttodo o aquy conteudo eu o aver feyto
e estepulado por mynha mão porttanto fyz E asinei este por mynha mão e ttudo
o aqui comtteudo o estepulo ey por estepullado ampliore em forma carta e asy
o Juro, E dou poder a quallquer nottayro que elle asi o estepulle Em seus auttos
E das dittas cesõeis e aucões e Rezões e trespasacõeys que asi cedo Em fauor
do ditto amtonio da fonseca Elle ditto nottayro dara ao ditto amtonio da fonseca
ttodos os estromentos que o dito Amtonio da fonseca ou seu ligittimo procurador
ou procuradores lhe pidirem, Asi de ttodas as cousas aquy comtteudas como de
quallquer dellas que ao dito antonio da fonseca lhe Jstever bem de tirar e dellas
se quyser aJudar, os quaes lhe darão autenticos e em forma carta com ttoda a
VROOHQ\GDGH(IHH(¿UPH]DTXHDHOOHDQWRQLRGDIRQVHFDOKHEHP-VWLXHUHOKRV
elle pidir, os coais como ditto ttenho lhe darão E estipullarão sem eu Jacome da
fonseca ser pera eles mays cyttado nem Requyrydo, asi pera o emtrepettar desta
minha cessom como pera o dar dos dittos Estromentos E como ditto ttenho lhos
darão Ampliore E forma carta com ttodas as clausolas e conseyttudenis necesarias
59 Word crossed out: “Por”.
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$VTXDHVWWRGDVHFDGDKNJDGHOODVY\DTXLSRU(VWLSXOODGDV(GHFUDUDGDVHHVSUHVDV
E me dou por sabedor de ttodas ellas ampliore E forma carta e com Juramento dos
sancttos avamgelhos em que pus a mão ao fazer deste de em parte nem em ttodo
nam quer yntrometter o que aqui em ttoda esta cesão tenho dito E obriguado E
espryto E decrarado ser Em fee da verdade como acima diguo fyz e asinei este de
PLQKDPmR(P5RPD$RVGHQRYHPEUR(P+RR¿F\RGH<RDPEXUJ\QXVVW>@
UR>"@QRWWD\URGR5HYHUHQGLVVLPRDXGLWWRUGHOODFDPDUDDRTXDOOSHFRTXHHOOH$VL
o estepulle E o aceyte Em nome do dito antonio da fonseca ausemtte o quall o ditto
nottayro aceyttou Estepullou E este mette Em seu Livro das obriguacões, e mette
DGLWWDVXDPmR(PRGLWWR/LYUR>V\PERO@GRGLWRDQWRQLRGDIRQVHFDSHUDTXHVH
sayba a verdade ser este o propio de que aquy fazemos memção.
a) Jacome da Fomseca.
E nem menos Jr comttra o que os dittos nottayros asi derem E estepullarem em
IDXRUGRGLWWRDQWRQLRGDIRQVHFDSR\VGHWWRGRPHGRXSRUDXWWR(V>D@EHGRUHPH
dou por bem Jnformado, basta que na verdade E ttoda esta for do ditto antonio da
fomseca e por ho Juramento que tomei asi o decraro, e pois he sua a elle ponho no
meu propio lluguar e com ttodo o mays que elle dito amtonio da fonseca se quiser
ajudar E pidir asy em Juyzo como fora dele asi a nottayros como a seus devedores
GRGLWR/LYUR>V\PERO@SHUDTXHHOOHDMDDWWXGRDVL(GDPDQHLUDTXHGLWWRWWHQKR
nam faca duvida nas apostylhas que aquy vão que eu as fyz ttodas.
a) Jacome da fonseca.
E diguo eu mais Jacome da fonseca que asi ttodo atte o dia dito que se achar
HVSULWRHPRGLWR/LYUR>V\PERO@GRGLWRDPWRQLRGDIRQVHFDHPRTXDOORGLWR
nottayro metter a propia sua mão, como em ttodo o mais que daquy por diante
se achar Espritto em o dito Livro por mynha mão, diguo E decraro que ttudo he
/ do ditto Amtonio da Fomseca e ttamtto credittos como debittos ttodos ttocão
E ttocarãom ao dito amtonio da fonseca ao quall cedo ttodas as Rezõis aucões
e pontos e ttodo outro genero de direito que outrosi lhe ttenho cedido nas atte
oje espryttas e mylhor e mais llarguamente se o elle mylhor poder aver e fazer
estepullar, poys como ditto ttenho E ttodo fazemda sua ttamto atte oje esprytta
como a que daquy por diamte se achar Espritta por a ditta mynha mão Em o dito
VHX/LYUR>V\PERO@60 E por ttodo pasar na verdade estipullei eu Jacome da Fomseca
ttodo este comtratto ampliore E forma carta com ttodas as clausolas e pomtos e
-XUDPHQWRVHFRPVH\WWXGHQHVHPRGLWRR¿F\RGH\RDPERUJLQXVQRWWD\URGRGLWR
Reverendissimo auditor della, aos dittos 22 de novembro de 1553.
a) Jacome da fonseca.
60 In the left hand margin: “basta que como ditto ttenho são dinheiros e fazenda e Rezão
GRGLWWRDQWRQLRGDIRQVHFDHSRUVHUWXGRVHXIDFRDGLWWDFHVmR(WUHVSDoD>omR@HDXVmR
HOKHFHGRWWRGRRFRPWHXGRQRGLWROLYUR>V\PERO@WWDQWRHDWWHDTX\HVSU\WWRFRPRR
que daquy por diamtte se achar esprytto por a ditta minha mão a) Fonseca”.
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(GHF>U@DURHXPDLV-DFRPHGDIRQVHFDTXHSRUFRDPWWRHPRGLWR/LYUR>V\PERO@
Em dyversas partes, consta ttomar eu Jacome da fonseca allguns dinheiros pera me
paguar de allgumas partidas que me a mym devião os quaes dinheiros ttomey dos
GLQKHLURVTXHWWUD]LDGRGLWRDQWRQLRGDIRQVHFDFRPRQRGLWWR/LYUR>V\PERO@H
GHFUDUDo}H\VFRQVWDSRUHVWDPHREULJRTXHYOOWWUD>"@GDFHVmRTXH(XOKHWHQKR
IHFWDHPDTXDOOOKHFHGRTXHHOOHSRVD5HVFRGDU>"@RVGLWWRVGLQKHLURVGRVGLWRV
meus devedores e a elle lhe ttrespaso ttodas as auções e direitos que eu contra elles
WHQKRGLJXR(GHFUDURTXHYOOWUD>"@GDGLWWDFHVmRTXHOKHWHQKRIHFWRFRPRD
TXHDJXRUDGHQRYROKHIDFRWWHVWDPHQWR>"@QDVSDUWLGDVDWWHRMHGDGDVFRPRQDV
que daquy por diamte der e ttomar do dito seu dinheiro, por este me obriguo que
FHPSUH>"@TXHHOOHDQWRQLRGDIRQVHFDDVQmRSRGHUD5HFDGDUGRVGLWRV¿DGRUHV
ou princypall61 eu me obriguo de lhes paguar com seus canbios e Recanbios e
dannos espesas Jmtereses ao que me obriguo ampliore E forma carta e asy o tiro
e por ttudo pasar na verdade eu Jacome da fonseca esta apostilha por mynha mão
que o dito nottayro podera fazer estemder a vontade do dito antonio da fonseca
com ttodas as outras cesões e procurações E pontos e decraracões e cousas aquy
comtteudas E decraradas Em ttodo este contrato atte aquy Espryto, fecto em Roma
HPRKR¿F\RGRGLWR\RDPERUJLQHVDRV62 vimte dous de novembro da Acyma ditta
Era de 1553 Annos.
a) Jacome da fonseca.
( YOOWWUD >"@ GD GLWWD FHVmR ( WWUHVSDVDVmR H SURFXUDomR TXH DVL FHGR ( IDFR
em fauor do dito antonio da fonseca, como / ditto ttenho Eu Jacome da fonseca
¿]KXPDGHFDUDUFmR>VLF@(SRUPLQKDPmRHPRGLWR/LYUR>V\PERO@D&DUWD
em a quall fyz metter a mão ao dito nottayro yoam borginus e em ella Mando esta
obriguacão e procuração E cesão que asi faco em fauor do dito antonio da fonseca
pera Em ttodo tempo do mundo se saber a verdade E se saber que aquelle he o seu
/LYUR>V\PERO@DRPGHHVWDPWWRGRVRVGLQKHLURV(5H]mRGRGLWRIRQVHFDHPR
TXDOO/LYUR>V\PERO@VHJXQGRSRURGLWR/LYURHFRPWWDVSDUHFHFRQVWDTXHDGH
DYHURGLWWRDPWRQLRGDIRQVHFD>@>"@GXFDGRVTXDWWURP\OOHVHVHPWWDHQRYH
HVROGRVGR]HHGLQKHLURVF\PFRGRVTXDHVGXFDGRV9OKHWHQKRIHFWR
5H]mRFRPVHRVFDPELRVH-QWHUHVHVWWDPWWRHPFDPELRVFRPRVHPE\WUHV>"@(
espidicões E outras cousas como do dito Livro consta, E no daquy por diamte farei
FRQWRGRXWUDPDQHLUDQRGLWR/LYUR>V\PERO@TXHWWDPWWRGHELWWRVFRPRFUHGLWRV
fara por o dito fonseca com ttodos os ponttos e cesões e procurações e aucões
e outro quallquer genero de cousa que elle poderya votar pera sua63 segurydade
61 At the end of the page: “As dittas partidas que eu ttomar do seu dinheiro, pera me
paguar do que os ditos me a mym devem, ou deverem”.
62 Crossed out word: de.
63 Crossed out word : segrid.
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Susana Bastos Mateus and James W. Nelson Novoa
ttamto nas aqui decraradas como nas que elle quyser fazer estender, ttamto nos
dittos dinheiros atte Aqui dados como nos que daquy por diante der, o que ttudo
me obriguo ampliore E forma carta e asi dou poder que s estemda e asi o Juro E
por verdade o dito yoam Borginus E eu asinamos Este aos dittos 22 de novembro
de 1553.
a) Jacome da Fonseca.
SRVWR TXH HX -DFRPH GD IRQVHFD GLJXD DF\PD TXH VmR GXFDGRV 9 VmR
RVTXHHXOKHGHXRQRGLWR/LYUR>V\PERO@TXHKHDGLWWD5H]mRGRGLWRDQWRQLR
da fonseca, ducados quattro myll e quattrocentos E novemtta E ttres soldos Seys
GHQDULRVGRLV FRPRPDLVOODUJXDPHQWHFRQVWDQR GLWR/LYUR>V\PERO@ DV DF\PD
GLWWDVFDUWDVHSRUYHUGDGHOKRVFHGRDVL(GDPDQHLUDTXHGLWRWHQKR(P5RPD
aos ditos 22 de Novembro de 1553 annos.
a) Jacome da fonseca.
1RWDULGHOO¶$&EXVWDIROVUUU$65
Document 2
A declaration by Johannes Petrus Barginus, a notary of the Auditor of the
Apostolic Chamber and undersigned by Ioanne Baptista Sella from Naples
and Hieronimo Ianuesio, a cleric from Nice, stating that he received a
declaration from Jacome da Fonseca stating that funds and goods which
are accounted for in an accounts book and which were derived from
transactions between him and his brother, António, a resident of Lisbon,
all belong to António. Barginus’ declaration begins on the last folio as
Jacome da Fonseca’s declaration on folio 483 v and continues on folio
484 r.
Die xxii novembris 1553.
0DJQL¿FXVGRPLQXV,DFREXV)RQVHFDPHUFDWRU3RUWXJDOOHQVLV5RPDQDPFXULDP
sequens, consignavit mihi notario suprascritta tria folia manu sua propria, ut asserit,
scripta et extracta ex quodam libro penes eum existente signato littera huiusmodi
>V\PERO@ DG GLFWXP GRPLQXP $QWRQLXP )RQVHFD HLXV IUDWUHP JHUPDQXP
spectante, ex quo libro et partitis in presentibus foliis tribus descriptis dixit apparere
se ipsum restare debitorem eiusdem domini Antonii, fratris sui germani, in ducatis
Crossed out word : ascões.
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quattuor millibus quadringentis nonaginta tribus, solidis sex et denariis duobus
auri de camera veteris valutationis occasionibus, de quibus in eisdem partitis et
OLEURIROLR¿WPHQWLR(WSURSWHUHDFHVVLWHLGHPGRPLQR$QWRQLR)RQVHFDOLFHW
absenti me notario etc. omnia iura etc. sibi contra quoscunque / tam in sui quam
prefati domini Antonii favorem quomodolibet obligatos et obligandos ac in libro
supradicto descriptos et describendos quomodolibet competentia etc., in omnibus
et per omnia iuxta formam et tenorem huiusmodi trium foliorum dans mihi notario
facultatem et auctoritatem cessionem huiusmodi ac omnia et singula in foliis et
partitis huiusmodi descripta et annotata extendendi iuxta illorum formam et alias
arbitrio domini Antonii prefati ac totiens quotiens ad omnem ipsius domini Antonii
requisitionem extendendi et ampliandi, promittens omnia et singula supradicta et
LQ IROLLV KXLXVPRGL FRQWHQWD HW H[SUHVVD SHUSHWXR KDEHUH UDWD JUDWD HW ¿UPD HW
contra ea vel eorum aliquod ullo unquam tempore non facere, dicere vel venire
quavis occasione vel causa aut quovis quesito colore vel ingenio alias etc. De
quibus etc. Pro quibus etc. se etc. in ampliore forma camerae apostolicae cum
solitis clausulis obligavit etc. iuravit etc. Super quibus etc.
$FWXP5RPDHLQRI¿FLRPHLQRWDULLSUHVHQWLEXVGRPLQR,RDQQH%DSWLVWD6HOOD
Neapolitanus et Hieronimo Ianuesio, clerico Niciensi, testibus etc.
1RWDULGHOO¶$&EXVWDIROVYU$65
[191@