of secondary

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ReportNo. 10564-BR
SecondaryEducationand Training in Brazil:
Adapting to New EconomicRealities
(In Two Volumes) Volume l: ExecutiveSummary and Main Text
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Thisdocumenthasa restricteddistributionand may be usedby recipients
only in the performanceof their official duties.Its contentsmaynot otherwise
be disclosedwithout World Bankauthorization.
CUJRRENCYfEQUI,VALENTS
CurrencyUnit
=
=
=
New Cruzado(January1989-March1990)
Cruzado(fromFebruary1986to Jr'-urary 1989)
Cruzeiro(priorto February1986)
A-VERGE EXCHANGERATES
NCz$1.00 = USS0.16390(November16, 1989)
USS 1.00 = NCz$6.10000(November16, 1989)
1988 US$ 1.00 = Cz$262.02
1987 US$ 1.00 = Cz$ 39.23
1986 USS1.00 = Cz$ 13.66
1985 US$ 1.00 = Cr$ 6.20
FlSCALEAR
January 1 - December 31
FOR OMCIAL USE ONLY
SECONDARY EDUCATION IN BRAZIL:
ADAPTING TO NEW ECONOMIC REALITIES
TABLE OF CONTENTS
GLOSSARY OF ACRONYMS
.
.........................................
iv
PREFACE .
......................................................
PREFACIO ................................................
vi
vii
..........................
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY (English) ............
RECOMMENDED MATRIX OF POLICY MEASURES .........................
SUMARIO (Portuguese) ..............................................
ESQUEMA DAS DIRECTRIZES POLITICAS RECOMENDADAS .................
I.
CHANGING EDUCATIONAL NEEDS OF THE BRAZILIAN ECONOMY .1
A.
B.
C.
D.
II.
III.
IV.
Brazilian Educational Attainment .1
Education Investment and Postwar Economic Growth .3
Secondary Education and Training in an Evolving Economy.
Education and Training Investments: Setting Priorities.
4
6
SECONDARY AND VOCATION EDUCATION IN BRAZIL:
CRITICAL CHARACTERISTICS .................................
10
A.
B.
C.
D.
E.
10
16
24
32
35
Enrollment Trends .
........................................
Diversity of Secondary Education ................................
............................
Role of Private Sector ...........
Access and Equity .
........................................
Policy, Organization and Administration ............................
IMPROVING SCHOOL QUALITY AT REASONABLE COST ................
39
A.
B.
C.
39
42
52
Quality and Cost-Effectiveness ..................................
Improving Cost-Effectiveness ..................................
Opportunities for the 1990s ....................................
THE FINANCING OF SECONDARY EDUCATION AND TRAINING:
.......................
EFFICIENCY AND EQUITY ISSUES .........
A.
B.
V.
Viii
xv
xvii
xxiv
Equity Issues in Brazilian Secondary Technical Education .................
Efficiency: Incentive Problems of Brazilian Vocational
Training ..............................................
SCENARIOS, ISSUES AND OPTIONS FOR THE FUTURE
.................
Thisdocumenthas a restricteddistributionand maybe used by recipientsonly in the performance
of theirofficialduties.Its contentsmay not otherwisebe disclosedwithoutWorldBankauthorization.
55
54
58
63
-
A.
B.
C.
ii
-
Constraintsto Increased SecondaryEnrollments .......................
DemandProjections and irtnancialImplic3tions .......................
Issues for this Decade .......................................
63
65
69
LIST OF TABLES
1.1
1.2
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
3.1
3.2
5.1
5.2
5.3
SecondarySchool EnrollmentRates: Brazil and SelectedCountries,
1
1965and 1986 ...............................................
ChangingStructure of Employmen+and Growth in Employmentby Sector,
5
1950-1985..................................................
Public SecondaryEducationand Training: -Apenditureand
15
Enrollmentsby Type of School, 1985 .. .............................
Annual Expenditureper Student at Different Schools, 1985 and Mean
23
Student AchievementTest Scores, November 1988 .......................
Private School Enrollments,Tuition and Family Incomeby Income
Quartile, 1982 .26
Income and Access in Brazilian Schooling, 1982.33
Annual Public Subsidyper Studentat Different Schools, 1985 and
34
..............
Percent of Studentsfrom Low-IncomeFamilies, 1988 .......
EstimatedAverage Public Spendingper SecondaryStudentin
Selected Middle-IncomeCountries, 1985.40
Costs per Graduateat Different BrazilianSecondarySchools .41
SecondarySchool EnrollmentProjections, 1990-2010:
66
Alternativ. Scenarios ............
Annual Public SecondaryEducationCosts Under Alternative
67
Scenarios, AssumingTrend Growth .......................
AlternativePublic Costs of 100,000 AdditionalSecondarySchool
68
.................................................
Entrants .
LIST OF CHARTS
I
II
Im
IV
V
VI
VII
SecondarySchool Enrollments .....................................
Growth of VocationalTraining, 1940-1987 .............................
SecondarySchool Educationand Training Enrollmentsby
Type of School, 1985 ..........................................
Public SecondaryEnrollmentsand Unit Costs, y Type
of School, 1985 ...........................................
EstimatedTotal Spendingon SecondaryEducation, 1985.25
Distributionof Private Schools, by MonthlyTuition Levels in
Sao Paulo, Parana and Ceara, 1987and 1988.28
NrivateSecondarySchool Enrollmentsand Real Wages, 1980-87.29
11
13
14
16
LIST OF BOXES
Box 1
Measuring Educational(External)Efficiency.
9
-
Box 2
Pox 3
Box 4
iii
-
Are Private Schools More Cost-Effective? ........
..................
Are BrazilianTeachers Overpaid? .
...............................
Chile's EducationReforms ....................................
44
46
50
STATISTICALAPPENDIX ........................................
BIBLIOGRAPHY.......................................
75
141
VOLUME TWO: ANNEXES
ANNEX I
:
Math and PortugueseAchievementin SecondarySchools in Brazil
ANNEX II :
The Finance and Costs of SecondaryEducationin Brazil
ANNEX III :
Demandfor and Supply of Private SecondaryEducationin Brazil
ANNEX IV :
Modelo Para Projego da MatrfculaNo SegundoGrau - Brasil (ProjectionsModel
fro ForecastingSecondarySchoolEnrollmentsin Brazil)
- iv -
GLOSSARY OF ACRONYMS
CEE
ConselhoEstadual de Educagao
State Council on Education
CEFAM
Centro de FormaqLoe Aperfeicoainentodo Magisterio
Teacher Training Centers
CENDEC
Centro de TreinamentoPara 0 DesenvolvimentoEconomico
Training Center for EconomicDevelopment
CQP
Cursos de QualificacaoProfissional (SENAI)
SENAI ProfessionalTraining Course
EDUTEC
Programa de Melhoria do Ensino Tecnico Industriale Arricola
Program for strengtheningIndustrialand AgriculturalTechnicalEducation
FAE
Fundo de AssistenciaEscolar
Founration for Assistanceto Students
FINSOCIAL
Fundo de InvestimentoSocial
Social Investnent Fund
FUNDACENTRO FundagaoJorge Duprat Figueiredode Segurancae Medicinado Trabalho
NationalFoundationfor OccupationalSafety, Hygiene and Medicine
FUVESP
Fundacao Vestibulardo Estado de Q o Paulo
UniversityEntrance Testing Service of the State of Sao Paulo
HH
Domicilio
Houtsehold
HP
Habilitagio Profissional(SENAI)
SENAI ProfessionalTraining Program
IBGE
Fundagio InstitutoBrasileiro de Geografiae Estatistica
BrazilianInstitute of Geographyand Statistics
ICM
Imposto sobre Circulagaode Mercadorias
State Value-AddedTax
INEP
Instituto Nacional de Estudose PesquisasEducacionais
National Institute for Studies and Researchon Education
IPEA
Institutode PlanejamentoEconomicoe Social
Institute for Economicand Social Planning
.MEC
Ministerioda Educa5o
Ministry of Education
MPAS
Ministerioda Previdenciae AssistenciaSocial
Ministry of Social Security
NGO
Non-GovernmentalOrganization
Org&an
zaqao Nlo-Governamental
PNAD
Pesquisa Nacionalpor Amostra Domiciliar
National HouseholdSurvey
PNAE
Programa Nacional Alirnentag,oEscolar
National Program for School Fe.ding
PROTEC
Programade Expansaoe Melhoriado Ensino Tecnico
Program for the Expansionand Improvementof Technical Education
SEEC
Servigode Estatisticada Educag,o
EducationalStatistics Service
SENAI
Servigo Nacionalde AprendizagemIndustrial
National Service for IndustrialTraining
SENAC
Servico Nacionalde AprendizagemComercial
National Service for CommercialTraining
SENAR
S'-vigo Nacionalde AprendizagemRural
National Service for Rural Training
SM
Salario Minimo
MinimumSalary
TO
TreinamentoOccupacional(SENAI)
SENAI OccupationalTraining
VTE
Vocationaland TechnicalEducation
UNESCO
United Nations Educational, Scientificand Cultural Organization
USAID
United States Agencyfor InternationalDevelopment
-
vi -
PREFACE
This report is based on the findingsof a missio,nwhich visited Brazil in November
1988. The mission wa, ed by Barbara Bruns (senior economist),and-.included Donald Winkler
(public administrations-ecialist), World Bank, and c. -ultantsStevenHoenack Oaboreconomist),
Joao Batista Gomes-Neto(statistician)and Genuino Bordignon(educationspecialist). The
secondaryschool student achievementtests cited in this report were designed and administeredby
Dr. Heraldo Viannaof the Carlos Chagas Foundation,Sao Paulo, under contractwith the
Ministry of Educationand the World Bank. Marlaine Lockheed of the World Bank contributedto
the analysisof the test results (AnnexI). Researchassistant Ayda Kimemiaprepared the
StatisticalAppendix, and the report and annexes were processedthrough all stages by Laura
Sifuentes.
This report owes much to the assistanceand insights of numerous Brazilian
government officials, particularly those in the Ministry of Education responsiblefor secondary
and technical education, and human resources divisionstaff of IPEA (Institute for Economicand
Social Planning). In addition, an early draft of the report benefittedgreatly from the comments of
a distinguishedpanel of reviewers comprisedof the followingBrazilian and international
educationexperts. None of these reviewers,of course, bears responsibilityfor any errors of fact
or interpretationwhich may remain in the report.
Dra. Guiomar de Mello, Universityof Sao Paulo;
Dra. Teresa Rcserley Neubauerda Silva, Carlos Chagas Foundation;
Dr. Arthur Divonzir Gusso, National Institute for Studies and Research on Education;
Dr. Alberto de Mello e Souza, Federal Universityof Rio de Janeiro;
Dr. Roberto Macedo, Ministry of Economy, Finance and Planning(MEFP);
Dr. Ricardo Paes de Barros, Institutefor Economicand Social Planning(IPEA);
Dr. Heraldo Vianna, Carlos Chagas Foundation;
Dr. Ernesto Schiefelbein,UNESCO;
Dr. Mark Blaug, Universityof London; and
Dr. Richard Sabot, WilliamsCollege.
- vii -
PREFACIo
Este relat6rio estAbaseado nas conclus6esda missao que visitouo Brasil em novembro
de 1988. A missao foi chefiadapor Barbara Bruns (economistasenior) e dela participaramDonald
Winkler (especialistaem administragaopUblica)do Banco Mundial,e consultoresStevenHoenack
(economIstaespecializadoem mercado do trabalho), Joao Batista Gomes-Neto(estatfstico)e Genuino
Bordignon (especialistaem educagco). Os testes de desempenhopara os alunos do segundo grau,
mencionadosneste relat6rio, foram preparados e ministradospelo Dr. Heraldo Vianna da Ftudacao
Carlos Chagas, de Sgo Paulo, mediantecontrato com o Ministerio da Educacaoe o Banco Mundial.
Marlaine Lockheed do Banco Mundialcontribuiupara a analise dos resultadosdos exames (Annex I).
Ayda Kimemia,assistentede pesquisa, preparou o Anexo Estatfstico,e Laura Sifuentesprocessouo
relat6rio e os anexos, em todos os seus est ,s.
Este relat6rio recebeu a valiosacolaboragio e contribuiglo cdevarios funcionariosdo
Governo brasileiro, principalmentedo Ministerioda Educagao, encarregadosdo ensino de segundo
grau; bem como dos funcionariosda divisao de recursos humanos do Institutode Planejamento
Economico e Social ([PEA). Um esboco do relat6rio recebeu tambemo grande beneffciodos
comentariosde um ilustre grupo de revisores compostodos seguintesespecialistasem educagio,
brasileiros e de nfvel internacional. Naturalmente,nenhum desses especialistas6 responsavelpor
qualquer erro referente a fatos ou a interpretagaoque possa haver.
Dra. Guiomarde Mello, Universidadede Sao Paulo;
Dra. Teresa Roserley Neubauerda Silva, FundacaoCarlos Chagas;
Dr. Arthur Divonzir Gusso, INEP;
Dr. Alberto de Mello e Souza, UniversidadeFederal do Rio de Janeiro;
(MEFP);
Dr. Roberto Macedo; Ministerioda Economia,Fazenda e Planejanmento
Dr. Ricardo Paes de Barros, IPEA;
Dr. Heraldo Vianna;
Dr. Ernesto Schiefelbein,UNESCO;
Dr. Mark Blaug, Universidadede Londres; e
Dr. Richard Sabot, Williams College.
EXECUTIVESUMRY
i.
rhis yea1 , the Braziliansecondaryschool system"ln
will graduate approximately
600,000 students. For a country of almost 150 million people, with a labor force of over 50 million
and a 16-18year old populationof more than 9 million, 600,000 graduates represent a small trickle
of individualsequippedwith the knowledge,skills and potential for higher educationand/or entry into
the managerial and professionalstreamsof the world's ninth largest industrialeconomy.
ii.
The average educationalattainmentof the Brazilianpopulationlags that of other Latin
American countries and other middle-incomecountriesby a substantialmargin. In 1980, 60% of the
Brazilianlabor fo,ce had either no educationor had not completedprimary school, whereas in Korea
the correspondingpercentagewas 16% and in Turkey, 26%. Within South America, only Bolivia has
a higher share of the labor force with no educationthan Brazil.
iii.
The gap between Brazil and othe, countriesis acute at the secndary level. 'n 1987,
Brazil's total secondaryenrollmentsrepresented only 37% of the secondary school-agedpopulation,
well bMlowthe average for middle-incomedevelopingcountries, 59%. Countriessuch as Chile, with
a 70% eiLijllmentrate, and Korea, with 95% of secondaryaged studentsattendingschool, are even
further ahead.
iv.
This report analyzesthe structure and some of the salient problemsof Brazilian
secondaryeducation. The report is not exhaustive;it focuses on a few questionsof strategic
importancefor Brazil, namely:What shouldbe the balance betweengeneral educationand
occupational/technicaltraining at the secondarylevel in the coming decades? What should be the
roles and responsibilitiesof the public and private sectors in providingsecondaryeducation? What
can be done to improve equalityof access to secondaryeducationand its role in the p'rocessof social
mobility? And, above all, in an era when Brazil c.nnot afford to spend more on public servicesof
any kind, what can be done to improvepublic school quality with existing educationresources?
v.
In adopting this strategicperspective,many other issuesof crucial importancefor
secondaryeducationare treated only superficially. These include issuesof curriculumcontent,
inefficienciesin the pattern of intergovernmentalfinancing and transfers, and, most importantly,
problems of teacher quality, training and remuneration. Detailedanalysisof teacher training and the
labor market for teachers at both the primary and secondarylevels is critical for a full consideration
of the state of Brazilian educationarid for the design of policies to improve educationquality and
efficiency. However, to do justice this complex set of issueswas beyond the scope of this report.
.,
vi.
It is clear from even a cursory look at the Brazilianeducationsystem that the
overridingproblems are at the primary level, and this has a determininginfluenceon what can be
done at the secondarylevel. Indeed, the report conclhdesthat the principal constraint to raising
Brazil's exceptionallylow secondaryschool participat, n rate is the low rate of graduates from
1/
This report discussesBraziliansecondaryeducationas it has been structured since the major
educationreform of 1971. In Brazil this level is known as "SegundoGrau" and comprisesninth,
tenth, eleventhand sometimestwelfth grades. It should not be confusedwith "ensinosecundario,"
which was part of the pre-1971 system of secondaryschool which covered the fifth to eleventh
grades.
- ix
-
primary school. Althoughclose to 100%of children beginprimary school in Brazil, less than 40%
of every entering class ever finishes the eight-yearprimary cycle, and the majorityof these students
only do so after substantial (and costly)repetition.
vii.
This report, focusedon secondaryeducatioi. was conceivedin the context of a series
of World Bank reports on Brazilianeducation. A 1988 Worid Bank report "Public Spending on
Social Programs: Issues and Options" reviewedoverall problemsof reso?!-ceallocation across social
sectors and across different levels of the educationsystem. Efficiency ..,ues witbin Brazil's primary,
secondaryand higher-leveleducationsystems have been pursued furt'er in a series of reports .0ocused
on each level of the educationsystem: a 1986report examinedprimary education,2land a report
completed in 1991 analyzedissues in h.gher education.2' The objectiveof the reports on specific
levels, includingthe present one, was to examinemajor issues, and i - sifyp "cies that could
improvethe allocation and utilizationof public resources at that level. . :ey assu-nptionunderlying
the analysisof all four reports is the need foi Brazil to give priority to primary .Aucation,which has
the highest economicreturns for society as a whole and is of fundamentalimportancefor the
evolution of a cohesive and stable democraticsociety.
viii.
A major motivationfor undertakingthe present report was to contributeto the
ongoing dei.ate in Brazil aboutthe nature of secondaryeducation. Whereasfairly broad consensus
exists with respect to the basic objectivesof primary education,very different philosopl>s of
secondaryeducationexist, most notably regarding the extent to which secondary schoolingshould
provide general educationrather than occupationally-orientedtraining. Comparedto other countries,
Brazi! invests reiatively little in general secondary educationand invests heavily in both non-formal
occupationaltraining (through the SENAI/SENAC/SENARnetwork)yand formal technical education
(through the federal technical schools, SENAI secondaryschools, and technical educationprograms in
state secondaryschools). These educationalalternativesnot only equip Brazilian youths with different
degrees of cognitiveunderstandingand different sets of skills; they also have different costs.
Vocationaltraining and technical educationare much more costly per studenthour. On the other
hand, vocationaltraining programs typically involve many fewer hours of instruction. They also result
in much less diversified learning.
ix.
This report examinesthe efficiencyof current spending on secondaryeducationand
vocational training in order to identify reforms that could improve secondary-leveleducationwithout
diverting resources away from the primary level, where so much neels to be done. A major obstacle
to such reform is the lack of policy coherence and administrativecoordination. The principal
problems in secondaryeducationtoday are at the state level, but states lack ideas, resolve and
resources for addressing these. On the other hand, the federal government invests substantialmoney
and efforts in the federal *echn- ' schools -- an elite network of high quality, high cost schools. But
2/
Brazil: The Finance of Pri.ma Education,World Bank (1986).
31
Higher EducationRefornmin Brazil, World Bank (1991).
4/
SENAI (Servico NaLionalde AprendizagemIndustrial); SENAC (ServicoNacional de
AprendizagemComercial); and SENAR (ServicoNacional de AprendizagemRural).
x
-
because of their high costs per student, these are not a viable model for secondaryeducationmore
generally in Brazil.
Chapter I outlines the low average educationalattainmentof the Brazilianpopulation
x.
by internaticnalstandards and traces the evolution of the formal educaiionand vocationaltraining
systems in the context of Brazilianeconomicdevelopmentover the past forty years. it suggests that
while underemphasisof formal secondaryeducationmay not have seriously constrainedBrazil's
economicdevelopmentin the past, it may emerge as a constraint in the future. Heavy investmentsin
specialized, short-termoccupationaltraining may have compensatedin the past for the weaknessesof
the formal school system; SENAI (the publicly-fundedinstitutefor industrial skills training) and
SENAC (the sister institutefor commercialskills training) respectivelyt-ain over 5G0,000and 1
million individualsper year.
However, as the Brazilian economybecomesmore te ;- .:ologicallysophisticated,more
xi.
diverse and, most importantly, more open to internationalcompetition,manpowerneeds are changing
more rapidly and are increasinglydifficultto foresee. This has two major consequencesfor the labor
force and for the educationsystem. First, it suggeststhat the minimumlevels of general education
that a worker requires in order to remain flexible and trainablethroughouthis or her working life are
increasing. Training courses of 100 hours cannot possibly augment individuals' cognitiveskills to the
same extent as three years of secondaryschool. General educationgives individualsa cognitivebase
for the developmentof more sophisticatedtechnical skills -- whereas vocationaltraining does not.
The dempndfor labor in Brazil, as elsewhere in the world, is becomingincreasinglyintensive in
general sKillsand in sophisticatedtechnical skills. Yet in Brazil today, the average urban worker has
not completedmore than five years of primary s;hool. Without at least a full primary education
and - for many jobs -- a secondary education, workers are unlikely to have the knowledge and
adaptabilityrequired for productivityin a rapidly evolvingeconomy.
Second, as the pace of technologicalchange increasesit becomesharder and harder to
xii.
give workers specializedskills training efficientlyin an institute setting, rather than on the job. The
costs of keeping training facilitiesup-to-date escalateenormously,and can rapidly drive down the
cost-effectivenessof skills training. Technologicalchangealso reduces d.e time that a worker can
expect to practice a particular craft and earn a return on specializedtraining. Institute-basedtraining,
which served Brazil well during the early, relatively unsophisticatedphases of its industrialization
process may be far less appropriatefor the Brazilianeconomyof the 1990sand twenty first century.
Failure to adjust educationand training systemsto new econuon-crealitiesmay impede Brazil's future
economicevolution.
Chapter II describes five critical characteristicsof the secondarysystem that provide
xiii.
backgroundfor the analysis of policy options. These are: i) the rapid growth of secondary school
enrollmentsin the 1960sand 1970s(averaging 11% per year from 1960-1980)and staggtating
enrollmentssince ;980; ii) the diversity of secondarylevel educationin Brazil (which in fact has
importantadvantages), in terms of course content, administrationand unit costs, and differences in
quality that are reflected in significantdifferences in studentachievementon a 1989standardizedtest,
controllingfor students' socioeconomicbackgroundand other factors; iiij the importantrole of the
private sector in overall supply (with 35% of total enrollments),and the heterogeneouscharacter of
private schools (tuitionsrange from roughly US$ 3 per month to over US$ 500 per month; iv) the
inequityof public spending on secondary education,with low spendingper student in state and
-
xi
-
municipalschools and high subsidiesto a small minority of relatively well-offstudents at federal
technical and SENAI secondaryschools; and v) the lack of strategicvision in public policy for
secondaryeducationand inefficient.overcentralizedadministrationof public school systems.
xiv.
Chapter III focuses on quality prob,ems at the secondarylevel. The overriding
problem is the low quality of the schools administeredby the states, which 90% of public students
attend. Becauseof high repetitionrates, states schoolson average must finance over six student-years
of instruction in order to pr( duce each graduate from a three-yearprogram. Dropout rates at state
schools are such that of every 100 students who enter, only 42 ever graduate. State schools enjoy far
fewer resources per studert than do other Braziliansecondaryschools: spendingper student in state
schools averages about U'i$ 250 per year, as ce,npared with over US$ 1,700 at the federal technical
schools and more than US$ 1,800 per year at SENAI secondaryschools. But the report points out
that spending per studentat state schools is not far from the annual average for public schools in
other countries (an estimatodUS$ 234 in Chile, US$ 243 in Colombia). And in these countries, even
though the secondaryschool population is less selective, graduationrates are significantlyhigher -raising the possibilitythat other public systemsare doing a more efficientjob of educationthan
Brazilianstate schools.
xv.
The low quality of state schoolswas also evident from the results of the standardized
achievementtest of Portuguese and mathematicsadministeredto a sample of 2,600 third-year
secondarystudents in four states in 1988.There were significantdifferences in student performance-particularly in mathematics- which cannot be attributedto student backgroundfactors. The lowest
average achieVementwas amongstudents in state schools, particularlythose studying at night and in
teacher training programs. Studentsin SENAI secondaryschools also scored poorly. Students in the
private schools sampled, by comparison,scored consistentlyhigher, and there was no difference in
private sclioolsbetween day and night shift students. Students in the elite federal technicalschools
scored significantlyabove all other groups, reflectingboth th.ehigh quality of those schools and the
selectivityof their students. (Studentsare admittedon the basis of competitiveentrance exams.)
xvi.
What are the sources of low '-ffectivenessof spending in state schools, and what can
be done to improve it? The report concludesthat overcentralization,poor management,and lack of
performance incentivesat the school level are the key issues at the state level. It points to a number
of policy options for addressingthese problems that have yielded results in other countries. These
include: introductionof incentivesfor school performanceand progressivedecentralizationin the
directionof school-basedmanagement;regular use of student achievementtests as a basis for
evaluatingschool system progress; and policies to improvethe performanceof private schools and
stimulate stronger competitionwith the public system.
xvii.
The chapter notes that the heterogeneityof the Braziliansecondary system and the
growing interest in municipalizationof educationin many parts of the country are potentiallystrong
assets in improvingeducationquality. They offer opportunitiesfor experimentationwith a variety of
different models of school organizationand school system reform and for administratorsand
researchersnationwide to evaluate and disseminatesuccessfulapproaches. The chapter concludesthat
municipalizationof primary and secondaryeducation,being consideredat present in a growing
numberof states, is a potentiallyeffective way to improvethe efficiencyand accountabilityof
Brazilian school systems. To achievethese benefits, however, it is imperativethat state and federal
authoritiesdevelop strong complementaryroles in order to help equalize revenue disparities across
- xii
-
municipalitiesand to provide technical assistance. Independent,directly-electedlocal school boards
might also help ensure the professionalismof municipalschool systems.
Policiesto strengthenthe performanceof private schools are an importantpart of an
xviii.
overall program to improve secondaryeducationquality. The private sector in Brazilianeducation,
particularlyat the secondarylevel, accountsfor an importantshare of enrollmentsand, as suggested
by the achievementtest data, may be more cost-effectiveon average than most Brazilianpublic
education. Governmentpolicies should concentrateon stronger substantiveoversightof private
schools, as in fact is the policy at present, and avoid reverting to the counterproductivetuition price
controlsoften used in the past. This could involve actionssuch as: school accreditationreviews
which are serious examinationsof all aspectsof school performance and repeatedat regular intervals;
inclusionof private schools in the administrationof regular student achievementtests by state
officials, with results sent to parents and communities,and; the annual publicationof performance
reports on all accreditedprivate schools.
Chapter IV examinesthe inequitableallocationof public educationresources across
xix.
schools. About 20% of total public spendingon secondaryeducationgoes to support the federal
technical schools, which have only 3.4% of total public enrollments.About 2% of total public
secondary educationspending goes to SENAI secondaryschools which have 0.4% of all secondary
students. Students in these schools pay no tuitio.nand receive an educationcosting approximately
US$ 1800per studentper year. The socioeconomicbackgroundof students in these costly schools
(which admit students via competitiveexaminationsand interviews)is significantlyhigher than the
average backgroundof students at state and municipalschools.
xx.
The report suggestsways in which the equity of public spending on high cost
technical educationcould be improved, principallyby expandingenrollmentsmore rapidly than
physicalplant, and linking schools with industry to lower equipmentcosts. It also recommends
expandedprograms to attract low-incomestudents to federal technical and SENAI secondaryschools,
such as those the Federal Ministry of Educationand SENAI are already adopting. Increasing lowincome students' share of enrollmentsin federal technical and SENAI schools is feasible, if entering
students have access to remedial programs. Over the long-term, it may also be feasible to reduce
graduallythese schools' costly emphasison equipment-intensivetraining, because a high share of
graduatesare university-boundand the attractionof these schools for manystudents is the high
overall quality of the teaching and the strong emphasison science and math.
xxi.
Chapter IV also analyzes efficiencyproblems associatedwith the way in which
Brazilianvocationaltraining is financed. The SENAI and SENAC vocationaltraining systemswhose combinedbudgets in 1987were approximatelyequal to total state and municipallevel spending
on formal secondaryeducation-- are financed almost exclusivelyby a payroll tax and training
servicesare provided "free" to individualworkers and enterprises. Significantinefficienciescan arise
under such a system, because: i) there are no incentivesfor trainees to make sure that they work at
the skills for which they are trained, ii) there are no incentivesfor employersto choose the most
efficient sources of training among alternativepublic and private suppliers, and iii) employershave an
incentiveto overutilize certaintypes of skilled workers, particularly those with high-costskills. All of
these problems are exacerbatedin the case of equipment-intensive,institute-bawedindustrialtraining
such as SENAI provides, due to the high costs of industrialequipmentand the need for constant
investmentto avoid obsolescence.Replacinga part of the payroll tax with a system of chargesfor
- xiii -
training in which costs are shared by employersand employeesdependingon the employee's tenure
with the firm could substantiallyalleviatethese incentiveproblems.
Chapter V evaluatesthe prospectsfor progress in Braziliansecondaryeducationover
xxii.
the next decade. Far from catchingup with other countries, Brazil's secondaryenrollmentsstagnated
over the 1980sdecade. Secondaryschool enrollmentsfrom 1980-87grew by only 2% per year,
about equal to the growth of the secondaryschool-agepopulation. At he current rate of enrollment
growth, Brazil would not reach even 50% secondaryschool participationuntil the year 2010. The
main constraint to faster secondaryenrollmentgrowth is the lack of throughputfrom the primary
school system. Unless progress is made in reducing primary school repetitionand dropout rates,
which are exceptionallyhigh in Brazil, secondaryschool enrollmentsare unlikely to increase more by
than 2.5% per year over the coming decade.
Even this relatively low rate of enrollmentgrowth could have importantpublic finance
xxiii.
implications,dependingupon which types of secondaryschoolinggrow fastest. If all new
enrollmentsafter 1990 were in federal technical schouls, annual public expenditureson secondary
educationwould increase by 20% per year in real terms, as compared with 3.5% per year real
expendituregrowth if the current distributionof enrollmentsremainedmore or less constant. On the
other hand, because of their higher internal efficiency,a scenario in which all incrementalenrollment
growth was in federal technical schools would result in almost 20% more graduates by the year 2000.
Unfortunately,this potentialbenefit is outweighedby the fact that total public expenditureon
secondary educationwould have to double in real terms; in Brazil's current fiscal circumstances
increasesof this magnitudemust be consideredunsustainable.
The projectionspresented in Chapter V also indicatethe potential contributionof the
xxiv.
private sector. If enrollmentgrowth after 1990 were faster in private than in public schools -- as was
the case in the 1970sand from 1986-88-- substantialfinancial savings for the public sector could
result and a higher number of graduates could be expected. The implicationis that policies te
stimulatethe expansionof private schools at the secondarylevel, by avoidingtuition controls,
improvingoversight of private school quality and providingbetter informationabout private schools
to parents and students, couldbe importantfor Brazil.
xxv.
Finally, Chapter V sets out four priority issues for Braziliansecondaryeducationover
the decade of the 1990s: i) achievingcost-effectiveimprovementsin the quality of state schools; ii)
strengtheningthe performance of private schools and stimulatingincreasedcompetitionwith the public
school system, iii) improvingthe incentivesfor the efficientdelivery of vocationaltraining and
improvingthe equity of high-costtechnicaleducation, and iv) developingefficiency-enhancingroles
for federal, state and municipal educationauthorities.
xxvi.
Implicit in all of these options is more administrativeautonomyat the school level and
a new role for educationofficials at all three levels of government. The new government role would
place much stronger emphasison accreditation,oversight, school performance evaluation,technical
assistanceand financial intermediation,and would place reduced emphasison direct school
administration,with many functionsdevolvedto the schools.
xxvii.
The nationaldiscussionsduring 1988to define the new Constitutionincluded
numerous debates over aspectsof the educationsystem. To a large extent, secondaryeducation
-
xiv -
remainedthe forgotten child of Brazilianeducationin these discussions. Although major changes in
the organizationand financingof SENAI and SENAC were extensivelydiscussedand finally rejected,
the very central questionof whetheror not the whole system of secondary,technical and vocational
educationin Brazil as currently structured and financed is appropriatefor Brazil's future, was
strikingly absent. Meaningfuldebate on the sources of quality problems in state-levelsecondary
educationand new directions for addressingthese were also lacking. The associationsof private
schools proved themselvesan effectivelobby in catalyzingcertain Constitutionalprovisionswhich
they believe will reduce the role of Govermnentin determiningprivate school tuition levels, but this
too was achieved withoutany apparent nationalconsensuson the broader questionof the role of the
private sector in secondary- or primary or tertiary - education. This report raises some major
issues in Braziliansecondaryeducationand draws together data that can aid in the analysisof policy
options. The present state of Braziliansecondaryeducationoffers much to stimulate further national
thinking and debate.
- xv -
MATRIX OF RECOMMENDED POLICY MEASURES
OBJECTIVES
Improve the Qualityof
State-levelSecondary
Education.
IMMEDIATEACTIONS
- Introducestandardizedstudent testing as
a tool for measuringschool (and school
system)performance objectively.
- Strengthenbasic curriculumby
increasinghours of teachingof core
subjects (Portuguese,Math, Science,
History)
LONGERTERM ACTIONS
-
Professionalizethe selectionof
schooldirectors and increase
their control over school
personneland school financial
resources.
-
Introduceincentives for school
performance (graduallylink
directors' and teachers'
evaluationsand bonus pay to
school progress in meeting
specifiedperformance
objectives).
- Transform state technicalschools into
science and math magnet schools,
reducing need for expensiveequipment.
- Develop a stronger technicalassistance
role at the state level, to identify weak
schoolsand work with these to improve
performance.
Strengthen the Performance
of Private Schools.
- Introduce regular private school
accreditationreviews.
Includeprivate schools in
standardizedachievementtests and
publish results.
-
- Publish annual performancereports on
private schoolsand distribute to
parents.'
Improve Public Vocational
Training Efficiency.
- Include SENAI secondary schools in the
administrationof regular student
achievementtests.
-
Seek ways to lower equipment
and shop costs, such as
equipment-sharingprograms with
local industry.
-
Seek ways to lower equipment
and shop costs, such as
equipment-sharingprograms with
local industry.
- Reduce payroll tax transfers to SENAI
and SENAC to the level of their actual
expenditures on training.
Improve the Equity of
Federal Technical Schools.
- Continuecurrent program to rationalize
network, closingunderutilizedshcools
and adding shifts to demanded-schools.
- Expand enrollmentsmore rapidly than
physical plant to reduce unit costs.
- Attract more low-incomestudentsvia
special campaignsand offer remedial
programs, when necessary, for these
students.
-
OBJECTIVES
5.
rsvelop EfficiencyEnhanciig Role for
Government.
xvi -
IMMEDIATEACTIONS
- Strengthenstate educationsecretariats'
capacity for: (a) design, administration
and analysis of achievementtests for
public and private secondary studentsat
least every two years; (b) curriculum
evaluationand development,designand
implementationof in-service teacher
training programs, and other central
support services for the benefit of all
public and private schools;(c) private
school oversightand accreditation;and
(d) annual public school performance
evaluationsand budget reviews.
LONGER TERM ACTIONS
xvii -
RESUMO
L.
Este ano, no Brasil, cerca de 600.000 alunos concluirio o segundograu.1' Para um pafs
que conta com quase 150milhoes de habitantes,uma forca de trabalhode mais de 50 milh6esde pessoas
e acima de 9 milhoesde jovens entre 16 e 18 anosde idade, 600.000 formandosrepresentamuma parcela
fnfimade indivfduoscom conhecimentos,aptidoese potencialsuficientespara ascenderao ensino superior
e/ou iniciar suas atividadesprofissionaisna sociedade que mobiliza a nona maior economiado mundo
industrial.
ii.
A media de escolaridade da populagaobrasileira fica consideravelmenteaquem da de
muitas nagoeslatino-americanase da de outros pafsescom nfvelmediode renda. Em 1980, 60% da forga
de trabalho brasileira nao contavamcom qualquertipo de escolaridadeou nao chegarama concluir o 11
grau, enquantoque na Coreia tal percentagemse resumia a 16%, e na Turquia, a 26%. Na America do
Sul, apenas a Bolfviapossui uma parcela de mao-de-obranao-educadamaior que a do Brasil.
A defasagemexistenteentre o Brasile outros pafses6 especialmenteacentuadano ensino
iii.
secundario. Em 1987,estimava-seque o total de alunos matriculadosno 20 grau no Brasil, representava
apenas 37% da populacao com idade escolar correspondente,bem abaixo do percentual de 59% dos
pafsesem desenvolvimentocom nfvelm6diode renda. Pafsescomoo Chile, com um fndicede matrtculas
da ordem de 70% ou corno a Coreia, onde 95% dos adolescentesfreqilentamas escolas de 20 grau,
encontram-senum estagio muito mais avangado.
Este relatdrio visa analisar tanto a estrutura quantoalguns dos principais problemasdo
ensino medio brasileiro. Contudo, nao se pretende discutir exaustivamenteo tema, e sim enfocar certas
quest6esestrategicamenteimportantespara o pafs, tais como: Qual deveria ser o equilfbrioentre educaqgo
de nfvel geral e formacao profissional/tecnicano 2° grau? Quais deveriam ser as responsabilidadese
funqoes dos setores publico e privado na prestaqaode ensino medio no Brasil? 0 que poderia ser feito
para melhorar o acesso igualitarioao ensino medio e seu conseqiuentepapel no processo de mobilidade
social? E, acima de tudo, num momentoem que o Brasil nao pode permitir-sequalquer gasto adicional
com servigos ptiblicos, o que pode ser feito para aprimorar a qualidade das escolas da rede oficial
utilizando-seapenasos recursos atualmentedisponfveis?
iv.
v.
Ao adotar esse tipo de abordagemestrategico,muitasoutras questoesde vital importAncia
para o ensino m6dio sao tratadas apenas superficialmenteneste relatdrio. Dentre elas estao o conteddo
dos currfculos, as distorcoes no financiamentoda educagao pdblica e nas transfer8nciasde recursos
intergovernamentais,e, sobretudo, os problemas referentes a capacidade,formagao e remuneracaodos
professores. Para se obter uma visAocompleta do estado atual do sistema educacionalbrasileiro, e de
formular polfticasadequadascom vistas a aprimorar a qualidadee efici8nciado mesmo, seria necessario
fazer uma analise pormenorizadado processo de 2ormagaodos professoresde 10 e 20 graus, bem como
das caracterfsticasde seu mercado de trabalho. Entretanto,temas tao complexosexigem um estudo mais
profundo, o que ultrapassa o ambito deste relat6rio.
1/ Neste relatorio, "segundograu" e "ensino secundario" (ou mesmo "ensino mrdio") sao utilizados
como sin6nimos.
- xviii -
vi.
Mesmo a partir de uma vislo superficial,torna-se 6bvio que os principais problemasdo
sistema educacionalbrasileiro se concentramno lgrau, o que influenciade forma marcanteo que pode
ser realizadono nfvel medio. De fato, este relat6rioconcluique o principalobstAculoa ser superado antes
de que se possa elevar significantementea baixfssimataxa de matrfculano 20 grau no Brasil, e o reduzido
ndmero de alunos que concluemo ciclo primario. Apesar de que quase 100% das criangas brasileiras
inician o ensin6 basico, menos de 40% de cada turma inicial conclui o 10 grau, a maioria depois de
muita repetigao, o que eleva os custos da formagio.
vii.
Este documentoconcentra-sena problematicado ensino medio e faz parte de uma serie
de relat6rios elaboradospelo Banco Mundialsobre o sistema educacionalbrasileiro. Em 1988. o Banco
preparou um relat6rio denominadoPublic Spending on Social Programs: Issues and Options (Gastos
Piblicos com Programas Sociais: Ouestoes e Alternativas),no qual apresentou uma analise geral dos
problemas relativos a alocagaode recursos nos diferentessetores sociaise nos distintos nfveisdo sistema
educacional. As questoes referentes a eficiencia no uso de recursos dentro de cada um dos niveis
educacionaisforam examinadasem relat6rios especfficos: Brasil: Os Aspectos Financeirosdo Ensino
Primario 2', elaborado em 1986, e A Reforma do Ensino Superior no Brasil-', conclufdoem 1991. 0
objetivo dessesrelat6rios e analisar os principaisproblemasde cada ntvel de ensino, e identificarpolfticas
que podoriam aprimorar a utilizacaode recursus pdblicos no sistema educacionaldo pafs. Esses quatro
relat6rios partem da premissabasica de que o Brasilprecisa tratar prioritariamentedo ensino de 1 grau,
por ser este o setor que propicia o maior retorno econ6micopara a sociedadecomo um todo, e por sua
importanciafundamentalpara um processo democraticoestavel e coeso.
viii.
Um dos principais motivosque levaramo Bancoa elaborar este relat6rio foi o debateora
em curso no Brasil sobre a naturezado ensino medio no pafs. Nao obstante o amplo consensosobre os
objetivos basicos do ensino primario, existem diferentes linhas de pensamento quanto ao papel a ser
desempenhadopelo ensino secundario, sobretudose este deve conferir prioridade a uma educagaogeral
ao inves de uma formagao profissionalizante. Em comparasao com outros pafses, o Brasil destina
relativamentepoucosrecursos para a educagaogeral de ntvel m6dio, e investesubstancialmentetanto em
cursos profissionalizantesinformais (atraves da rede SENAI/SENAC/SENAR)W
quanto na formasgao
tecnica academica(atraves das escolas tecnicasfederais, as escolas t,'nicas do SENAI e programas de
capacitaao tecnica das redes estaduais de ensino secundario). Essas alternativas educacionaisnao s6
proporcionam distintos graus de conhecimento e de aptidao aos jovens brasileiros, como tambem
apresentamcustos diferenciados.Cursos profissionalizantese de formagaotecnicasao mais onerososem
termos de hora/estudante. Entretanto, cursos profissionalizantesrequerem menos horas de instrugaoe
proporcionamuma formagaomuito menos diversificada.
ix.
Este relat6rio analisa a eficienciados atuais gastos com o ensino secundario e com os
programas de capacitagaoprofissional, buscando identificar possfveis formas de aperfeiqoamentodo
sistema sem, contudo, desviar recursos do nfvelde ensino primario, onde ainda ha tanto para ser feito.
a/Brazil:
The Finance of Primary Education,World Bank (1986).
I/ Higher EducationReform in Brazil, World Bank (1991).
4/ SENAI (Servico Nacional de AprendizagemIndustrial); SENAC (ServicoNacional de
AprendizagemComercial); e SENAR (ServigoNacionalde Aprendizagemn
Rural).
-
xix -
Um grande obstdculoa ser superado 6 a falta de coeranciapolfticae de coordenacaoadministrativano
setor. Atualmente,o principal problema do 2° grau no Brasil 6 a baixa qualidadedo ensino nas redes
estaduais. Os Estados nao dispoem de politicas, recursos e vontade poiftica para tratar do assunto. Por
outro lado, o GovcrnoFederal gasta muito com as escolastecnicasfederais -- uma rede de escolasde alto
nfvel e custo elevado, accessfvelapenas a uma pequena eitLe.Todavia, devido ao ser elevado fndice de
custo por estudante, as escolastecnicas federaisnao constituemum modeloviavel de ensino secundario
para o Brasil como um todo.
x.
0 Capftulo I examina o baixo fndice de escolaridade da populagao brasileira em
comparacaocom os pedr6es internacionaisvigentes e descreve a evolugaotanto do sistema educacional
formal quanto do profissionalizanteno contexto do desenvolvimentoecon8micobrasileiro dos uiltimos
quarenta anos. Aparentemente,a falta de priorizagaodo ensino secundarionao acarretou, no passado,
serias dificuldadespara o desenvolvimentoecon8micodo pafs, porem isso podera ocorrer futuramente.
Em anos anteriores, os grandes investimentosdestinadosa cursos profissionalizantesde curta duragao
parecem ter compensadoo fraco desempenhodo ensino secundario brasileiro; o SENAI (o servicio
nacional de aprendizagem industrial), e o SENAC (instituto congenere, voltado para a aprendizagem
comercial) formam, respectivamente,de 500.000 e 1 milhao de pessoaspor ano.
xi.
Contudo, a medida que a economiabrasileira se torna tecnologicamentecada vez mais
sofisticada, mais diversificada e, sobretudo, mais aberta a concorrencia internacional, a natureza da
demanda por mao-de-obramuda mais rapidamentee torna-semas diffcil de ser anticipada. Isso afeta a
forga de trabalho e o sistemaeducacionaldo pafs de duas formas. Primeiramente,esta aumentandoo nivel
minimo de educagaogeral requerido por um trabalhador, para que ele continue passivelde treinamento
e adaptAvela diferentes ocupag6es, ao longo de sua vida professional. Cursos profissionalizantesde
apenas 100 horas de duraQaonao conseguem, de maneira alguma, proporcionar o mesmo grau de
conhecimentoque tres anos de ensinosecundario.A educagaogeral formanos individuosa base cognitiva
que permite o desenvolvimentode competenciastecnicascomplexas;a educagaoprofissionalizante,pela
sua natreza focalizada,nao tem esse efeito. A demandapor mao-de-obrano Brasil, assim como no resto
do munco, esta-se tornando cada vez mas concentrada em conhecimentosgerais e em competancias
t6cnicascomplexas.Nao obstante,no Brasilde hoje, o trabalhadorurbano medio nao cursoumais do que
cinco anos de escola primaria. Sem pelo menos uma educagaoprimaria - e, para muitos eliipregos,uma
educagao secundaria -- 6 pouco provavel que os trabalhadoresvenham a ter as condic6esde adaptaggo
e os conhecimentosnecessariospara que sejam produtivos numa economiaem rapido desenvolvimento.
xii.
Em segundo lugar, a medida que os avangostecnol6gicosvao ocorrendo, torna-se cada
vez mais diftcil formar adequadamentetrabalhadoresespecializadosem centros de treinamento, ao inves
de no pr6prio ambientede trabalho. Para manter centros de treinamento atualizadostecnologicamente,
se precisa utilizar grandes somas de recursos, o que diminue drasticamentea eficienciadeles. Avangos
tecnol6gicastambem reduizem o tempo em que um trabalhadorpode esperar exercer uma determinada
ocupaqao e, portanto, lucrar com o seu treinamento especializado. No Brasil, o sistema nacional de
formagao profissional cumpriu seu papel durante a fase inicial e nao muito complexado processo de
industrializaao do pafs. No entanto, talvez ele :lo esteja capacitado para atender as atuais e futuras
necessidadesda economiabrasileira. 0 desenvolvimentoeconrmico do Brasil podera estar ameasado se
os sistemas de ensino e de formagaoprofissionalnao forem adaptados a nova realidade econ6micado
pafs.
-
xx
-
xiii.
0 Capftulo II descreve as cinco caracterfsticas essenciais do ensino secundario que
fundamentama anaflisede possfveispolfticas a serem adotadas. Sao elas: i) o rapido crescimento das
matrfculasno 20 grau nas decadas de 60 e 70 (media anualde 11% entre 1960e 1980)e a estagnacaodo
mesmodesde 1980; ii) a diversidadedo 2° grau no Brasil em termosde currfculo, administracao,custos
unitarios, e qualidade; iii) o importantepapel do setor privado no ensino secundario (35% do total de
matrfculas)e a naturezaheterogeneados colegiosparticulares(as mensalidadesvariam, aproximadamente,
de US$3 a US$500); iv) o deseguilfbriodos gastos pdblicosno que se refere ao ensino secundario,com
um baixo investimentopor estudante nas escolas estaduaise municipaise subsfdioselevadospara uma
minoria relativamentepr6spera de estudantesem escolastecnicas federais e em escolas secundariasdo
SENAI; e v) a aus8nciade uma estrat6eia poifticadefinida para o ensino secundarioe a ineficientee
excessiva centralizacaoadministrativada rede oficial de escolas.
xiv.
0 Capftulo III trata da qualidade do ensino secundario. 0 principal problema a ser
superado 6 o baixo nfvel das escolas estaduais, frequentadaspor 90% dos estudantesda rede pdiblica.
Devido ao elevado fndice de repetencias, essas escolas gastam, em media, seis anos de estudos para
formar um aluno num programade tres anos. 0 fndicede desist8ncia6 tal que de 100alunos inicialmente
matriculados,apenas 42 concluemo curso. As escolasestaduaiscontam com recursos substancialmente
mnenoresdo que outras instituig6es brasileiras de ensino secundario: os gastos por aluno atingem,
aproximadamente, US$250 por ano, em comparacao com os mais de US$1.700 anuais nas escolas
t6cnicas federais e os cerca de US$1.800 nas escolassecundlrias do SENAI. Entretanto, este relat6rio
demonstra que os gastos por aluno nas escolas estaduais brasileiras nao divergem da media anual
encontrada em outros parses (Us$234 no Chile, US$243 na ColOmbia).Contudo, apesar do ensino
secundarioser menos seletivo nesses paises, o nrdmerode formandos6 consideravelmentemaior -- fato
que aventa a hip6tesede que, aparentemente,outros sisternaseducacionaispdblicossejammais efici8ntes
que a rede oficial brasileira.
xv.
0 baixo qualidadedo ensino estadual foi tambem demonstradoresultados obtidos por
2.600 alunos num teste padronizado realizado em tres estados em 1988. A grande discrepancia no
desempenhodos alunos -- especialmenteno que se refere a prova de mathemltica -- nao pode ser
totalmenteatribufdaa fatores de nfvels6cio-econ6mico.Os piores resultadospertenciama estudantesdas
escolas estaduais, especialmentede cursos noturnos do magisterio. Alunos das escolas secundariasdo
SENAI tambem nAoforam bem-sucedidos. Em comparacao, os estudantes provenientes de colegios
particulares, quer de cursos noturnos ou diurnos, alcancaramsistematicamentemelhores resultados. Ja
os alunos das escolas tecnicasfederais alcancaramum desempenhobem superior ao dos demais grupos,
o que reflete o alto nfvelpedag6gicodessas instituig6ese o seleto grupo ao qual se destinam (para serem
aceitos, os alunos devem ser aprovados num exame classificat6rio).
xvi.
Quais sao as causas da baixa produtividadedas escolas estaduais, e o que pode ser feito
para corriger essa situacao? Este relat6rio conclui que as principais questoes ao nfvel estadual sao:
excessiva centralizacao, deficiancias administrativas, e falta de um sistema que incentive maior
produtividadeno sistema escolar. Varias polfticas alternativaspara abordar essas problemas surtiram
efeito em outros pafses, tais como; a introducao de um sistema de incentivos que leve em conta o
desempenhodas escolas, a implantaco de um processogradual de descentralizagaocom vistas a lograr
a autonomiaadministrativadas mesmas; a utilizacaoperi6dica de testes de avaliacao a fim de medir o
progresso do sistema educacional;e a formulagaode polfticas que visem aprimorar a rede particular e
estimulara concorr8nciacom o sistema pdblico.
- xxi -
mostra que a heterogeneidadedo ensino secundariobrasileiro e o
xvii.
Esse capftulotamnb6m
interesse cada vez maior na municipalizacaodo ensino pdblico em varias partes do pats sao fatores
capazes de levar a melhoriado sistema. 0 Brasil apresenta um amplo campo de experimentacaopara
diferentes modelos organizacionais e reformas educacionais e oferecem oportunidades para que
administradorese pesquisadoresde todo o pafs avalieme divulguemmedidasbem-sucedidas.Conclui-se,
portanto, que o processo de municipalizagcodos dois nfveis de ensino - 1Pe 20 graus - ora considerado
por um nimero crescente de Estados, pode ser um meio eficaz para aprimorar a efici8ncia e
confiabilidadedo sistema educacionalbrasileiro. Contudo, para atingir esses objetivos, 6 imprescindfvel
que autoridades estaduais e federais adotem medidas complementaresa fim de equilibrar as receitas
municipaise prestar assistanciatecnica aos municipios.
Polfticas que visem fortalecer o desempenhodas escolas particulares sao igualmente
xviii.
importantespara melhorar a qualidadedo ensino medio. A rede privada, especialmentede 20 grau, 6
responsAvelpor uma grande parcela de matrtculas e, ccnforme demonstram os resultados dos testes
padronizados,muitasdessas escolastem uma relacaocusto/beneffciobem acima da media da maioriadas
escolas piblicas do pa(s. 0 Governo deve desenvolvera sua capacidadede monitorar a qualidadede
ensino da rede privada ao inv6sde controlar, de forma contraprodutiva,o prego das mensalidades.Tais
polfticasincluiriam:a revisaoperi6dicadas Iicencasde funcionamento,medianteavaliacaoestritade todos
os aspectos vinculados ao desempenhoda escola; a participacAosistematica dos alunos em tes,.es de
avaiiacaodo rendimentoaplicados por funcionariosda rede oficial de ensino (e o envio dos resultados
aos pais e as escolas); e, a publicacao peri6dica de relat6rios sobre o desempenho dos colegios
particulares credenciados.
0 CapftuloIV examinaa desigualdadeexistentena alocagcode recursospara as diferentes
xix.
escolas. Cerca de 20% do total de recursos do sistema educacionalde 2°grau sao destinadosas federais
que contamcom apenas3 % dos alunos matriculadosna rede oficialde ensino. Outros 2 % dessesrecursos
vao para as escolassecunddriosdo SENAI, que possui apenas0,4% dos alunos de nfvelsecundario.Estes
estudantes nao pagam. mensalidades e o custo anual por estudante eleva-se a US$1.800. 0 nfvel
socio-econ6micodos alunos que freqiientamessas onerosasescolas6 consideravelmentemaisalto do que
o dos alunos das escolas estaduaise municipais.
xx.
Neste relatdrio sao apresentadaspropostas para contrabalancar os altos custos dessa
formagaotecnica, a saber, a elevagaodo ndmerode alunos em ritmo mais aceleradodo que a ampliagao
das instalag6es ffsicas e a vinculagao das escolas a empresas, a fim de reduzir os custos com
equipamentos. Tambemsao recomendadaspolfticasque favoregamo maior acessode estudantesde baixa
renda Is escolastecnicas federais e escolassecyindgriasdo SENAI, tais como as ja sendo implementadas
pelo Ministerio da Educacao e pelo pr6prio SENAI. Mediante a introduco de medidas corretivas, 6
poss(vel adotar polfticas que visem facilitar o acesso de estudantesde baixa renda a essas escolas. A
longo prazo, talvez seja possfvel reduzir a importa.nciaconferida por essas escolas ao treinamento
industrialcom base no manejo de equipamentos,que torna muito elevadoo custo da formaqao,visto que
seu o maior atrativo 6 a alta qualidadedo ensino e a enfase no estudo de materias como ciancias e
mathematica,e que a maioria dos formandosirA,posteriormente,para a universidade.
0 CapftuloIV analisa aindaas distorc6esno financiamentodos cursosprofissionalizantes.
xxi.
Os orgamentosdo SENAI e SENAC em 1987equivaliamaproximadamenteao total de recursos alocados
para os setores estadual e municipal de ensino secundario. SENAI e SENAC sao financiados quase
exclusivamentepor impostosobre a folha de pagamentodas empresas, que nao obriga os usuarios do
-
xxii -
treinamento a arcarem com os custos. Grandes ineficienciaspodem surgir num sistema, tais comos
porque: i) os usuariosnao veem tanto incentivoem fazer bom uso das competenciastecnico-profissionais
adquiridas;ii) os empregadoresnao sao incentivadosa procurar a opgco mais eficientepara o treinamento
de seus empregados(por exemplo, usando escolas procurar a particularesem vez de centros do SENAI
ou SENAC);e iii)os empregadoresveem incentivosa sobre-utilizartrabalhadoresque req4uerem
formacao
de custo elevado que requerem formagaode custo elevado. Todos esses problemas sio agravadosnum
sistema institucionalde formac&oindustrialcom 8nfaseno manejode equipamentos,tal comoo fornecido
pelo SENAI, devido ao elevado custo dos equipamentosindustriais e a constante necessidade de
investimentona atualizacaodos mesmos. A substituigaode parte do impostosobre a folia de pagamento
por urn sistema de pagamentopelos servicos de formacao, no qual os custos seriam compartilhadospor
empregadore trabalhadorproporcionalmenteao cargo ocupadopor este iltimo junto a empresa, poderia
reduzir substancialmenteesses problemas.
xxii.
0 CapftuloV avaliaos possfveisprogressosdo ensinonesta ddcada.Em vezde se igualar
ao de outros pafses, as taxas de matrfculasno 2°grau brasileiro mantevem-seinalterado durante toda a
decada de 80. Entre 1980-87,as matriculasaumentaramapenas 2% ao ano, percentual igual a taxa de
crescimento da populagaocom idade para cursar o 2°grau. Caso o n(vel das matrfculaspermaneca o
mesmo, o Brasils6 ser5 capaz de atingir 50% de participagaono 2° grau no ano 2010. 0 maior obstaculo
a um rapido crescimentodas inscrig6esno nfvel m6dio6 o reduzido ndmero de estudantes que conclui
o ciclo primario. A menos que se verifique algum progresso com relagao aos taxas fndices
extraordinariamenteelevadosde repet8nciae evasao no 1 grau, 6 improvavelque durante a prdxima
decada o crescimo das matrfculasno 2°grau seja maior que 2,5% anuais.
xxiii.
Mesmoesse crescimentode 2,5% ao ano pode acarretar importantesimplicag6espara as
financaspdiblicasdo pafs. Se, apds 1990,todas as novas matrfculasse concentraremnas escolas tecnicas
federais, as despesas pdblicas com ensino secundariaao aumentarao cerca de 20% ao ano em termos
reais, comparados com 3,5% - caso a distribuicao atual das matriculas permaneca mais ou menos
constante. Por outro lado, devido ao maior grau de efici8ncia interna das escolas federais, se tal
concentragaoviesse a ocorrer, haveria um crescimentode 20% no nimero de formandosate ao ano 2000.
Infelizmente,as vantagens desse beneffcio sao superadas pelo fato de que, em termos reais, o total dos
gastos pdblicos com o ensino secundario dobraria: a atual situagco fiscal do Brasil nao pode suportar
aumentos dessa magnitude.
xxiv.
As projecoescontidasno CapftuloV tambemassinalamas possfveiscontribuicoesdo setor
privado. Um crescimentomaisr5pidodas matrfculasnas escolasparticularesem comparacaoaos escolas
publicas-- como ocorreu na d6cadade 70 e entre 1986-88- acarretaria substancialeconomiade recursos
para a rede oficial_ resultarianum maior ndrmerode formandos.Polfticasque estimulema expanslo das
escolasprivadas de 2°grau, evitandoo controlede pregosdas mensalidades,melhorandoa supervisaodo
desempenhodos colegiose fornecendoinformacoesmaisprecisas a estudantese pais de alunos poderiam
ser importantespara o Brasil.
xxv.
Para concluir, o CapftuloV levanta quatroquestoesprioritariaspara o ensino secund5rio
na ddcadade 90: i) aprimorar a qualidadee efici8nciadas escolas pdlblicas;ii) fortalecero desempenho
das escolas particulares e estimular maior concorrencia com a rede oficial de ensino; iii) aprimorar a
eficiancia da formagao profissional e contrabalancar os elevados custos do ensino tecnico; e iv)
desenvolver atividades que estimulem a eficiencia administrativadas autoridades federais, estaduais e
municipaisdo ensino.
- xxiii -
xxvi.
Implicita em todas essas opc6es de politica estg um maior autonomia das unidades
escolares, e tambem um novo papel para os governos, focalizado nos processos de credenciamento,
supervisao e avaliacaode desempenhodas escolas, bem como assistenciatecnica e mediacaofinanceira.
Esse novo papel colocaria menos enfase nos questoes administrativascotidianasdas escolas, os quais
seriam passadas as unidadesesolares.
xxvii.
Em 1988, o amplo debate nacionalenvolvendoa elaboraglo da nova Constituicaoincluiu
varias discuss6essobre aspectosdo sistema educacional.Atd certo ponto, o 2°grau foi o "primo pobre"
da educacAobrazileira nessas discussoes. Nao obstante intensos debates sobre profundas mudancas
organiiacionais e financeirasno Ambitodo SENAI e do SENAC, mudancasessas que posteriormente
forar. rejeitadas, a questao central sobre a adequagaofutura da formagco tecnica, profissional e do
ensino secundariopropadeuticopermaneceuquase intocada.Tambemnao foram debatidosos problemac
da qualidadedo 2°grau estadual, nem os meios para soluciona-los.A associacaode escolasparticulares
provou ser um lobby efetivo ao lograr incluir certas disposigoesque, segundo seus membros, limitarao
o papel do Govemo no controledos pregosdas mensalidadesda rede privada. Esse objetivofoi alkangado
sem que existisse,contudo, um consensonacionalsobre a 4uestaomais ampla do papel do setor privado
no ensino secundario-- ou primario, ou terciario. Este relai6riolevantaalgunasdas principaisproblemas
do ensino secundarioe consolidadados que podemajudar a analisede polfticasalternativas.A crise atual
do ensino do 2°grau no Brazil demanda a atencaoda sociedadebrasileira.
- xxiv
-
ESQUEMA DAS DIRETRIZES POLiTICAS RECOMENDADAS
OBJETIVOS
MEDIDAS IMEDIATAS
I _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
1. Aprimorar a Qualidade do Ensino
Medio Estadual.
- Efetuar testes padronizados de
avaliacao para os estudantes como
formnade avaliar objetivamente o
desempenho (e o sistema pedag6gico)
das escolas.
- Aprimorar os currfculos basicos,
aumentando a quantidade de horas de
mstru,ao de matdrias essenciais
(Portugues, Matematica, Ci8ncias,
Hist6ria).
MEDIDAS DE LONGO
PRAZO
- Profissionalizar o processo de
sele,ao dos diretores das escolas,
bem como suas funcoes de controle
de pessoal e de recursaosfinanceiroa.
- Introduzir um sistema de incentivos
que love em consideraqAo o
desempenho das escolas (vincular,
gradualmente, as avaliacoes dos
diretores e professores a um sistema
de bonificagiao 3 medida que a escola
atingir seus objetivos).
- Transformar as escolas tecnicas
estaduais em centros de excelencia
que enfatizem ciencias e matemitica,
reduzindo, assim, a necessidade de
equipamentos caros.
|
_________________________________
>aprimoramento
2. Fortalecer o Desempenho das
Escolas Particulares.
- Desenvolver atividades de
assistencia tecnica a nivel estadual a
fim de identificar as escolas
deficientes e auxilia-las no
de seu desempenho.
- Revisar periodicamente o
credenciamento das escolas
particulares.
|
- Incluir os alunos das escols
particulares nos testes padronizados
de avalia,ao.
- Publicar um relat6rio anual sobre o
desempenho das escolas particulares.
3. Aprimorar a Qttalidade da
Fofnacio Profissional de RedePdblica.
- Incluir os alunos das escolas
secundarias do SENAI nos testes
padronizados de avaliaqao.
- Reduzir a parcola da taxa de
contribuicio providenciaria
correspondente ao SENAI e ao
SENAC a um nivel que acorde coom
seus gastos atuais de prestacio de
servicos de formaqio.
- Buscar meios para reduzir os
custos com equipamentos e
manuten,ao, criando programas de
utilizaqio compartilhada de
equipamentos com inddstrias locais.
- xxv
OBJETIIVOS
-
MEDIDASIMEDIATAS
______________________
4. Racionalizara Rede e Aumentar
a Equidadedo Acesso nas Escolas
TdcnicasPederais.
- Continuara implementacaodo atual
programa de racionalizagioda redo,
fechar escolas corncapacidadeociosa
e acrescentarturnos nas escolas mais
frequentadas.
- Elevar as matriculasem ritmo mais
aceleradodo que a ampliaqiodas
instalac,es fisicas, a fim de reduzir os
custos por aluno.
- Atrair um maior ndmero de
es.udantesde baixa renda e, sempre
que necessario,oferecer-lhescurso de
apoio.
5. DesenvolverAtividadesque
EstimulemMaior Efici6ncia
Administrativa.
- Fortalecer a capacidadedas
SecretariasEstaduaisde Educac,o
parmque elas possam: (a) elaborar,
administrare analisar, no minimoa
cada dois anos, testes padronizadosde
avaliac,o dos alunosdas redes
privadae oficial de ensino; (b) avaliar
e elaborarcurriculos, formulare
implementarprogramasde foamaqio
de professoresem seus locais de
trabalho e outros servicosde apoio;
(c) supervisionare credenciar escolas
particulares;e (d) tomar as escolas
unidadesorcamentariase vincular
dotac,es de recursos a resultados
(rendimentoescolar e outros).
MEDIDAS DE LONGO
PRA ZO
- Buscarmeios para reduzir os
custos com equipamentose
manutencio, criandoprogramas de
utilizacaocompartilhadade
equipamentoscom inddstriaslocais.
I.
CHANGING EDUCATIONAL NEEDS OF THE BRAZILAN ECONOMY
A. BrazilianEducationalAttainment
Brazil has one of the least-educatedpopulationsof any middle-incomedeveloping
1.
country. Among these countries, Brazil is a notabl, 'outlier" both in its educationalstructure and the
educationalattainmentof its population. In 1980, fully 60% of the Brazilianlabor force had either no
educationor had not completedprimary school, whereas in Korea the correspondingpercentagewas
16% and in Turkey 26%. Within South America, only Bolivia has a higher share of the labor force
with no educationthan Brazil. (Psacharopoulosand Arriagada, 1986).
2.
Brazil lags seriously in its investmentsin secondaryeducation,as can be seen from
Table 1.1. In 1987, total Braziliansecondaryschool enrollmentsrepresentedonly 37% of the
populationaged 16-18while the average participationrate for countries of Brazil's level of per capita
GDP in 1986 was 59% (World Bank, 1989). Countriessuch as Korea achievefar higher levels of
secondaryschool enrollment: 95% in 1986, and other Latin American countries are also far ahead of
Brazil; in Chile, 70% of the secondaryschool-agepopulationis enrolled, and in Uruguay 71%.
Table 1.1: SECONDARYSCHOOL ENROLLMENT RATES:
BRAZIL AND SELECTED COUNTRIES, 1965-198W
._______________________
195
1986
Brazil
16%
37% (1987)
Korea
35%
95%
Chile
34%
10%
Mexico
17%
55%
Average, Upper Middle-Income
Countriesk'
29%
59%
a/ Gross enrollmentrates, UNESCOdefinition:total secondaryenrollmentsas a
percentageof the relevantsecondaryschoolagedpopulation. In Brazil, most
secondaryschoolingis for three years, so the 16-18year old populationwas used.
bl World Bankdefinitionof upper middle-incomecountries:per capita GDP between
US$ 1,810 and $7,410in 1986.
Source: World DevelopmentReport. Brazildata fiom Ministryof Education.
3.
Despite these strikinglylow levels of "human capital" formation as conventionally
measured,1 ' the Brazilian economyclearly achievedimpressivegrowth in the decades 1950-1980.
1/
Most measuresof human capital formation are based on years of formal schooling
completed. A limitationof this measure is that usually it does not capture investmentsin vocational
training, which are more importantin Brazil than in manyother countries. Also, measuresbased on
"years of schooling" do not take into account the effects of schoolingquality. Researchby Behrman
and Birdsall (1983, 1985)suggeststhat as much as two-thirdsof conventionallyestimatedreturns to
(years of) schoolingmay actuallybe returns to quality.
-2 Recent studies suggest that this growth was associatedwith an industrializationstrategy that
emphasizedheavy investmentsin physicalcapital and, relative to other countries, low investmentsin
education. Thus, althoughlabor productivitygrew rapidly from 1960-1980,it appears not to have
reflectedimprovementsin the "quality" of the labor force so much as investmentsin modem capital
plant. One indicatorof this is that the share of naJionalincomegoing to labor over the period
remainedlow relative to other countries, and the re-turnsto capital - protected by favorable tax
policies -- were high. (Maddison, 1989). Throughoutthe 1970s, the period of the Braziliangrowth
"miracle," the average real earnings of industrialemployeesrose more slowly than the growth of per
capita GDP, and real wages for workers at the bottom of the wage scale barely rose at all in real
terms.v
4.
A substantialbody of internationalempirical studies and theoretical work suggests that
Brazil's past developmentstrategy may not be viable in the future and that low educationlevels could
emerge as an importantconstraintto Brazil's future growth. Followingthe work of Denison (1962,
1967), who found that about 40% of the growth of per capita income in the U.S. economyfrom
1948-73could be attributedto increases in the educationlevels of the labor force or advancesin
knowledge,similar growth accountingstudies for a range of countries have found important
contributionsto aggregateoutput growth from education. In particular, it appears that educationmay
have a substantial "payoff" at stages in the developmentprocess when other developmentoptions have
been exploited, for example, when economieshave achieveda relatively high degree of industrial
development(i.e., have movedbeyond the phase where capital constraintsare most binding.) (Foster,
1989)
5.
Indeed, since 1980 the growth of manufacturingoutput per worker and average wages in
manufacturingin Brazil have been strikinglyslower than in countries such as Korea and Colombia.
This raises at least the possibilitythat Brazil's relativelylimited supply of workers equippedwith solid
literacy, math and basic science skills is contributingto a slowing of industrialproductivitygrowth
and, consequently,stagnationin industrialwages. From 1980to 1985, gross output per worker fell
by almost 25% in Brazil, while increasing in Korea by almost 40% and in Colombiaby close to 20%.
Over the same period, real earningsper employeein manufacturingincreasedby about 20% in Korea,
22% in Colombia, and 11% in Chile, while decliningin Brazil by 7% (AppendixTables 1 and 2).'
6.
Educationcan be an importantfactor in economicgrowth even in largely agricultural
economies. A study of Malaysia's impressive4% per year per capita income growth performance
from 1961-76,for example, concludedthat heavy investmentsin schoolingover the period explained
up to 60% of growth. (Smith, 1983). Studies conductedby the World Bank in eighteencountries
2/
Accordingto Maddison,p. 103, from 1970-80,the average earningsof industrial
employeesrose in real terms by 57%, real GDP per capita rose by 78%, and the real minimumwage
rose by 5.2%.
3/1
Of course part of these differencescan be attributedto the difficultyBrazil has had in
the 1980sin adjustingto the second oil shock and reduced access to foreign borrowing. But some of
these adjustmentdifficultiesmay themselvesbe relatedto the capital-intensiveroute Brazil chose in
the 1960sand 1970sand that route may itself have seemed necessaryas a short-cutto "development"
in the face of the relativelysmall size of the educatedlabor force.
- 3have also demonstratedthat educationand training had direct impacts on farmers' crop production; in
areas where technologywas changing(and this is an importantdelimiter) farmers with four years of
educationhad productivityon average almost 10% higher than uneducatedfarmers (Jamison and Lau,
1982). Finally, over the past 30 years, closeto 100 different studies -- including in Brazil -- of the
economicpayoff both to individualsand society from investmentsin educationhave demonstrated
consistentlyhigh social as well as private returns (generallyover 15% and often over 20%), both in
absolute terms and comparedto other investments(Annex Table III). These results hold even after
downward adjustmentsare made in line with recent critiques that these estimatesfail to considerthe
impact of individualability, schoolingquality, and other factors not measured.
B. EducationInvestmentsand Postwar EconomicGrowth
7.
There are several reasons why Brazil's low average levels of formal schoolingmay not
have emerged as more of a constraint to growth in the past. First, Brazil has pursued a frankly
dualisticdevelopmentstrategy, with investmentand output growth heavily concentratedin the
Southeast. Average educationlevels in this regionhave long been higher than the nationalaverage -althoughstill low in comparisonwith other countries. In 1987 for example,the secondaryschool
participationrate in the Southeastwas 46%, as comparedto the nationalaverage of 37% (Appendix
Table 7). Thus, the skilled manpowersupply in the region of greatest demand has been greater than
is suggestedby aggregatestatistics. Second, Brazil has given priority to the expansionof university
and post-graduatelevel educationbefore mass primary and secondary-leveleducationwas achieved.4'
A relatively high level of universitygraduates, comparedto other developingcountries, may have
helped support Brazil's capital-intensivedevelopmentstrategy. Another way of viewingthe Brazilian
pattern is that emphasiswas given to vertical integrationof the educationsystem rather than
horizontalexpansion, which would have emphasizedaccess to basic educationfor a larger share of
citizens.
8.
Third, Brazil has investedheavily in occupationaltraining as an alternativeto formal
education. Since the 1940s, a sizeablepart of Brazil's total public spendingon educationhas been
channeledto a network of training institutesfor skilled industrial (SENAI) and commercial(SENAC)
workers; since 1975, there have also been generous tax incentivesfor enterpriseswhich carry out inplant training programs. As compared with the formal secondaryschool system which graduates
500,000 students per year, SENAI trains over 500,000 and SENAC over 1 million individualsper
year and government-subsidizedtraining programs in industry reach an estimatedadditional 1-2
million individualsper year. There is a very great difference in course length, and coverage,
however; a secondaryschool graduate has completed2,700 hours of classes over three years, whereas
the average SENAI course is 150 hours and the average SENAC course is only 60 hours. Moreover,
whereas secondary school students have by definitioncompletedeight years of primary school in
Brazil, about half of SENAI and SENAC students have not done so. Nonetheless,De Moura Castro
(1979) concluded that at least until the early 1970s, SENAI's relatively short courses for youths with
no more than four years of primary schoolingwere effective in preparing trainees for blue-collar
industrial and basic commercialoccupations.
4/
See De Moura Castro (1986), pp. 104-105.
-4 9.
The combinedeffect of these factors (plus significantimmigrationof educatedworkers
from Japan and Europe) helped Brazil to avoid serious skills bottlenecksduring a rapid process of
basic industrialization. Nevertheless,skilled workers were relativelyscarce throughoutthe 1960sand
1970s,as indicatedby high private rates of return to both secondaryeducationand vocational
training. Estimatesof educationrates of return for the period since 1980do not exist, but labor
market data suggest that scarcities in high skill categoriespersist and may be increasing, given the
changing structure of the Brazilianeconomy.
C. SecondaryEducationand Training in an EvolvingEconomy
10.
The increasingcomplexityof industrial productionprocesses worldwide is resulting in
demand for broader segmentsof the labor force equippedwith strong literacy, numeracy and basic
science knowledgethan in the past. Brazil is not immune to these trends. Already today, in the
cutting-edgeindustrial firms in Brazil, a lathe operator no longer operates a lathe; he operates a
computer controllingthe lathe. As the Brazilianeconomybecomes more technologically
sophisticated,more diverse and, most importantly,more open to internationalcompetition, manpower
needs are changingmore rapidly and are increasinglydifficultto foresee. This has two major
consequencesfor the labor force and for the educationsystem. First, it suggeststhat the minimum
levels of general educationthat a worker requires in order to remain flexible and trainablethroughout
his working life are increasing. Yet in Brazil today, the average urban worker has not completed
more than four years of primary school. Without at least a full primary educationand -- in most
countries - a secondaryeducation,workers are unlikely to have the knowledgeand adaptability
required for productivityin a rapidly evolving econom;.
11.
Second, as the pace of technologicalchange increases it becomes harder and harder to
give workers specializedskills training efficiently in an institutesetting, rather than on the job. The
costs of keeping training facilitiesup-to-date escalateenormously,and can rapidly drive down the
efficiencyof skills training. Technologicalchange also reduces the time that a worker can expect to
practice a particular craft and earn a return on specializedtraining. Institute-basedtraining, which
served Brazil well during the early, relatively unsophisticatedphases of its industrializationprocess
may be far less appropriatefor the Brazilianeconomyof the 1990sand twentiethcentury. Failure to
adjust educationand training systems to new economicrealities could substantiallyimpede Brazil's
future economicevolution.
12.
SENAI is currently grappling with these problems. As the agencies are well aware, the
quickeningpace of technologicalchange is changingthe entire cost-benefitstructure upon which
institute-basedtraining in Brazil was predicated - and raising the possibilitythat for manufacturing
skills which require hands-on experiencewith sophisticatedequipment,there may be no cost-effective
way to provide training outside of an industrialsetting, where expensiveequipmentcan earn a return
from production as well as training.
13.
Table 1.2 shows the changingstructure of employmentin Brazil over the past several
decades. The shift from an agrarian to an industry and services-dominatedeconomyis clear. After
1980, there are also indicationsof a decline in industrialemploymentin favor of service sector
employment. The rapid growth of knowledge-basedindustriesand white collar and other service
occupations in Brazil, as in other countries, poses challengesfor educationand training systems.
Productivity growth in the tertiary sector may depend on workers' general educationlevels to a much
-5 larger extent than did productivitygrowth in basic manufacturing. Irrespective of this, economists
such as T.W. Schultz have observed that the greatest productivitybenefits from educationin all
sectors of the economyarise from increases in the capacityof individualsto respond to economic
incentivesand in their capacityto innovate, both of which are arguablyassociated with increasesin
the average attainmentlevels and quality of general education,rather than with specialized
occupationaltraining.
Table 1.2: CHANGING STRUCTURE OF EMPLOYMEPIT AND
GROWTH IN EMPLOYMENT BY SECTOR, 1950-1)85
AGRICULTURE
INDUSTRY
SERVICES
13.7
13.1
18.2
17.9
24.9
22.1
26.4
33.2
38.4
37.8
45.8
49.3
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
2.3
6.0
7.4
2.0
5.2
4.0
5.9
6.0
2.84
2.70
3.90
4.50
TOTAL
Shares of Employment(%)
1950
1960
1968
1970
1980
1985
59.9
53.7
43.4
44.3
29.3
28.6
Growth in employment(% per annum)
1%t060
1960-70
1970-80
1980-85
1.7
0.7
-0.3
4.0
Sources: 1950, 1960, 1970, 1980Censuses; BGE, AnnuarioEatistico 19d7/88,pp.104-117.
14.
These trends pose serious challengesfor the Braziliansecondaryeducationsystem,
which today is characterizednot only by low participationrates, but also by decliningacademic
quality and substantial inefficiency. Meeting this challengewill require developmentof a strong
national consensusin favor of reform of general secindary education, and changes in public policy
regarding private educationand vocationaltraining. To date, Brazilian secondaryeducationhas been
marked by frequent changes in policies and, at times, the incoherentpursuit of conflictingobjectives.
For example, the major reform of secondary educationin 1971resulted in a nationaldecree that all
secondaryschooling (publicor private) should be consideredterminal in the sense that all graduating
students should have a vocational skill equippingthem to join the formal labor force.2 ' At the same
time, however, the federal governmentwas devotingmassive resources to expandingthe network of
federal universities and private universities and facultieswere growing even faster. Despite
government efforts, the "vocationalization'policy was very unevenlyapplied. Particularly in the
2/
It should be noted that the idea that secondaryeducationshould be heavily vocationalparticularly in developingcountries -- was very much in vogue at the time among educators worldwide, and was actively promoted in Brazil by external aid agenciessuch as USAID and the World
Bank.
-6 private sector, few secondaryschools made significantchanges in their curriculumbeyond the
addition of accounting,teacher training and other low cost "white collar" vocationalcourses. This
was for good reason; many students did not wish to terminate their schoolingat the secondarylevel
when the opportunitiesfor university educationwere growing.
In meeting the challengeof reform in secondaryeducation,Brazil has some important
15.
advantages. The lack of coherent nationalpolicy and the fragmentationof institutionalresponsibilities
has produced a potentially valuablefeature of the Brazilianeducationsystem -- diversity. As shown
in this report, secondaryschools in Brazil are characterizedby extreme differences in unit costs,
efficiency, quality, and equity of access -- ranging from the elite federal technical schools to much
lower quality, state-level secondaryschools. In formal secondary education,there are federal, state,
municipal, and SENAI schools and a large private sector. Many state, municipaland private schools
offer technical and vocationalspecialtiesas well as the general secondarycurriculum. In the training
sector, in addition to the publicly-fundedSENAI and SENAC, there is a diverse world of private
training schools and institutes. This diversityprovides rich opportunitiesfor testing and adapting
alternatives.
These opportunitiesare not at present being exploited. Alternativeapproaches(to
16.
secondaryschoolingand to training) are almost never directly compared by policymakersin terms of
costs and effectiveness. As a result, administrativeinertia rather than coherent national policies tends
to guide resource allocation. Although the federal Ministryof Educationhas notional overall
responsibilityfor secondaryeducation, it does not control vocationaltraining, and it lacks the capacity
for evaluationand research that might give it credibilityas a coordinatingagency of nationalpolicy.
17.
The importantrole of the private sector in overall supply -- over 40% of schools and
about 33% of formal secondaryenrollmentsare private, and an unknownbut significantnumber of
vocationaltraining schools are private -- is a major contributorto this diversity. Far from only
serving the elites, a large number of private secondaryschools have tuition levels below the average
cost of state schools, and enrollmenttrends indicatethat many students who have access to public
secondaryschools actually choose insteadto pay for private schools -- even though the lower costs of
those schools would suggest a lower quality educationthan they could receivefor free in a public
school. In Sao Paulo state, for example, tuition in late 1987 at 600 private schools monitoredby the
state educationcouncil ranged from US$ 3/month to over US$ 500/month. Almost one-quarterof
the schools had tuition below US$ 25 per month, the approximatecost per student of a state school.
In the Northeast state of Ceara, the range in early 1988 for 146 schools was only slightly narrower -from US$ 5-75 per month and in Parana in late 1988, at 94 private sch.jols, tuition ranged from US$
2 to US$ 73 per month.
18.
Governmentregulationof the private sector in secondaryeducationhas been uneven
and sometimescontradictory; for over fifteen years (from 1970-1988),the federal government
subsidizedfamilies with private school enrollees, thereby stimulatingdemand, but also often held
down private school tuition rates below costs, curtailingthe growth of supply. In 1984 alone, the
fiscal cost of tax deductionsclaimed for private school tuition (and other cests such as transport) for
all levels of educationwas estimatedby the Ministry of Finance as over US$ 200 million; perhaps
$50 millionof this was for secondary education,roughly equal to 10% of total public spendingon
secondaryeducationthat year. Although the eliminationof the tuition tax deductionbeginning in
1989 was a step in the right direction for equity reasons, there are numerous other ways, examinedin
-7 subsequent chapters, in which governmentregulationof the dynamic private sector in secondary
educationstill fails to advance public objectives.
D. Educationand Training Investments:Setting Priorities
19.
Considerableresearch has been done on the returns to education in Brazil (see Box 1).
Unfortunately, the results to date do not enable us to address conclusivelysuch key questionsas:
which is a better investment,technicalor general education?or, which is a better investment,
vocationaltraining or formal education? The problem is that most availablestudies rely on census
data that provides very limited informationabout the type of school and or training institute
individualsattended. Individualsare classified in census data only by the number of years of formal
schoolingthey ultimatelyachievedand the last type of school they attended. Thus, it is impossibleto
tell if individualsin a census samplebenefitted from SENATand SENAC programs, for example. As
a result, no study has been able to compare returns to formal schoolingdirectly with returns to
vocationaltraining.
20.
Nor is it possible to tell whether students who graduated from technical programs at the
secondarylevel and subsequentlywent on to attend universityreceived any incrementalbenefit from
their technical training. This is an importantquestiongiven the large numberof Brazilian secondary
students that are enrolled in technicalor vocational "tracks," but subsequentlygo on to university.
Would they ultimatelydo any better or worse in the labor market if their secondaryeducationhad
been strictly general college preparation? Given the diversity of schools and types of training
availablein Brazil, and the differences in cost betweengeneral and technical education,these are
importantlimitationsof existing rate-of-returnstudies for policy purposes.
21.
Studies of the private returns to educationin Brazil during the 1960sdo indicate that
graduates from both general and technical secondaryschools could expect high future earnings, i.e.
high private returns to their education. Using 1970 censusdata, Psacharopoulosestimatedthe private
rate of return to general secondaryeducationto be 25%. (For comparison,his estimate of the private
returns to higher educationin 1970 was 14%.) His analysisdid not allow differentiationof the
returns to general versus technical secondaryeducation.
22.
Psacharopoulos' updated estimatesbased on 1980census data indicatedthat the private
rate of return to !,.-;'ndary educationdeclinedover the decade of the 1970s, to 16.4% for students in
general secondaryprograms and 19.8% for students in technicalsecondaryprograms. The higher,
19.8%, return does not refer to SENAI and SENACvocationaltraining. It refers only to students
whose last schoolingwas a full secondaryschool program with a technical or vocationalorientation
(which are offered by the federal technical schools, state and private secondaryschools, and SENAI's
very small network of secondaryschools).
23.
What do the higher private returns to technicalsecondaryeducationtell us? Several
alternativeconclusionsare possible. First, due to conditionsin the labor market in the 1970s,
demand for secondarygraduates - or dropouts- who had followeda technical or vocationaltrack
may really have been higher than the demandfor studentswho took only the general secondary
curriculum. A second alternativeis that demand for students (or dropouts)from technical tracks
might have been higher in part becausethe quality of technicalschools was higher and thus, those
students represented all-aroundbetter educatedindividuals. As is documentedin this report, the
-8-
EDUCATIONAL TNAL)
BoA1: MEASURMIG
IC
C
Is public expenditureon educationprovidingthe night numbers of individualswith the types of educationand
skillswhich Brazil requires?Thisis a basic questionthat countres ask of their educationsystems, a concept
referrd to as exteral efficiency. Althoughthere are many unmeasable benfits to individualsand society from
education,the most commonlyused indicatorof how effciinty a given countiy's educationsystemprepares
studeotsfor productve roles in the economy is the rate of return to education, calculatedon the basis of
graduates' earnings.
Educationrat-of-return studis ideally estimateboth private and social rates-of-return. The private rate of return
is the discountrate that would equalizethe benefits an individualreceives (measuredin terms of his or her
increase in earnigs as a result of each additionalyear of education)and the direct and indirect e0t of the
additionalschooling. Direct casts are out-of-pocketexpenses(tuition,books, fees, transport, etc.). These,
however, are generally much less importantthan the indirect cost of forgoneincome, or an estimateof what the
individualwould have eamed were he or she not still in school. In practice most private rates of return are
measuredusing a shorthandfunctionalrelationshippioneeredby Mincer (1974), in which direct costs of education
are ignored. This yieldsa rough, but useful, estimateof the private rate-of-returnto incrementalyears of
schooling.
The social rate-of-returnis a broader measure, which comparesthe benefits and costs to society as a whole if
individualsattain more years of education. In practice, in additionto the individuals'increasedincome, social
benefits include only such easy4o-measureitems as incometaxes paid. Research has indicated,however,that
there are other importantsocial benefits from education(such as improvedcitizenshipor contributionsto the
productivityof other workers or, for women,lower fertilityand healthierbabies)that generally cannot be
measured. Thus, social rates-of-returnare probablyunderestmated. The social rate of return also adjusts for the
full costs to society of whatever schoolingan individualreceives. Becausepubliclyprovided educationis tuitionfree in almost every country, social rates of return to educationare almost alwayslower than private returns.
Rate-of-returnstudies essentiallyassume that incrementalearnings associatedwith additionalschoolingoccur
because educationincreasesthe human capital of the individual. This 'human capital" approach has been
criticized- increases in earningsassociatedwith schoolingmight occur because employers use educationas a
screeningdevice to pinpoint more able or disciplinedindividuals(and not their increasedhuman capital) or
becausemore educatedindividualsare also these from familieswith influenceto obtainthe beat jobs.
However, studieswhich control for students' ability (Boissiere,Knight, andSabot) or which measurethe impact
of schoolingon individualswho are self-employed,in order to rule out employerscreening(Jarnisonand Lau),
suggest stronglythat schoolingitself makespeople more productive.
estimateshave now been carriedout in a large number of countries and, for some
Education ratewof-retum
countries, at several different points in time. Despitethe crudeness of the measure, three results appear
consistentlyin these studies. First, rates of retwunfor education,typically in the range of 10%-30%, are generally
high re}ativeto other types of investmentin a given oountry. Second, the returns to primary of education,which
are as high as 20% in many counties, are almost always higher than returns to secondary,vocationaland higher
education. Third, the gap betweenprivate and social rates-of-returnis greatest at higher levels of education,with
private returns usually greatly exceding socialreturns. This suggeststhat ociety should concentrate"public"
resourceson prnmaryand possibly, seondary education, andthat higher educationshould predominantlybe
finanoedby the individualstudentswho benefit from it. Finally, as mightbe expocted, educationrates of return
tend to decline slightlyover time as countriesexpandtheir educaonal systems. However, as noted by
(June1987),returns to education, partiularly in deeloping countries, continueto be above 10%,
Psachatopoulos
whichimpliesthatinvetmentsin educationalexpansionare still attractiverelative to mostaltemative investnents.
-9average quality of federal technicalschools (which spend six times more per student than general state
schools) is unquestionablyhigher than that of other schools. However, it is impossibleto know for
certain the extent to which these results reflectedreturns to schooling at high-costfederal technicalor
SENAI schools, as opposed to much lower-coststate technicalschools or private schools with a
technical or vocationaltrack.
A third possibility is that technicalprograms attract, on average, higher aptitude
24.
individualsand that this accountsto some extent for their better success in the labor market. There is
certainly some evidencethat this is true for students at federal technical schools, which (controlling
for a range of other individualand school variables)perform consistentlybetter on standardized
achievementtests. This is not surprising, given that the federal technical schools select students on
the basis of highly competitiveentrance exams, which makes it likely that these schools have smarter
students to begin with.
Finally, it is possible that students in technicalsecondaryprograms during the 1970s
25.
were more likely than students in general programs to terminate their educationat the secondarylevel
rather than go on to university. As a result, the census sampleof students from general programs
might be an adversely selectedone, i.e., only those who did not do very well in secondaryschool.
This could also make the "return" to general secondaryschoolingappear lower.
The real difficultyis that even if it were clear that the higher returns to
26.
'technical/vocational"training reflected labor market factors and not individualaptitudesor school
quality, the policy implicationswould be unclear. As this report documents, Brazil has an extremely
diverse array of technical/vocationalsecondaryprograms, with large differencesin per student costs
and administration. Which types of program would be the ones to expand? It is impossible,from
available rate-of-return studies, to say.
Regardingthe returns to (non-formaleducation)vocationaltraining, De Moura Castro's
27.
research on SENAI graduates in the early 1970syielded similarlyhigh estimatesof rates of return to
SENAI training: 24% (for youths who took SENATtraining after four years of primary school), 12%
(for youths with eight years of formal schooling),and 23% (for SENAI plus secondaryschool).
Unfortunately, De Moura Castro's research has not been updated, or extended to SENAC. SENAI,
and especiallySENAC enrollmentshave expandedeven more rapidly than formal educationsince the
early 1970s, and it appears that one factor in the rapid increase in numbers has been a proliferationof
shorter-term, lower-costprograms. With slower economicgrowth in the 1980sand a large increase in
trainees, private returns to both general secondaryschool and vocationaltraining may have fallen
somewhat. But for many types of skills they still appear to be high enough to attract fee-paying
students to the significantnumberof private schools and training institutesthat exist in Brazil.
Despite the difficulty in drawing precise policy conclusionsfrom rate-of-return studies,
28.
they do indicatesome importantoverall trends. Existing studies suggest that unless demand for
skilled labor has fallen significantlyin the 1980s,more investments(which can be privatelyas well as
publicly financed) in educationand training make sense from society's point of view. Indeed, for a
country with Brazil's low average educationalattainmentthere seems to be little risk of overinvesting
in education. But on two critical issues - the relative benefits of investmentsin general educationvs.
vocationaltraining, and the relative benefits of investmentsin school quality vs. quantity (or expanded
access) - they tell us relatively little.
-
10-
29.
The expansionof vocationaltrainirigrelative to general educationthat has occurred over
the last two decades, and the likelihoodthat the increasing sophisticationof the Brazilianeconomy
will over time increase the demand for graduateswith a full secondaryschool education,raise the
possibilitythat Brazil may now need to increase its emphasison general secondaryschool education
relative to shorter-term specific skills training for industry and commerce. This follows not so much
from quantitativeestimatesof past and current rates of return as from qualitativeobservationsabout
the likely evolution of Brazil's economy.
IL SECONDARY AND VOCATIONAL EDUCATION IN BRAZIL:
CRITICAL CHARACTERSTICS
of the Braziliansecondaryeducationand vocationaltrainingcan
Criticalcharacteristics
30.
be summarizedin five points. Thesefive pointscapturemuchof the informationnecessaryfor
analysisof policychoices. Moredetailon severalof thesepointsis includedin the Annexes.
A. Secondaryschoolenrollmentsgrewrapidlyuntilthe recessionary1980s.but are still
very low givenBrazil'sper capitaincome. Vocationaltrainingenrollments.whichare high by
internationalstandards.followeda similarpatternof rapidgrowthin the 1970sand stagnationfrom
1980-8S.
Secondaa School. Brazilis far behindsuchcountriesas Korea,Mexicoand Colombia
31.
in its rate of secondaryschoolenrollment,withan enrollmentrate onlyslightlyabove35%, compared
to 73% in the otherthree countries.- To someextent,the differenceis compensatedfor by an
extensivesystemof vocationaltraining,but manytrainingstudentshave notcompletedthe full eight
yearsof primaryschoolandmosttake shortOessthan one year)coursesthat are not equivalentto
secondaryschool.
Althoughsecondaryschoolparticipationin Brazilis low by internationalstandards,
32.
enrollmentsgrewrapidlyfrom a very smallbase after 1950,andparticularlybetween1960and 1980
(ChartI). In 1960,less than 5% of the 16-18age groupwas enrolledin secondaryschool(about
275,000students).By 1980,enrollmenthad growntenfoldto 2.8 millionstudents,or 35%of 15-19
year-olds. The rate of enrollmentexpansionover thesetwo decades- about11%per year - was
fasterthan for otherlevelsof the educationsystem.2'
Underlyingthe nationalenrollmentrate is someregionalvariation,but less than might
33.
be expected. In 1985,gross enrollmentsrangedfrom 25% in the Northto 42% in the Southeast
(AppendixTable7). Enrollmentgrowthhas beenconsistentlyhigherin the less developedNorth,
6i/
Throughoutthis report,secondaryenrollmentsare discussedon a gross basisbecause
most internationaleducationstatisticsuse this measure.The grossenrollmentrate is the totalnumber
of studentsenrolledas a shareof the populationof secondaryschoolage, as definedby a country's
educationsystem.In Brazil,the legalage rangefor secondaryschoolis 15-19,but mostprogramsare
only for three years. Therefore,for the purposeof this report, secondaryenrollmentsare compared
to the populationaged 16-18,andnot 15-19.
Net enrollmentsrefer to the studentswho are in the legal age range. Thus, gross
enrollmentscountoveragestudentsandnet enrollmentsdo not. The differencein Brazilis
significant;as shownin AppendixTable5, in 1987the net secondaryenrollmentrate in Brazilwas
25%, as comparedto a grossenrollmentrate of 37%.
2/
In the 1970s,however,highereducation(andpost-graduate)enrollmentsexpandedat
fasterrates than secondaryenrollments.
-
12 -
Center-Westand Northeastregions than in the Southeastand South since the 1960s; in both of the
latter regions, enrollmentsactuallydeclinedslightly between 1980 and 1985.
In contrastto expansionof 11% per year in the 1960sand 1970s, secondaryenrollments
34.
nationallystagnated after 1980, increasingby just 1.4% per year between 1980and 1985. Unofficial
estimatesindicate some rebound in enrollmentgrowth since 1985, averagingan estimated3.8% per
year from 1985to 1987. But even this rate of expansionis little barely above the rate of population
growth. As a result, over this decade the gross enrollmentrate has increasedonly marginally, from
35% in 1980 to an estimated37% in 1987.
Chart l: SECONDARYSCHOOL ENROLLMENTS
1960
-
1980
Thousands of Students
3500 -
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
0
1960
1965
1970
X
Private
1980
1975
L
1985
Public
Source:SEEG/MEC and World Bank Estimates
The stagnation in secondaryenrollmentsduring the 1980sappears mainly to reflect a
35.
stagnationin the throughputof graduates from the primary school system. Rapid growth of
secondaryschoolinguntil 1980 may be seen as a process of catchingup with the productionof
graduatesby the primary school system, which had expandedearlier. In 1960, a relatively small
share of primary school graduates went on to secondaryschool; by 1982, an estimated75-80% of
-
13 -
primary graduates continuedon to secondaryschool. Since 1980, the number of primary school
graduates annually has remained about 850,000-880,000. The share of graduates who go on to
secondaryschools (the "transitionratio") may be going up; available nationalenrollment data are
inconsistentand inconclusiveon this (see Rosemberg, 1989). If the absolutenumber of primary
graduates is not growing, the transition ratio may be expectedto increase, particularly if supply
constraintsare not significantand private returns to secondaryschoolinghave not declined.'
Evidencediscussedlater in this Chapter suggeststhat for most parts of the country supply is not
constrainedand existingpublic and private schools could expand enrollmentsfaster than they are
currently doing.
36.
VocationalTraining. Although it is difficultto compare vocationaltraining enrollment
rates across countriesdue to the heterogeneityof programs and differences .n the age span of eligible
workers, Brazil has one of the most extensivepublicly-financedprograms in Latin America, and the
region is generally consideredto lead the world in institute-basedtraining. The Braziliansystem
consists of SENAI (ServicoNacional de AprendizagemIndustrial), which directly trains about
500,000 industrial workers per year; SENAC (ServigoNacionalde AprendizagemComercial), which
directly trains about 1,000,000 workers in commerceand services each year; and SENAR (Servico
Nacional de AprendizagemRural), which trains roughly 200,000 workers per year in a variety of
trades applicable in rural areas. There is also an active for-profitprivate sector in vocationaltraining,
althoughthere is no centralizedinformationabout it and no availableestimatesof enrollmentsin these
schools nationally. SENAC researchers have unofficiallyestimatedthat enrollmentsin private
commercialskills training schools could be on the order of 30-50% as high as SENAC's.2 '
37.
As can be seen in Chart II, enrollmentsin SENAI and SENAC were lower than formal
secondaryenrollmentsuntil 1970. In the 1970s, however, their enrollmentsexploded, increasingby
V/
One factor almost certainly related to students' decisionsregarding whether or not to
pursue secondary schoolingis age. A basic prediction of human capital theory is that the older an
individualis, the less he/she will invest in educationand training -- because the opportunitycosts of
staying in school increase and because the time period over which a return (in the form of higher
wages) on incrementaleducationmay be collected is reduced. The age range of students in Brazilian
secondaryschools is extremely dispersed -- with over 30% of all students beyond the legal cutoff-age
of 19 -- and there is a significantage difference betweenthose students graduating from primary
school who do not go on to secondaryschool and those who do: according to the PNAD data, the
average age of individualswho graduated from primary school in 1981 and were not enrolled in
secondary school the followingyear was 19.2 yedrs old. Primary graduates who did continueon to
secondary school were 16.9 years old, on average. Thus, it may be expectedthat improvementsin
school quality and other actionsto reduce dropout and repetitionrates in Brazilianprimary schools
will affect the probabilityof students continuingon with secondaryschooling, i.e., contributeto an
increase in the transition ratio above 80% over time.
2/
Becauseof the high capital costs of establishingan industrialtraining school, private
vocational schools predominantlyoffer commercialskills training (secretarial, accounting, computer
programming and data processing, beautician, etc.). Thus, they may tend to compete more in
SENAC's market than SENAI's. Private industrialvocationalschools also exist, however.
-
14 -
21 % per year. One factor behind this enrollmentgrowth was the automaticexpansionof SENAI and
SENAC budgets (based upon 1% payroll taxes levied on formal sector enterprises) during a period of
rapid economicgrowth. A second importantfactor was the innovativenessof both agencies in
developinga heterogeneousmix of training courses, especiallyshorter-term training, distance teaching
using radio and television, and enterprise-basedprograms, all of which lowered the average costs of
training and permitted increased enrollments.
Chart Il: GROWTH OF VOCATIONALTRAINING
1940 - 1987
2000
Thousands of Students
-
175015000
12601000
750500
250
0
1940
1945
1950
1955
1960
=SENAI
1965
1970
1975
1980
1985
~SENAC
Source: SENAI and SENAC Headquarters
38.
Similar to the formal secondarysystem, SENAI and SENAC experienceda decline in
enrollmentsfrom 1980-85. Since 1985, both agencieshave expandedat a more rapid rate (11% per
year) than formal secondaryenrollments. BecauseSENAI and SENAC budgets are tied to payroll
taxes,L' enrollmentfluctuationsmay be supply driven, relatedto cyclical variations in receipts,
more than demand driven. The fact that b th agenciesgenerally retain 30% or more of their annual
receipts for investmentsunrelated to training, does give them some flexibilityin protecting program
size during economicdownturns.
LQ/
SENAR's budget is not. SENAR receives its funds from the Ministry of Labor.
-
15 -
39.
Whether supply or demanddriven in the case of vocationaltraining, it can be concluded
that the decline in formal secondaryenrollmentgrowth from 1980-85was not causedby a shift in
demand towards vocationaltraining (assumingthat there was no expansionin private vocational
training enrollmentsover this period.) The pattern appearsto be a broad decline in investmentsin
human capital during the recessionaryearly 1980s.The faster growth of training enrollmentssince
1985, however, suggeststhe possibilityof a demand shift towards vocationaltraining. To evaluate
this properly however would require more detailed data on studentcharacteristicsand annual budgets
than SENAI and SENAC make public.
Chart III: SECONDARYSCHOOL EDUCATIONAND TRAINING
ENROLLMENTSBY TYPE OF SCHOOL,1985
FORMALSECONDARY
SCHOOL
SECONDARYSCHOOL PLUS
VOCATIONALTRAINING
state
shtat
unirloalpa
State
aMicplPrivate
63.4%
e
bla
Federal Technical
A Municipal
Schools
~~~~~~~~~22.9%
Fedhnial
Schools 2.2%
SENAl Secondar
Schools
0.26%
Private Schools
33.3%
SENAI - all programs
8.8%
Total Enrollments: 3,016,138
22.9
Total Enrollments: 4,373,144
Sources: MEC, SENAI, SENAC
40.
Aggregate Spending. Low secondaryenrollmentsate associated with low public
spending on this level of education. Brazil's public investmentin secondaryeducationis much below
that of other Latin American countries. In 1980, the average country in Latin America allocated
25.6% of public educationspendingto secondaryeducation,while Brazil allocated only 8.4%. In
Latin America, only El Salvadorspends a smaller proportionof public educationfunds on secondary
educationthan does Brazil.)-`
11/
Rojas (1987).
-16 -
Table 2.1: PUBLIC SECONDARYEDUCATIONAND TRAINING
EXPENDITUREAND ENROLLMENTSBY TYPE OF SCHOOL,1985
EXPENITURE
COSTPERSTUDENT
198
(bMONh (UMileu ENROLLMENTS Cas
C z$")
USSW)
_
_
_
_
_
VS$
_
SECONDARY EDUCATION
FederalTechnical
Agricultural
Industrial
4.7
119
67,657
69,328
1,759
1.5
3.2
37
82
13,568
54,089
107,886
59,655
2,727
1.516
SENAI Secondary SchGools
0.6
14
7,543
73,864
1,880
State/Municipal Schools
State
Municipal
18.7
18.0
0.7
476
458
18
1,912,488
1,780.155
132,333
9,778
10,111
5.290
249
257
136
23.9
609
1,987,688
SENAI (excluding secondary
schools)
3.0
76
378,723
7,863
200
SENAC
2.0
51
1,002,505
1,998
51
SUBTOTAL
5.0
127
1,381,228
GRAND TOTAL
28.9
736
3,368,916
SUBTOTAL
VOCATIONAL TRAINING
____
a/ 1985 level of expenditure, converted to 1987 Cnzzados.
h/ Convened at average exchange rate for 1987, US$1 .00 CzS39.28.
Sources: EPEA, MEC, SENAC, SENA!, World Bank Reports and Appendix Table 20.
41.
Low public sprkndingis compensatedin part by high enrollmentsin private schools at the
secondarylevel (currently about one-thirdof secondaryenrollments)and substantialprivate spending
on both tuition and other school-relatedexpenses, such as books, transportation, etc. The total of
such private spending is estimatedto account for about 45% of all public and private spendingon
secondary schoolingin 1985. Low public spendingis also compensatedto some extent by public
spending on vocationaltraining. In 1985, SENAI and SENAC's estimated actual expenditureson
training (US$ 141 million) were equal to about 23% of total public spending on formal secondary
schooling,but this was an exceptionallylow year. In 1987 SENAI and SENAC revenues totalled
US$ 555 million, higher than total (1985) state and municipallevel spending on formal secondary
schooling.L'
12/
SENAC's total revenuesin 1987were US$ 191 million, but the agency spent only US$
84 million on training. SENAI's total 1987revenues were US$ 364 million, but it did not report
actual expenditures. See SENAC,Relatorio Geral 1987 and SENAI, RelatorioAnual do Sistema
SENAI 1987.
- 17 -
42.
Total public spendingon secondaryeducationis unevenlydivided between technical
educationand general education. About 22% of the total goes for technicaleducation, in either
federal technical schoolsor SENAI secondaryschools. These schools, however, represent less than
2% of total secondaryenrollmentsand only 3.4% of public secondaryenrollments. Within SENAI,
the 17 secondaryschools represent about 15% of total expenditure,but only 1% of total enrollments.
The high costs of a full secondarytechnicaleducation, rangingfrom US$1,500 to US$ 2,700 per
student in 1985, are clear from Table 2.1.
43.
Despite the striking growth of public vis-a-vis private secondaryenrollmentssince 1980
(discussedlater in this chapte;), the governmentcommitmentto public secondaryeducationappears
weak. Public spendingon secondaryeducationincreasedat the state level from an estimatedUS$ 192
per student in 1983to $257 per student in 1985, but public spendingover the period increasedmuch
more for universityand postgraduateeducation. As a result, secondaryeducation's share of total
educationspending was lower in 1985 (7.9%) than in 1980.131
Chart IV: PUBLIC SECONDARYENROLLMENTS
AND UNIT COSTS, BY TYPE OF SCHOOL, 1985
3000
Annual Expenditure
Share of Total Publo Enrollments
(Total * 1,987.688)
per Student (US$)
2500
100
8
2000
60
1500
-40
1000
~~~~~~~~~~~~~20
500
0
Municipal
State
SENAI
EExpenditure/Student
Federal
(Industrial)
=]3Public
Federal
(Agricultural)
0
Enrollments
Source: Table 2.1
13/
There is some evidencethat Ministry of Educationfunding of secondaryeducationas a
proportion of total educationspendinghas increased slightlysince 1986 (Gomes, 1988).
-
18 -
B. Secondary-leveleducat-i in Brazil is diverse, in terms of course content.
administration,and unit costs. Within the public sector, quality is generallyDoor: the exceptions are
the highly select. high cost federal technicalschools and SENA! secondaryschools.
44.
Secondaryeducationis provided by all three levels of government -- federal, state, and
municipal. The private sector, with 35% of enrollmentsin 1987,also plays an importantrole. Chart
IV shows enrollmentsand unit costs by type of school.
1. State Schools
45.
Over 96% of public enrollmentsand almost two-thirdsof total secondaryenrollmentsare
in state and municipalschools, hereafter in this report referred to as state schools. State schools
are open to all students who have completedprimary school, operate 180 days per year and 5 hours
per day (900 hours of instructionper year;. The general secondaryprogram is three years, or 2700
hours of instruction. A small share of students (less than 10%) take technicalor occupational
programs that require a fourth year of classes. Another20-30% take courses, such as teacher
trainingandaccounting,which commonly include a year of apprenticeship.
46.
State schoolsoffer a wide array of different occupationally-orientedprograms. All
courses, however, lead to a full general secondarydegree adequatefor college entrance. Students
may specialize in primary sector (agricultural),secondary(industrial)and tertiary sector (service)
curriculaand may do so to differing degrees: habilitacaobasica, habilitacaoparcial, or habilitacao
plena, in ascendingorder of intensity.!5' Nationally,about 37% of students take no specialization,
and 12% take habilitagaobasic, or the most general type of vocationalorientation. Over half of all
students, however, take habilitacaoparcial or plena. Within the latter categories,the most popular
specialtiesby far are teacher training and accounting,which enroll 20% and 15% of all secondary
students, respectively(Baqueroand Oliveira, 1987).
47.
In most cases occupationally-orientedand general curriculumprograms are offered in the
same schools and state budgets do not allow disaggregationof their unit costs. Much state-level
"training" -- for specialtiessuch as teaching, accounting,clerical assistant, etc. - involvesno
machineryor other special supplies. However, a fe.wstates maintaina distinct network of specialized
technical (industrialand agricultural)schools, althoughin general these account for less than 10% of
total state enrollments. These schools are designedalong the lines of the federal technical schools,
but conditions at state technical schools are often deplorable. Budget constraintsdo not permit
adequate investmentsin training equipmentand maintenance;machineryis often non-functioningand
the equipmentthat does work is largely obsolete. Teachingpersonnelare less well paid than teachers
in federal technical or SENAI/SENACschools, and consequentlyare of lower technical quality.
14/
Municipalschools account for 7% of public enrollmentsand 4% of total enrollments.
The problems of municipalschools closelyparallel those of state schools, so this section does not
treat them separately.
I5/
Basica programs includelittle actualskills training. Parcial trains students to the level of
assistanttechnician. Plena includes full occupationaltraining, for exampleas a dental technician,
accountant,or (primary or secondaryschool) teacher.
-
19 -
Many state technical schools in fact are unable to offer an educationvery different from that of a
general state school.
48.
Two-thirdsof all secondaryschool students in state and municipalschools attend school
at night, as compared with 56% of all secondarystudents and 55% of private secondarystudents.
Most night classes are held in schoolsused for primary school during the day. Most night school
teachers are teachingtheir second or even third shift that day. Althoughonly 36% of secondary
students work, over 70% of those who attend night classes are employed. Night school attendanceis
not confinedto students from the lowest-incomefamiliesin Brazil. Accordingto 1982 PNAD data,
students from all but the top income quartilewere more likely to study at night than in day programs.
(see Appendix Table 11). Night sessions help state (and private) schools lower the marginal costs of
expansion,but it appears that the high share of enrollmentsat night basicallyreflects studentdemand.
49.
Secondaryschoolsoperated by the states and municipalitiesare mainly financedby state
general revenue sources. Federal secondaryeducationtransfers to the states represent less than 3% of
total state secondaryeducationexpenditures(as compared with 16% at the primary level). In 1986,
states spent close to 20% of their total budgets on educationbut only 9% of their educationspending
on secondary schools.
50.
The administrationof state secondaryschools is highly centralized. All teacher
recruitment and assignmentdecisionsare made by the state secretariats. There is no expenditure
authority at the level of schoolsor even regional delegacias; supplies are all procured centrally and
deliveredto the schools. Curriculum design and textbook selectionare also handled centrally.
Except for recent efforts in a few states such as Parana to involve parent organizationsand
communitiesin school maintenance,maintenanceis also handled centrally and most states have large
backlogsof requests for repairs.
51.
Unit costs in state and municipalpublic schools vary across and within regions,WL
but
are in general low - averagingan estimatedUS$ 250 per student (for state schools)in 1986. This
figure is low even taking into account the sharing of many costs (such as building constructionand
maintenance)with primary schools.'7 Federal transfers favor the Northeast, but have played only a
mildly redistributiverole at the secondarylevel.
52.
Althoughvariations do exist across states and within state systems, the dominantpattern
of state secondaryeducationnationwideis low quality schooling. Weak and disorganizedschool
administrations,sluggish and overblown bureaucracies,low paid and unmotivatedteachers and, in
16/
There have been no systematicstudies of regional variations in per student expenditures
at the secondary level, but a 1986study of primary educationsponsoredby the Ministry of Education
found a tenfold range in direct costs per student betweenthe lowest-spendingstate (Piaui, with US$
33 per student) and the highest-spendingstate (Rio de Janeiro, with US$ 306 per student). The
average direct expenditureper primary student was US$ .4. A similar degree of regional variation
around the average expenditureper student (US$ 250) at the secondarylevel is very likely.
17/
In the state of Sao Paulo, for example, of 1,498 schools that offer secondaryschool
classes, all but 162 share facilities with primary schools.
- 20 recent years, crippling teacher strikes are commonfeatures of the state-levelschools. In 1988, the
state (primary and secondary)schoolsof Rio de Janeiro, for example, lost 90 days of the 180 day
school year to strikes. Sao Paulo state schools were closedby a teachers' strike for three months in
1989. Strike disruptions, as well as low school quality, contributeimportantlyto high dropout rates
(29% in the first year and 22% in the second) and repetition rates (22% in the first year) in state
schools -- and to the dismal statisticthat only an estimated42% of students who begin state secondary
schoolsever graduates.
53.
Twenty years ago state-levelsecondaryschools were of generally high quality and
played an importantrole in the upward social mobilityof a significantnumber of Brazilians. Bright
children of middle-incomeand poor familieswho managedto completeprimary school could be
confidentof an educationcomparableto that of good quality private schools. In addition, states such
as Sao Paulo maintainedlarger "magnet" schools, with entranceby competitiveexamination,which
guaranteedgraduates strong chances of admissionto top universities.
54.
The deterioration in state school quality can be traced to a number of specific causes
examinedin the followingchapters. An underlyingissue is the trade-off between quantity and
quality. Enrollmentsin state secondaryschools since the 1960shave expandedfaster than state-level
expenditureson secondaryeducation. States respondedto the pressure from growing numbers of
primary school graduates by rapidly adding new public school classes, commonlyusing existing
primary school buildingsto hold secondaryschool sessions at night. The growth of classes demanded
rapid recruitmentof new teachers, and the average quality of the public secondaryschool teaching
stock began to decline.A Over time, growingpressures on state budgets resulted in declining
average wages for teachers and contributedto the inabilityof teacher training schoolsto attract good
studentsAl'
2. Federal TechnicalSchools
55.
The 23 federal industrialand 37 federal agricultural schoolstogether account for only
3.4% of public secondarystudents (and 2% of all secondarystudents)but absorb 20% of total public
spending on secondaryeducation. The schools are administeredby the Ministry of Education(MEC).
They have high quality facilities and unit costs (US$ 1,500-2,700per year) close to those of Brazil's
top universities. Students are selectedby competitiveentranceexams. The industrial schools receive
on average more than 7 applicantsper place; the agriculturalschools are considerablyless
competitive, averagingless than 2 candidatesper place.
18/
The average formal qualificationsof teachers at all levels have increased significantly
over the past two decades, however. Part of the reason why secondaryschool teaching quality has
declined appears to be that the rapid expansionof higher level educationafter 1970drew many of the
best teachers away from secondary schools.
12/
Costa Ribeiro (1988) found that educationdepartmentshad the highest rates of unfilled
student "places" (40% unfilled) at leading Brazilianuniversitiesin 1988, because insufficient
candidatesattainedthe minimumtest scores required for acceptance.
- 21 -
56.
Particularly at the industrialtechnical schools, the student body is skewed towards
upper income groups - with approximately17% of day students coming from families with income
above 13 SM and 50% with income of more than 6 SM.A' Only an estimated9% of federal
technical students come from families with income below 2 SM. Those technical schoolsthat operate
night shifts, however, appear to reach students from significantlylower-incomefamilies.
57.
The federal technical schoolsoperate six hour per day, 180-dayper year, four year
programs. Thus, total course hours for graduation (4,750) are significantlyhigher than for state
secondary schools (2,700). Many federal technical schools operate only one (daytime)shift. The
agricultural schools, which tend to be located in the interior of the state, usually board students; this
is the main explanationfor their higher per studentcosts. Federal technical schools boast higher rates
of graduation (74%) than the average for either private or state schools, and their repetition rates are
low.2" Althoughall of the federal technical schools have shop facilities or agriculturalproducton
facilities designedto ensure that students learn practical skills, a large share of graduates in fact go on
to university and enter white collar, professionaloccupations.Only 25% of federal technical school
students are female.
58.
The federal technical school system was created in the 1960s, with the objective of
establishingone school of each type in every state. This objectivehas been achievedand a few states
have more than two federal technical schools. The schools have enjoyedsubstantial and relatively
stable financial support from the federal budget. ',eachers are paid on the same scale as professors at
federal universities, and their salaries are high relative to salaries at state secondaryschools and
private schools. They are similar to salary levels for SENAI secondaryschool teachers. In late
1988, the entry level salary for a federal technicalschool teacher was Cz 210,000 per month (seven
imes the minimumwage, about US$ 280 per month at the prevailingexchange rate), for a forty hour
work weel-, and the average salary was about ten times the minimumwage, or $400 per month. By
comparison, the average salary for a state school teacher was in the range of two-three times the
minimumsalary'(US$80-120per month); however, this is for a twenty hour week.
During the recent constitutionaldiscussions,a proposal to transfer the federal technical
59.
chools to the respectivestates was debated, but finally rejected. Despite their attachmentto the
entral government, the federal technical schoolshave a surprising degree of operationalautonomy.
School directors play a significantrole in teacher recruitmentand control school assignments
BIthoughthey cannot lay off teachers). Althoughin principle the federal Ministry is responsiblefor
ie design of curriculum, selectionof materials and school maintenance,in practice most technical
20/
Based upc-i data from the sample of federal technical students which participatedin the
1988 secondaryschool achievementtest. See AppendixTable 34.
21/
Interestingly,despite low repetitionrates, the percentageof students who are "overage"
at federal technical schools -- 74% -- is little different from the percentage at state secondary schools
(78%). One explanationgiven is that sometimercstudentswho have already completedsecondary
school elsewhere but have not passed the Xestibular for the universitiesthey wish to attend, enroll in
federal technical schools with the intentionof eventuallyreapplyingfor university admission.
- 22 school directors out of necessityfind ways to take care of these directly, given their great distance
from Brasilia. Student selectionis largely handled at the school level.
3. Federally-financedVocationalTraining
60.
Each year, approximately1.6 million individualscompleteSENAI and SENAC training
programs, as compared with the roughly 550,000 students graduated from Braziliansecondary
schools. Although many SENAI and SENAC trainees are adults, the majority falls within the age
range of secondaryschool. These autonomouspublic training organizationsthus represent an
importantalternativepath to formal educationfor Brazilianyouths.
61.
SENAI and SENAC are administeredby the National Federationsof Industry and
Commerce, respectively, which are private assoc.itions of employers. The agencies' budgets,
however, come from a one percent payroll tax on industrial enterprises (in the case of SENAI) and
commercialenterprises (in the case of SENAC). Enterpriseshaving more than 500 employeesare
levied a payroll tax rate of 1.2%. Industrial enterprisescan be exemptedfrom the extra 0.2% if a
special training agreement is signed with SENAI, and about forty industrialenterprises have been
exemptedfrom the entire 1.2% payroll tax becausethey have special accords which require them to
operate their own training institutions.
62.
The Ministry of Social Security collectsthe payroll tax and distributesit to the national
headquarters of SENAI and SENAC, which in turn distribute funds to their regional offices, which
provide the training. In principle, the Ministry of Labor oversees the training policies of SENAI and
SENAC; in practice, the two organizationsare very autonomous.
Although most SENAI and SENAC courses are relatively short-term (the average
63.
SENAI course is 185 hours and the average SENAC course is 60 hours), SENAI operates a network
of 17 full secondary schools, which offer a four year technicallyoriented program. About 1% of
SENAI's enrollmentsnationallyare in this "HabilitagaoProfissional" (HP) program. Total course
hours for the HP program are even greater than at the federal technical schools, about 5,600 hours
over four years; during the fourth year students work in enterprisesas apprentices. Another 8% of
SENAI enrollmentsare in specializedcourses for post-secondarystudents, called "Cursos do
QualificacaoProfissional" (CQP).
64.
SENAI and SENAC have pioneered the developmentof training programs closely
tailored to the manpowerneeds of individualmdustries. Their responsivenessto industrial and
commercialmarkets has traditionallybeen a major factor in their effectivenessin supplyingwelltrained and easily employablegraduates. It is also reflected in the heterogeneousarray of training
courses they offer, in terms of content, length, and unit costs. As documentedin AppendixTables 15
and 22, in 1985 at SENAI's Sao Paulo branch, costs per studentranged from US$ 29 for the 80-100
hour "TreinamentoIndustrial"courses to almost US$ 7,000 over four years for the 4,300 hour HP
program. The great majorityof SENAI's enrollmentsare in short courses aimed at skills upgrading- almost 50% of total enrollmentsare for short-term training in enterprises- and 37% of enrollments
are in the equally short-term "TreinamentoOccupacional"program (TO), with costs per student of
less than US$ 100.
-
23 -
65.
Given the lower capital costs of commercialtraining, SENAC courses tend to be more
uniform in terms of average course length and costs. No informationabout costs by program is
available from SENAC, however.
66.
SENAI and SENAC are quite decentralizedto the regional branches, which control
prograrrming, curriculum,teacher recruitmentand firing, administerall funds, conduct research and
evaluation,and oversee the quality of all schools. Individualschools have limited autonomy. In
general, the regional branches are efficientat handlingthese functions,and school quality is
consistentlygood. The cost-effectivenessof SENAI and SENAC training has never been evaluated,
however.
67.
In addition to SENAI and SENAC, the federal governmentprovides tax incentivesto
private enterprises which provide their own training. Law 6297, passed in 1975, allowed enterprises
to deduct up to 8% of their incometax liability for training purposes. Participatingfirms submit
plans to the of the Ministry of Labor for arproval. They can then either provide the training
themselvesor contract with SENAI or SENAC to providethe training. Currently, some 4,200
enterprisesparticipatein the program, training an estimated 1 - 2 millionworkers per year. As
smaller firms generallydon't have large enough work forces to benefit from this incentive, most of
the beneficiarieshave been larger firms. There are no available evaluationsof the full costs or
effectivenessof the enterprise-basedtraining, however.
4. Costs and Ouality
68.
There exist large differences in average per studentexpenditureacross different types of
public schools. Direct comparisonsmust be made with care, since course hours vary and some capital
costs and administrativeoverheadmay be accountedfor differently,but the orders of magnitude
shown in Table 2.2 leave little doubt that the typical educationa student receives at federal technical
schools and SENAI technical schools is qualitativelydifferent from that of a state or municipal
secondaryschool. Average annual per studentcosts of the technicaleducationoffered by the federal
governmentand SENATare seven to ten times higher than average per student costs of general
secondaryeducationprovidedby states and municipalities. The principalfactors explainingthese cost
differences are the more expensivefacilities and equipmentof the federal and SENAI technical
schools, higher teacher salaries, approximately15% more instructionalhours per year, and lower
student-teacherratios.
69.
How do these spendingdifferences affect the quality of educationoffered? Other than
Ministry of Educationdata on dropout, repetitionand graduationrates at different schools, and data
on how graduates of different schoolsdo on universityentrance examinations,no systematic
comparisonsof school quality at the secondaryschool level exist. To provide somc partial answers,
in November 1988 the Ministry of Educationand the World Bank commissionedthe Carlos Chagas
Foundationto design and administera standardizedtest of secondaryschool achievementin two core
subjects, Portuguese and Mathematics. The test was administeredto 2,600 third-year secondary
students at 66 schools in four states (Ceara, Bahia, Sao Paulo and Parana). The test and results are
discussedin Annex I. Table 2.2 shows how average student scores at the different types of schools
correlate with per student expendituredifferences.
-
24 -
Table 2.2: ANNUALEXPENDITURE PER STUDENT AT DIFFERENT SCHOOLS, 1985
AND MEAN STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT TEST SCORES, NOVEMBER I8
EXPENDITURE
PER ST1IDENT
FEDERALTECHNICALSCHOOLS
Industrial
State SecondarySchools
Day
Night
TeacherTraining
(day)
SENAI SecondarySchools
Private Schoolse'
Day
Night
Teacher Training
(night)
AVERAGE TEST SCORESa
l
(% correct)
PORTUGUESE MATHEMATICS
51
$1,516
$257
$1,880
51
41
45
28
23
23
48
28
58
57
49
46
49
25
$525
||
A/ Portuguesetest consistedof 35 questions;math test consistedof 45 questions.
b/ Annual average tuition for 1988, estimatedfrom November1988 monthlytuition reported by
schoolsand studentsparticipatingin the achievementtest; range was about US$ 75-770 per
by households
year. For comparison,the average annual secondaryschool tuition reporWted
ii he 1982 PNAD was US$ 403; the average of annual tuition reported by private schoolsto
the Sao Paulo state educationcommission(September1987) was US$792per year; a 1985
research study in Sao Pauloestimatedprivate schoolunit costs as US$670-698per student
(Braga and Cyrillo); the averagetuition level reported by private schoolsto the state
educationcouncil in Ceara was US$ 396 per year in March 1988, and in Parana (November
1988), US$ 312 per year. In all cases, the range in private schooltuition rates underlying
these averagesis extremelybroad.
Sources: Public school cost data from Table 2.1. Private school costs and student achievementdata
from MEC/WorldBank/CarlosChagas FoundationStudent Achievementtests, 1988. See
AppendixTables 23-39.
70.
Except for the SENAI secondaryschools, whose students scored lower than would be
expected,the schools ranked in terms of studentperformance in the same order as their per student
expenditure. As discussed in Annex I, these rankings did not change when student scores were
controlledfor students' socioeconomicbackground(parents' education, father's occupation,and
family income), although there were clear differencesin students' average socioeconomicstatus at 'e
different types of schools. Students at SENAI secondaryschools had the highest average
socioeconomicstatus, followedclosely by students at the federal technical schools. General
secondaryschools students had lower average socioeconomiclevels, and students at teacher training
schools had by far the lowest of all. The rankings were consistentin all four states ard there was
little absolute difference in mean test scores across regions for the same type of school. This may
- 25 mean that the differences in per student expenditurethat exist across states and regional differencesin
average private school tuition levels reflect differencesin regional price levels more than anything
else.
71.
Overall, the achievementtest results make clear that what kind of secondaryschool a
Brazilian studentattends has a great effect on his or her cognitiveachievement. There appears to be
two reasons why. First, there are significantdifferencesin the average socioeconomiclevel of
students at different types of schools; the data indicateclearly that students from different social
classes are "tracked" into different types of secondaryschools in Brazil. And, as is found in every
country, students of higher socioeconomicstatus tend to score higher on standardizedtests.
Interestingly,the Brazil data also impliesthat lower class students who somehowfind themselvesin
"higher-class"schoolsperform just as well on standardizedtests as their richer classmates.
72.
Even after studentbackgroundeffects were accountedfor, however, there remained
significantunexplaineddifferences in student achievementat different types of schools, particularly in
mathematics. The test results imply that studentsof identicalsocioeconomicbackgroundwouldscore
at least 50% higher on the mathematicstest if they were studyingat a federal technicalschool, rather
than a teacher training or SENAI school, and about 20% higher if they were in a private school. The
specific reasons behind these schools' higher student scores are not clear, however. Given the fact
that federal technical schools and some private schools select their students on the basis of entrance
exams, it is likely that differencesin students' innate abilityare an importantunderlyingfactor.
Surprisingly, average teacher salary levels did not appear to have a measurableeffect on student
scores. As was expected, hours of instructionin math and Portuguesedid have some effect. These
and other test results are discussedin Annex I.
C. A large. diverse private sector serves the poor as well as upper income gromups.
Demand is income and price elastic and has movedup and down accordinglyin the last decade. Most
of the demandfor private schoolingis probablydue to the low quality of public schools rather thn
lack of public school spaces.
73.
Private educationplays an importantrole in Brazil. Twelve percent of primary school
pupils, 35% of secondary school pupils, and 59% of universitypupils,are enrolled in private
institutions. Private secondaryschools enrolled over 1 1 million students in 1987. At 1985unit
costs, the public sector would have had to increase its spendingby US$ 362 million, i.e. almost 60%
of total 1985 public secondaryeducationspending, were it to decide to finance all secondaryschool
instructionpublicly. Another way of looking at the importanceof private secondaryeducationis the
following. The secondaryeducationgross enrollmentrate was 35% of the 16-18age group in 1985.
Were the supply of private secondaryeducationabruptly to disappear, public secondaryschools could
only educate23% of the age group, approximatelyequal to the level of educationalopportunity
available in 1973.
74.
In addition to formal secondaryschools, which are regulated by state governments, a
fairly dynamic and almost wholly unregulatedsector of private %cursoslivres" exists, which ewroll
large numbers of students of secondaryschool age seeking instructionin everything from hair cutting
to computerprogramming. The cursos livres most closelytied to secondaryeducationare the
"cursinhos"-intensive academic "cram" courses which prepare graduatingsecondarystudents to take
universityentrance examinations("vestibular"). A survey of students taking the 1987 entrance
-
26 -
examinationfor universitiesin the state of Sao Paulo (FUVEST)revealedthat 50% of all applicants
and 60% of all those acceptedtook a cursinho; 18.5% of studentstook a cursinho for over one year.
The majorityof students who take cursinhosattend public secondaryschools; thus, the cursinho can
be viewed as remedial secondaryeducationwhich should be included in total secondaryeducation
expenditures. However, there are no data on either the number of students enrolled in such courses
nor the average matriculationfees they pay.-'
Chart V: ESTIMATEDTOTAL SPENDINGON
SECONDARYEDUCATION,1985
Total Equals US$ 1.182 billilon
public outlays
62%
(US$ 609 million)
private school tuition
payments
31%
(US$ 362 million)
other family
spending 17%
(US$ 211 million)
Note: Other family spending Includes
spending on school-related Items
(books, uniforms, transport, etc.)
for both public and private schools
Source: MEC
75.
Overall, the private educationsector can be accuratelydescribed as fairly dynamic and
extremelyheterogeneousin terms of the quality of instructioiralservices it offers. Althoughmost
older private schoolswere founded originallyby religiousorders, most of the growth of enrollments
since the 1960s has been in private for-profitschools, manyof which were initially establishedas
cursinhosand subsequentlyexpandedinto full-fledgedsecondaryschools. In addition, in several cities
there exist "chains" of for-profitprivate secondaryschools, such as FaculdadesObjectivoin Sao
Faulo (which has also expandedto offer higher-leveleducation)and GEO in Fortaleza. These
22/
In the state of Sao Paulo alone, about 8900 private educationalestablishmentsare
registered with the Private School Syndicate. Approximatelyhalf offer "cursos livres," one-quarter
are pre-schools, and the remainingone-quarter offer either plimary or secondaryeducation.
- 27 "chains," which use aggressivemarketingtechniquessuch as radio advertising, apparentlybenefit
from name recog u"'nnand possible economiesof scale in administration.It is generally agreed,
however, that the turmal private educationmarket has become increasinglyrisky over the past decade
becauseof the volatility of student demandand the uncertaintyof governmentpolicy (particularlywith
respect to tuition price controls, which have dampenedprofits).
Table 2.3:
PRIVATESCHOOLENROLLMENTS,TUITIONAND FAMILY INCOME
BY INCOME QUARTILE, 1982
INCOMEQUARTILE
FIRST
SECOND
THIRD
FOURTH
TOTAL
Percentof Students Enrolledin
Private SecondarySchools
2?%
31%
34%
51%
43%
Average MonthlyPrivate
SecondarySchoolTuition Paid in
1982 (US$)
7.36
12.13
19.07
41.96
33.58
Averageper Capita Family
Income of Childrenin Private
SecondarySchoolsin 1982 (USS)
30.50
46.94
83.52
255.67
193.79
Tuition as a Share of per Capita
Family Income
24%
26%
23%
16%
17%
.OML.
1982 PNAD. Also see AnnexIll.
1. The poor do attend Drivateschools
76.
Almost 30% of low-incomesecondarystudents attend private schools. As can be seen
from Table 2.3, private school participationincreases with family income, but a high proportionof
students from even the lowest income quartile attend private schools. It is clear that a heterogW..eous
supply of private schools exists - with low-costschools supplyinginstructionto low incomefamilies
and high-cost instructionto high incomefamilies. As a ratio of per capita family income, the cost of
private educationdoes not vary greatly by income quartile, except for the top income group, which
spendsproportionatelyless on private schooling.
77.
The large number of low-costschools in the private secondaryschool market is visible
from data providedby the state education councilsin Sao Paulo, Parana and Ceara (Chart VI).
Although the range In reported tuition levels is enormous - particularly in Sao Paulo - in all thiee
states by far the largest number of schools are in the low tuition segmentof the market.
Unfortunately,no data exist on the distributionof enrollmentsacross schools of different tuition
levels. Data from the private schools which participatedin the MEC/WorldBank student
achievementtests suggeststhat high-tuitionprivate schools may generally be larger than low-tuition
schools. Thus, although low-tuitionschools clearly dominatethe market in terms of number, the
distributionof enrollmentsacross the two segmentsof the private school market may be somewhat
more equal.
-28ChOrtVI: DISTRIBUTIONOF PRIVATESCHOOLS,BY MONTHLYTUMON LEVELSIN SAO PAULO, PAQANA AND CEARA,198? AND 1988
Numbma
of sahaoft
60
/
40
September1987
8^o~~~Se
Paulo.
\
40
so
20
10
o a
is
2s
75Pnruic-8S SNovember
9
106 205
1987 305
30~~~~~~~~~ai
8546s.6
M.nUIv
oftumber
O
Omet (Lis)
aono
s7
35
so
nParana
Educ
-
November 1988
20
0
10
0
0
20
80
.40
ISO
70
so
so
NUmnbe of Schools
104
Mrh18
12
2
0
10
20
so
MoRIIV
40
so
so
70
GOot (Ulm
Source:
Sac Paulo State EducatLon CommlLu.Lon, Septembe~r 1987; Parana State
Education
Council., November 1988; Coar& State EducatLon Council, March 1988
(See Statisti.cal
Appendix, Table 42).
- 29 2. Volatilityin recent enrollments
In 1960, the secondaryschool system was largely private, with two-thirdsof total
78.
enrollmentsin private, mainly religious, schools. During the 1960s,however, the public sector,
particularlyat the state level, expandedsecondaryplaces more than 19.4% per year, doublethe rate
of enrollmentgrowth in the private sector. B} the end of the decade over half (55%) of total
secondaryschool places were in public schools.
Public school expansionslowed during the 1970s,to just over 10% per year, and private
79.
school enrollmentsbegan increasingslightly more rapidly. This change to a large extent reflected a
shift in demand towards private schools associatedwith students' and parents' rejection of the 1971
national "vocationalization"policy which mandateda curriculumemphasison occupationaltraining in
secondaryschools. Althoughlegally required in all schools, private schoolstended to implementthe
policy change to a lesser degree. By the end of the 1970s,private schools' share of total secondary
enrollmentsrose slightly to about 48%. Private enrollmentgrowth over the decade remainedstrong,
at 10.9% per year.
A striking trend since 1980has been a sharp increase in the volatility of demand for
80.
public versus private schooling. Between 1980and 1985, there was a 25% decline in private school
enrollmentsand a 33% increase in public school enrollmentsin a context of stagnatingoverall
enrollments. Over the five years, more than 300,000 students left private schools and public school
enrollmentsincreasedby more than 400,000. Private enrollmentsdeclined in every region.
81.
The decline in private enrollmentsfrnm 1980-85is attributableto two phenomena: (i)
the economicrecessionthat reduced personal incomesand, thus, decreased demandfor private
secondaryeducationand (ii) increasesin the supply of public secondary education. Partial data
availablefor 1985-87shows a reversal of the trend, with sharp increases in private school enrollments
in 1986 (4.7%) and especiallyin 1987(9.1%), suggestinga shift of some public school students back
to private schools as the Plano Cruzado raised real incomesand governmentprice controlsheld down
private school tuition. Price controls were lifted after 1987, however, and initial data from the state
of Sao Paulo for 1988 and 1989show a shift back in favor of the public schools. Out of a total
secondaryschool enrollmentof only 3.2 millionstudents, enrollment shifts of the magnitude
experiencedduring the 1980s-- and the capacityof both the public and private sectors to
accommodatethem by adjustingsupply -- are impressive.
82.
Nationaltime series data on private school prices do not exist, so it is difficultto
evaluatethe role of private school tuition changesin the demand volatility since 1980. Government
officials suggest that the decline in private school enrollmentsduring the first part of the decade
(1980-1982)was associatedwith a rising trend in private school prices, which increasedfaster than
the increase in real wages. After 1982, as depictedin Chart VII, there is a strong correlation
between the changes in private school enrollmentsand movementsin average real wages, with a one
year lag. Such a lag might be expected, reflectingstudents' reluctanceto change schools in the
middle of an academic year. This data broadly corroboratesresults of research done in the early
1970swhich estimatedthe income elasticityof family expenditureson educationto be relatively high,
in the range of 1.3 (in Sao Paulo) to 1.6 (in Rio de Janeiro). (World Bank, 1979, p. 37).
-
30-
Chart VII: PRIVATESECONDARYSCHOOL
ENROLLMENTSAND REAL WAGES1980-87
Index8
Millions of Students
0.04
real hourly wage
1.41.4
0.03
1
private enrollments
- 0.02
0.8 0.6 -
- 0.01
0.4 0.2 -
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
a/ Deflated Average Hourly Wage
In Sao Paulo (1980 prices)
Source: Macrometrica Nov88
83.
Existing data do not permit an analysis of which private schools lost enrollments to
public schools during the early 1980s, but it is reasonable to assume that the rate of substitution is
highest at the low-tuition segment of the market. Volatility in these schools' enrollments is consistent
with a general picture of relatively small, recently established private schools located in the peripheral
low-income neighborhoods of large cities, operating mostly at night and with limited administrative
overhead. It is likely that the price elasticity of demand is significantly higher in this segment of the
market than in the high-tuition segments. Research on the determinants of demand for different types
of private schooling (in terms of price) and the quality of low-cost private versus public schooling are
of high priority.
3. Are private schools of higher quality?
84.
There is a certain amount of evidence suggesting that private schools, on average, are
higher in quality than public schools (excluding the federal technical schools). Available evidence
includes: pass rates on university entrance examinations, which tend to be higher for graduates of
private secondary schools; the fact that graduates of private schools are less likely than public school
- 31 students to nerd to take "cursinhos"to pass the vestibularexams,2' and; the lower average dropout
and higher graduation rates of private schools. In 1984, 23.7% of students entering public secondary
schoolsdropped out by year's end; the correspondingnumber for private secondaryschools was
14.4%.
85.
As discussedearlier, the results of the secondaryschool achievementtest presented in
Table 2.2 corroborate this picture. Even controllingfor family income, sex, age, hours of work, the
socioeconomiccompositionof the school, day or night shift, and hours of instruction, among other
variables, students in priva'e schools did better than students in state secondaryschools and SENAI
schools, particularly in math.
86.
Underlyingsuch averages, however, are distinct segmentsof the private secondary
school market whose very different tuition levels suggestpotentiallyenormous differences in school
quality. It is possible that low-tuitionprivate schools are underrepresentedin of..ial
enrollment/repetition/dropoutstatistics, becausethere is more turnover among these schools and it is
more difficultfor central administratorsto collect informationfrom them. As a result, statistics on
the average quality of private schools may be biased upwards.
87.
In the high-tuitionschools, enrollmentsare almost certainlydriven by students' demand
for higher quality and these students are unlikely to considerswitchingto public schools. Average
tuition levels for this segmentof the market are well above per student expendituresin state school
systems, suggestingthat real quality differences exist. Private schools in the achievementtest sample,
which was skewed towards middle and high-tuitionschools, on average had slightly better educated
teachers and paid slightly higher salaries - although not nearly as high as the federal technical schools
and SENAI. This sample of private schools also offered 1-2 more hours of Portugueseand math
instructionper week.
88.
On the other hand, private schools in the sample two other importantcharacteristicsnot
usually associatedwith higaer quality. First, average class size in the private schools was sampled
significantlylarger than in public schools (whetherday or night session)and almost double the size of
classes in the federal technical schools and SENAIschools (AppendixTable 35). Second, the private
schools also held many secondarysessions at night. Nationally,55% of private secondaryschool
students attend night shifts. Night sessionsappear to be the rule in low-tuitionschools, but are
common even in the more expensiveprivate schools.
89.
In contrast to night session studentsat public schools, night sessionstudents at private
schools scored as well as their daytime counterpartson the recent achievementtest. Unless there are
D1/
FUVESP, the organizationwhich adninisters university entranceexaminationsfor the
Universityof Sao Paulo, reports a pass rate (in 198 ) of 9. 1% for private school graduates versus
4.4% for municipalsecondaryschool graduates, 5.4% for state secondaryschool graduates, and 15%
for graduates of the federal technical schools. FUVESPalso reports that taking a preparatory
"cursinho"makes almost no difference in the performanceof private school graduatesbut a large
difference in the performanceof public school graduates. In 1987, for example, only 3.2% of public
school graduates not having a "cursinho"passed the universityentrance examinationcompared with
an 8.1 % pass rate for those having taken a "cursinho."
- 32 systematicdifferences in the populationsattendingday and night public schools that do not hold for
private school students, this result suggeststhat private schoolsdo a better job of delivering
equivalentquality instructionby day and by night, despite the intrinsicdifficultiesof running schools
at night (i.e., harder to recruit good teachers; greater likelihoodthat sttAents are tired and have more
trouble concentrating;higher security costs; more difficultyassuring ma ntenance, etc.).
90.
What makes students choose low-tuitionprivate schools -- especially if,as in many of
these, tuition is lower than the average per student cost of a public school? How can private schools
which in fact offer a lower cost educationbe perceivedas being of higher quality? One possibility is
that public school supply may be constrainedin low-incomeperipheralurban areas, and that private
enrollmentshere reflect the lack of alternativesmore than consumerpreferences. There is no
systematicevidenceon the extent to which localizedsupply constraintsaffect private school demand,
but the existenceof programs such as "Compra de Vagas" in the state of Ceara suggests that it can be
a factor.2' Data from the 1982PNAD also support this. Althoughnationallyonly 3% of 1981
primary school graduates who did not continue with secondaryschool gave "lack of spaces or
inexistenceof secondary-levelcourses" as the explanation, 10% of students from the bottom income
quartile in urban areas gave this reason. (AppendixTable 58.)
91.
Even so, lack of supply appears to be a relatively minor issue compared with perceived
differences in quality. Among students taking the 1988achievementtest, only 10% said that they
attend private schools becausepublic schools either didn't have space or were too distant; 70% said
they were studying in private schools in order to increasetheir chancesof getting in to the top public
universities. Moreover, secondaryschool students are of an age where school proximity need not be
defined too strictly. More than 40% of all secondarystudents work full-timeand may travel
significantdistances from their homes to work. Almost all major cities have a problem of
underutilizedschool capacity in some areas (generallythe central city), yet none has a program to
encouragestudents to attend these schools. For example, even a limited transport program in which
students are responsiblefor getting to school, but buses are available to take them home after classes
late at night might prove to be cost-effectivein terms of rationalizingschool buildingutilization.
92.
An importantreason for attendinglow-cost private schools given by students interviewed
by the mission in late 1988was the lower frequencyof strikes and resulting longer effective schoolyear than in the public sector, which is one importantmeasureof differentialpublic/privateschool
quality. Facilities are, if anything, more primitive in many low-costprivate schools. Teachers in lowtuition schools probably generallyhave slightly lower formal qualificationsthan the average in the
public sector, and are generally less experienced. But several private school directors interviewed
stressed that their ability to fire teachers who miss classes or are consistentlytardy is an advantage
that more than compensatesfor lower average formal qualifications.
24/
Under the program, from 1984-1987the State EducationSecretariatof Ceara purchased
"places" in private schoolson behalf of students who demonstratedthat there was no public schools
within a defined distance of their home. Accordingto state officials, the program was geared towards
students in poor neighborhoods. However, no explicit meanstest was used. The program was
discontinuedin 1988.
- 33 93.
An importantarea for research is studentlearning in low-tuitionprivate versus public
schools. The number of low-tuitionschools includedin the achievementtest sample is too small for
extensive comparisons. One potential issue in such comparisons,however, is a type of selectionbias
in that systematicmotivationaldifferences may exist betweenstudents at low-tuitionprivate and public
schools. Those low-incomestudents who make the financial sacrificeto attend private schools may
do so out of greater commitmentto their education,which might ceteris paribus be expectedto
translate into higher attainment. This could be analyzedby research tracking the progress of a sample
of public and private school studentsover the three year secondaryprogram, with what is called a
"value-added"approach.
D. Overall, the public secondaryschool system is highly inequitable:the problem is not
access per se but low spending on the great majorityof students and high subsidiesfor a fortunate
minority. The fortunate minority come from richer households. Females constitute58% of total
secondary enrollments.but tend to be clustered in low prestige study fields.
94.
Access to Formal SecondarySchooling. The secondaryschool population in Brazil is
very select, socioeconomicallyas well as academically. Close to 90% of Brazilianchildren at some
point enroll in first grade, but by the time they reach secondaryschool, over 60% of these students
have dropped out. As shown in Table 2.4, those who make it to secondaryschool are predominantly
Table 2.4: INCOMEANDACCESSIN BRAZILIANSCHOOLING,1982
(Distribution
of Studentsby FamilyIncomeLevel)!'
GENERAL
POPULATION
PRIMARY
SECONDARY
HIGHER
EDUCATION_bl
Less than 1 SM
30.8%
14.2%
2.7%
1.0%
1 - 2 SM
27.8%
23.1%
8.9%
3.5%
2 - 5 SM
26.5%
37.4%
33.9%
20.6%
5 -10 SM
9.0%
16.2%
30.3%
31.1%
Over 10SM
5.8%
7.7%
23.1%
46.8%
23,563,884
2,874,505
659,500
Memo Item
Total Students
Enrolled, 1982
Notes:
a/ This table shows the distributionby family incomeof all studentsenrolledat each
level of educationin 1982. Family income refers to total income and is expressedin
terms of minimumsalaries per month. It should also be noted that family size is not
standardizedand, althoughthe average Brazilianhouseholdsize is four, poorer
families tendto be larger. Therefore, a distributionbasedupon income per family
memberwould show even greaterinequality.
b/ Universitiesandprofessionalinstitutes( 6 faculdadesisoladas') only.
Source: 1982 PNAD
- 34 from middle- and upper-incomefamilies. However, about 12% of students in 1982were from lowincome families (i.e., below two minimumsalaries total family income).
Given this high degree of selectionprior to secondaryschool, the variation in student
95.
achievementat different types of secondaryschool is striking, as is the fact that 50% of secondary
school entrants never graduate. The PNAD data presentedin Table 2.4 imply that secondary
dropouts are disproportionatelyfrom low-incomefamilies. By the time students enter university, only
4.5% come from families with incomebelow two minimumsalaries.
96.
Fundamentalinequitiesin the pattern of public spendingcontributeto the likelihoodthat
studentsfrom low-incomefamilieswill drop out and that students from high-incomefamilieswill
completesecondaryschool and gain admissionto the elite and highly subsidizedpublic universities.
As seen earlier, there is a wide variation in governmentspendingper student in different types of
schoolswithin the public sector. As shown in Table 2.5, the highest governmentsubsidiesgo to
those parts of the secondaryschool system where studentsfrom poor families are underrepresented--the federal technical schools and SENAI secondaryschools. As at the university level in Brazil, the
current pattern of public spending grants the largest benefits to those students who need it least.
Table2.5:
ANNUALPUBLICSUBSIDYPERSTUDENTATDIFEERENT
SCHOOLS,1985
FAMILIES,1988
FROMLOW-INCOME
ANDPERCENTOFSTUDENTS
FROM
OFSTUDENTS
PERCENT
LOWINCOME HIGHINCOME
._____________________ FAMLIES22' FAMILIESb'
Federal TechnicalSchools
Industrial
$1,516
9%
50%
$257
15%
41%
SENAI SecondarySchools-'
$1,880
6%
57%
Memo Item (for comparison)
Private Schools
($525)
7%
71%
State SecondarySchoole
Definedas havingtotal familyincome of up to 2 minimumsalaries (Cz$60,800per
month in November 1988).
b/ Defined as havingtotal familyincome of over 6 minimumsalaries (Cz$200,800per
month in November1988).
c/ Estimatedaverageprivate schooltuition, not a public subsidy.
Sources:Schoolcost data frcm MEC, IPEA, and SENAI. Private school tuition
estimateand familyincome data from 1988Student AchievementTest,
studentand schoolquestionnaires. See AppendixTable 34.
a/
97.
Access to SENAI SecondarySchools. As in the formal school system, within SENAI per
student spending also varies widelyacross different courses (AppendixTable 22). Studentsfrom poor
familiestend to be concentratedin the lower-costprograms and underrepresentedin heavily
subsidizedprograms, such as SENAI's secondaryschools and post-secondaryprogram. In fact, as
- 35 seen in Table 2.5, the studentbody at the SENAI secondaryschools includedin the achievementtest
sample was more skewed towards the rich than at federal technical schools. SENAI's secondary
schools and post-secondaryprogram only represent 9% of SENAI's total enrollments,but almost a
quarter of SENAI's total budget, because of the sophisticationof the facilities, machineryand teachers
used and because they are much longer in duration than the average SENAI course.
98.
Access of Females. In general, Brazilianwomen have benefitedfrom the expansionof
educationin Brazil; their enrollmentshares are now comparableto, or higher than, men's at
elementary, secondary, and tertiary schools. At the secondarylevel, women currently constitute58%
of total enrollments. In the general population, women's average educationalattainmentis virtually
the sanmeas men's (3.2 years of schoolingversus 3.3 for men in 1980). Of the well-educated
population, with twelve or more years of schooling,45% is female. Women also make up 55% of
the college-goingpopulationand 50% of collegegraduates.
99.
Beneath these encouragingoverall statistics,however, is clear evidencethat male and
female students tend to follow divergenteducationalpaths within the formal school -ystem. By the
time females reach secondaryschool, they are substantiallyless likely than men to enter federal
technicalschools (where 25% of enrollmentsare female)or SENAI schools (only 7% of enrollments
in the SENAI schools sampled in the achievementtest were female), or to do well in mathematicsor
other "hard" science subjects. Indeed, on the standardizedachievementtests performed for this
report, being female was a predictor of below-averagemath performance (see Annex I). Moreover,
the percentageof females in a particular school was even more strongly correlatedwith low math
performance. The implication:a femalestudent in a school with a majority of male students or an
equal gender balance is capableof performingwell in math, but in an environmentwhere she is
surroundedby other female students, average math learning declines substantially. Female students
tend to follow "soft" educationalpaths, at the secondarylevel concentratingin teacher training
programs (96% female), general education,and commercialcourses (secretarial, bookkeeping,health
care worker, etc.)
100.
While overall female participationin higher educationis approximatelythe same as
males, significantdifferences persist across fields of specialization. Ribeiro and Klein (1982) found a
strong positive correlationbetween performanceon the universityentrance examinations,prestige of
careers, and masculinegender; low prestige careers were dominatedby females, whose achievement
means were lower than those of the males concentratedin high prestige careers. Women composed
80-100% of candidatesselected into education,letters, library science, tourism, social service,
nursing, nutrition, and psychology;men composed80-100%of candidatesselectedinto fields such as
engineering,agronomy,geology. However, a few high prestige fields appeared gender-balanced,
notably medicine, architecture,and dentistry.
101.
Most researchers of this issue in Brazil agree that the Braziliansocializationprocess
assigns different educationalpaths to males and females. (Saliba, 1989). Consequently,although
women are not legallydenied accessto any type of schooling,they tend to segregate themselvesin
certain fields. Their academic choicesprepare them for a variety of nonspecializedjobs, which do
not pay as much as specializedtechnicaljobs.
102.
One way of trying to encourageyoung womento broadentheir educationalchoices
would be early interventionsto try to develop girls' interest in quantitativefields, by identifying
-
36 -
promising students and establishingincentivessuch as special awards and programs to encourage
these girls before gender socializationprocessestake hold. In Brazil, this could be linked to special
recruitment efforts by the federal technicalschools and SENAI schoolsto attract more female
students.
E. Overall. public policy for secondaryeducationin Brazil lacks strategic vision and
coherence. At the federal level. planning. evaluation,guality enhancementand technical assistance
are neglected. At the state level, systems are overcentralized.and regulationof the private sector has
traditionallyemphasizedprice control rather than quality control and consumerinformation.
103.
General Issues. Secondaryeducationin Brazil continuesto suffer from a lack of
consensusabout what the role of this level should be. Although the governmentin the early 1980s
rescinded its earlier policy that secondary-leveleducationshould be strictly terminal and vocational,a
significantshare of total public spending continuesto go to technical and vocationalschool systems.
More important,the continued importanceof these programs in overall spending reflects funding
inertia rather than periodic assessmentof nationalpriorities.
104.
Issues at the Federal Level. Most of the resources for secondaryeducationat the
federal level are channeledto direct administrationof the federal technical schools rather than
strategic functionsof planning, curriculumdevelopment,evaluation,and technical assistanceand
financial intermediationfocused on raising the average quality of secondaryeducationnationally.
Statisticcollection and analysisfunctionsare also weak and appear to have declinedsignificantlyin
recent years; for example, nationalenrollmentstatistics have not been publishedpast 1987. The
Ministry of Educationdoes have a research traditionthrough its agency INEP, but studies are
generallylimited by the lack of objectiveoutput measures, such as standardizedachievementtests,
and limited cost analysis. Given the low quality of many state and municipalschool systems, there is
clearly an importantrole for the federal governmentto play in providingtechnical and financial
assistanceto those areas most in need. At present, however, the Ministry has neither the financial
nor human resources to play such a role, particularly with respect to secondaryeducation. (MEC
does play a much stronger planning, coordination,and financialredistributionrole at the primary
level.)
105.
The federal technical schoolstoday are amongBrazil's best. Their quality can be traced
to the level of resources they command,the caliber of students they attract, and their organizationand
management. However, decisionsto expand this network have been taken without evaluationof
where, in the overall secondaryeducationsystem, incrementalinvestmentswould be most costeffective. Because they are handled by different levels of government, federal technical school and
state school budgets are never perceivedas alternativeroutes to the achievementof broader national
goals at the secondarylevel. A nationalpolicy frameworkcould help overcome what is largely
bureaucratic inertia.
106.
Finally, there are no formal channelsfor lessonsthat might be learned from the
successfulexperienceof the federal technical schoolsto be transmitted and adapted by state and
municipalschool systems. States cannot afford to copy the funding levelsof the federal technical
schools. But other importantcharacteristicsof the federal schools, particularlytheir decentralized
organizationand relatively autonomousmanagement,might be adaptableto the state level.
- 37 -
107.
Issues at the State Level. State governments,overwhelmedwith the problemsof basic
education, do not spend enough on secondaryeducation-- whetheron direct instructionalcosts,
capital investmentsand maintenance,or administrativefunctions, such as curriculumdesign,
evaluation, and in-serviceteacher training. Budgetsare low, and what is spent is not spent
efficiently. State school systems have cumbersomeadministrations,overcentralizedcontrol systems
and an excessivenumber of trained teachingpersonnel working in purely administrativefunctionsfor
which they are over-qualified. Most importantly,there is no systematiccapacity for evaluatingthe
performance of individualschools and no incentivesfor schoolsto improve their performance.
108.
A large source of waste at the state level in recent years has been the immense cost of
prolonged strikes due to teacher salary policies and low teacher morale, which may also to an
important degree be related to the poor structure of incentiveswithin state systems. In part, the
salary problem in teaching is linked to a generalizedproblem of public sector salaries in Brazil. But
there is also an underlying structural problem. Although average teacher salaries sometimesappear
low in comparisonwith pay levels for other white collar jobs requiring equal years of schooling,this
is not always the case (see Box 3, Chapter III). Moreover, it should be recalled that the quality of
teacher educationmay be lower than for other types of education. At the universitylevel, Ribeiro
(1988) found that entrants into teacher training programs had amongthe lowest scores on university
entrance exams. Thus, althoughteachers' level of training on paper may equal that of other
professionalgroups generally used in such comparisons,in fact they may not be equivalentlyskilled.
109.
A second importantfact is that most private schools pay teachers no more than public
schools, yet private schools appear able to recruit adequatequality teachers, judging from the fact that
student achievement in private schools -- controlled for student background -- is apparently higher
than in public schools. The differences in student achievementcannot be explainedby teacher pay or
by qualifications,either; there is very little difference in the average qualificationsof public and
private school teachers. Indeed, it is very common for teachers to hold down 20-hour/weekjobs in
public and private schools at the same time.
110.
Private school principals interviewedby the mission unanimouslysuggested that the
greatest difference between teachers at public and private secondaryschools was not pay, but the
greater autonomyand accountabilityof teachers at private schools. C'" the one hand, with no job
protectionprivate school teachers know that they cannot miss classes or arrive late with impunity. On
the other hand, according to principals and teachers interviewed(manyof which also work in state
and municipalschools) private school teachers appear to have a greater voice in how the school is run
and in what goes on in the classroom.
Ill.
The lack of autonomyand accountabilityat the school level is one of the most striking
features of state school systems. It finds a corollary in the sluggishnessand inefficiencyof
administrativeprocesses from school maintenanceto procurementof textbooksto the granting of
promotions.
112.
Issues Regarding the Private S.-ctor. Since 1969, regulationof private schools has been
the responsibilityof state educationcouncils (CEE--ConselhoEstadual de EducaqAo).A year prior to
opening, a new private school must register with the council, stating its curriculum,faculty
qualifications, and tuition rate, which it is initially free to set. State councils are generally composed
of about twenty individualsappointedby the governor; their positions are not full-time, and
- 38 permanent council staff is generally no more than a few individuals. In principle, the state councils
monitor all private schools and ensure that they comply with all educationalrequirementsand
regulations. In practice, they only enforce regulationswhen confrontedwith consumer complaints,
and in many states even the processing of these is backlogged.
113.
Although the federal governmenthas at various points in the past superseded the state
councilsand imposedtuition price controls, since early 1987 the policy has been price surveillance,
exercised by the state councils, rather than controls. This is a positive developmentwhich appears
justified by several different studies which have concludedthat private school markets are quite
competitive(Bragaand Cyrillo, 1985; Paro, 1984) and that even when they existed, governmentprice
controls were not always binding.
114.
While tuition price controls may not always be constraining,strong argumentscan be
made for their elimination. At a minimum,the existenceof price controls makes it difficultfor
establishedschools to follow a strategy of simultaneouslyraising instructionalquality, costs, and
tuition charges. By increasinguncertaintyregarding future pricing policies, tuition price controlsalso
bring about some reduction in the supply of private secondaryeducation.There is some evidencethat
the numberof private schoolsdeclined during the early 1980sas enrollmentsfell and did not increase
again with the upswing in private enrollmentsafter 1986.
115.
Aside from tuition charges, private educationis not stringently regulated in Brazil,
perhaps because it receives so little funding.21' States generallygive little or no attention to
monitoring school quality or to supplying consumerswith informationrequired for better school
choices. It is likely that consumers in the high-tuitionand low-tuitionsegmentsof the private school
market have differing needs for governmentprotection, yet states' current policies do not reflect this.
For example, high tuition schools are likely to serve relativelywell-educatedconsumers who place a
strong enphasis on quality and may be quite willing to pay for it, includingthc costs of transportation
or time required to reach better schools. Students at low-tuitionschools may be less f.exible as to
where they study, becausethey can ill-afford a longer or more costly commute. For the former set of
schools, price controls are likely to be meaninglessbecause schools and consumerswill conspireto
find non-tuitionmeans of ra.sing school revenues, if a consistentor increased level of quality is
desired. Quality indicators, such as publishedannual achievermenttest results or other objective
informationwould be helpful to these consumers in findingthe best value school.
116.
In the low-tuitionsegmentsof the market, consumersare likely to have fewer choices
and monitoringof school quality by state educationauthoritiesis arguably more important. The most
importantthing which states can do to improvethe quality of low-tuitionprivate schools is to improve
the quality of public schools, as these are the primary source of competitionfor the low-cost private
schools and in essencedefine the market. But the establishmentof annual reviews and ratings of
private schools and inclusionof private schools in standardizedachievementtests, with dissemination
of results to families, can be expectedto improve quality at the low end of the market. Less is
known about low-tuitionprivate schools than about higher-tuitionschools, but most indicationsare
25/
James (1987) notes the correlationacross countriesbetweenthe amount of public
funding receivedby private schools and the amount of public regulationto which they are effectively
subjected.
- 39 that the former market is also fairly competitive. This argues for more state regulatory emphasison
evaluationand provision of consumer information,and less emphasison price controls.
-40 -
mH. IMPOVING SCHOOLQUALITYAT REASONABLECOST
117.
As seen in Chapter II, Braziliansecondaryschools are heterogeneousin administration,
costs,
and perhaps most of all with respect to quality. Within the public sector, a small
curriculum,
minority of schools (federal technical)are of generally high quality, but the large majority of schools
run by states and municipalitiesare characterizedby low spending per student and low quality. The
private sector is diverse in terms of quality, reflectedin the wide range of tuitions charged.
The overriding problem of secondaryeducationin Brazil is the low quality of the state
118.
and municipalschools which 97% of public secondarystudents attend. The pool of students who
make it to secondaryschool in Brazil is so select that there are likely efficiency, as well as equity
losses, if these studentsdo not receive an educationadequateto unlocktheir potential. The low
scores of students at state schools on the recent standardizedachievementtest; high repetition rates at
these schools; and, ultimately,the fact that less than 45% of state secondarystudents ever graduates
indicatethat this educationtoday is less than adequate. For students who were in the top 40% of the
Brazilian primary school system, test scores this low and failure rates this abysmalmust be viewed as
an indictmentof the schools at which they study.
119.
The low quality of state secondaryeducationalso affects students in private schools.
The evidence indicatesthat the demand for private schoolingat the secondarylevel is quality driven,
not access driven. Consumersare seekinglevels of quality not available in the public sector. The
public schoolsthus set a quality "floor" which largely definesthe minimumlevels of quality that
private schools - even the cheapest private schools - must meet. More powerfullythan regulation,
raising public school quality over time would affect the type of educationreceived by the 33% of
secondarystudents who attend private schools, particularlythose at the low-tuitionend of the
spectrum.
A. Quality and Cost-Effectiveness
120.
What makes the quality of state schools so low?
121.
Spendingper Student. As Chapter II showed, state and municipalschool spending per
student is only one-sixth to one-tenthof what federal technicalschools and SENATsecondary schools
spend, and only about half of what the average private school cpends. Resourcesdo matter; the three
key "inputs" which govern the learning process are adequatelevels of good quality instructional
materials, high quality teachers, and adequateinstructionaltime - all of which can be endangeredby
inadequateexpendituresper student.
122.
But there are reasons to believe that average spending levels per studentin state and
municipalschools are not the bindingconstraint. First, as Table 3.1 shows, average spending per
secondarystudent in other countries is not so different from average state spendingin Brazil. In both
Colombiaand Chile, moreover, even though the secondaryschool populationis much less selective,
secondary school graduation rates are higher. These data must be interpretedwith caution (difficulties
in estimatingthe appropriateexchange rates, differences in internationalprice levels, changes in the
private sector share of enrollmentsover time, and inaccuraciesin basic enrollmentand expenditure
II
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~I
-
41 -
reporting to UNESCOare major sources of problemswith such internationalcomparisons);however,
they at least raise the possibilitythat public secondaryschools in other countries are doing a more
efficientjob of educationthan state schools in Brazil.
Table3.1: ESTIMATEDAVERAGEPUBLICSPENDINGPER SECONDARYSTUDENT
IN SELECTEDMIDDLE-INCOMECOUNTRIES,1985
COUNTRY
PUBLIC CURRENT
EXPENDITUREON
SECONDARYEDUCATIONS'
NO. OF PUBLIC
STUDENTS
ENROLLEDw
AVERAGE
SPENDING PER
STUDENT (US$$#
Chile
120,531,100
514,204
$234
Colombia
291,107,374
1,199,100
$243
Brazild'
609,000,000
1,987,688
$306
State and
Municipal only
476,000,000
1,912,488
$249
Notes/Sources:
a/
b/
c/
In local currency. Source: UNESCO Statistical Yearbook, 1988.
Estimated, based upon 1985 total secondary enrollments in each country, adjusted for the private
sector share of total enrollments in 1975. Source: UNESCO Yearbook for 1985 enrollments,
and World Bank, 'Financing Education in Developing Countries' Appendix Table 5, for private
sector shares.
Converted to US$ at the average exchange rate for 1985. Source: IMF, International Financial
Statistics, 1987
d/
From Table 2.1. Sources: MEC and IPEA.
Second, a large body of internationalresearch has shown unequivocallythat, beyond a
123.
basic level of resources, much more importantthan the level is the effectivenesswith which resources
are managed. (World Bank, 1989) School system reforms in countlesscountriesfocused on
improvingthe availabilityand quality of inputs alone has,. failed to improveschool effectiveness,
because they fail to achievechange in the way those resources are used in the classroom. On the
other hand, there are many examples in every country of schoolsthat do a better job of teaching with
fewer resources than other schools.
124.
Low SpendingEffectiveness. The real problem at the state level appearsto be the low
effectivenessof spending, due to organizationalproblemsand weak management. State schools are
less cost-effectivethan other schools in Brazil - one measure of which is how much it costs each
system to produce a graduate. Becauseof higher dropout and repetition rates, for every 1,000
students who enter state secondaryschools, only 416 ever graduate. For municipalschools the rate is
a little better - 447 out of every 1,000 --which is striking, given that unit expendituresin municipal
schools are only half as high as in state schools.
- 42 -
At private schoolsthe flow of students is more efficient; 638 out of every 1,000 students
125.
at feeeral technical schools, graduation rates are highest of all; out of every 1,000
And
graduate.
entering students, 775 complete three years (for purposes of comparisonwith the other schools)and
745 go on to complete the four year program.
With the use of a simple model, these differentialfailure, dropout and graduationrates
126.
translate into the average number of student-yearsrequired for each system to produce one graduate,
which should normally take three years. As shown in Table 3.2, it takes six years of instructionfor
state schools, on average, to graduate one student, as comparedwith 4.3 years for private schools and
3.9 years (assuminga hypotheticalthree-year program)at federal technical schools. Obviously, not
all of the reasons that students fail or drop out can be blamedon the school system, and even these
students probably gain somethingfrom their education. But a large share of the excess resources
spent per graduate must be considereda waste, and the larger this waste, the more inefficientthe
system.
Thus, althoughthe unit cost of a student-yearat a federal technical school is seven times
127.
higher than at a state school, the cost per graduateat the federal technical schooasis only four times
higher. Although the costs per student at private schools are estimatedto be twice as high as at state
schools, costs per graduateat private schoolsare less than 50% higher.
Table 3.2: COST PER GRADUATEAT DIFFERENTBRAZILIANSECONDARYSCHOOLS
l
(in US$)
l ___________________
ANNUALCOSTPER
STUDENT
REQUIRED AVEIRAGE
STUDENT-YEARS
COSTPER
ONE
TOGRADUATE
GRADUATE
COHORT
State
$257
6.04
$1,553
Municipal
$136
5.48
$745
$1,759
3.97
$6,983
$535
4.29
$2,295
Federal Technicalf
Private
a/ Calculatedon the basis of a three year program for purposes of comparisonwith the other schools.
For the actual four year program, 5.24 student-yearsare-required per graduate.
Sources: Cost estimates,Table 2.1; student flows calculatedusing ZymelmanEducationFinance Model
from dropout and repeater rates for 1985 in MEC/SEEC 1985StatisticalSynopsisof
Secondary Education, pp. 147 and 173 (for details see AppendixTable 54).
Inadequateresources can be an importantcause of inefficiency;if low budgets result in
128.
inadequatespending on key inputs such as books, the effectivenessof other inputs such as teachers
can be reduced. Inadequateresources can also result in inefficientstop-and-startfunding patterns;
maintenance,for example, may be deferred until serious deteriorationhas occurred and ultimately
much larger expendituresare required.
- 43 -
129.
These patterns indeed exist in state school systems. However, the apparentlyhigher
cost-effectivenessof municipalschools, which spend an even lower amount in absoluteterms than
state schools, suggeststhat the low efficiencyof state schools may be less related to absolute spending
shortagesthan to inefficienciesin the way state moniesare used.
130.
In short, more moneymay be necessaryto improve the quality of state level education,
but it is not sufficient. Without improvementsin efficiencyand management,there is a substantial
risk that more money will not solve anything.
B. ImprovingCost-Effectiveness
131.
What are the options for improvingthe cost-effectivenessof state schools? Although
there are no quick or easy solutions, different options exist. Three importantones are discussed
below. Some of these have been successfulin other countries; some, such as school-based
management,are already common in Brazil in private schoolsand to some extent in the federal
technical schools.
132.
These options represent directionsfor change, rather tl,.;n recipes. This list is not
exhaustive. Other possibilitiesexist and should be evaluatedby state educationsecretariats.
Ultimately, success in improving school cost-effectivenesswill stem from the capacity of different
states to evolve their own models. Central to this process are: i) states' capacityto evaluateoptions,
and ii) their ability to experimentwith changesgradually and flexibly. Buildingflexibility into the
system is important, as is careful analysisof what works, and why.
a) decentralization and school-based management
133.
Internationaleducationresearch increasinglypoints to a handful of interlinkedfactors as
the fundamentalcharacteristicsof effectiveschools: i) good management,ii) an orderly school
environment,iii) strong academicemphasis,and iv) dynamic school directors. Decentralization-- in
the sense of deconcentrationof authorityto lower levels of a bureaucracy -- has ',cn called the "key"
that can unlock these qualitiesat the school level. (WorldBank, 1989). The ultimate measure of
school effectivenessis what goes on in the classroom- student learning. A decentralizedschool
system holds those closest to the learning process, teachers and director, responsiblefor it.
Conversely,it assures them the decision-makingauthority they need to operate as effectively as
possible given the level of resources availableto the school.
134.
Decentralizationwithin a public system offers two powerful advantages:first, it
introduces competitionamong schools for their share of overall system resources; if resources are
allocated on the basis of school effectivencss,strong incentivesfor improved performancecan be
created in a system where previouslythere were no performance incentives. Second, autonomyat the
school level frees up schools to functionas an entity, taking initiativesand responsibilityfor their own
performance;this invariablyaffects diiectors' and teachers' morale and attacks directly one of the
most serious problems that exists today in Brazilianstate school systems -- the low morale and
frustrationof school personnel.
- 44 -
135.
A growing body of research (see Box 2, "Are Private SchoolsMore Cost-Effective?")
indicatesthat this conditionof autonomyand accountabilityat the level of the school is, in a world
where consumerscan choose which school they wish to attend, the fundamentalfactor that tends to
make private schools more cost-effectivethan public schools.
136.
The importanceof school-levelautonomyis %Jli known in educationcircles in Brazil;
numerous educators interviewedfor this report pointedout that private secondaryscheols commonly
employteachers who also work part-time in the public school system, generallypay them similar
salaries, and generally use the same teachingmaterials. Yet the private schools achie, better results.
The reason? Observers agreed that the higher degree of school-levelaccountabilityin private schools
was the biggest difference. In private schools, teachers who are absent, consistentlytardy or
ineffectiveare dismissed. In the public system, because of contractualjob security and because the
accountabilityof individualsin a large, centralizedsystem is so diffuse, dismissal is virtually
impossible. In private schools, the effectivenessof school directors is constantlybeing evaluatedby
parents and students and strong pressures (such as decliningenrollmentsand revenues)can build
rapidly if school performance erodes. In the public schools, the diffusenessof responsibility
throughout myriad bureaucraticlevels leaves central administratorspoorly able to evaluatethe
performance of individualdirectors, and leaves the latter easily able to find other excuses for low
school effectiveness.
137.
The challengeis how to achieveschool-basedmanagementin a state (or large municipal)
system, in which financingis centralized,resources are typicallyprocured and delivered from the top
down, and personnelare selectedand evaluatedfrom the top down. Three major reforms are
implied: i) to increasethe authority, accountabilityand control over budgetaryand staff resources that
school directors have, ii) to increase the technDical
competenceof directors, teachers, and central
administrationstaff, and iii) to improvethe capacityof the central administration(and regional
branches)to play a complementary,rather than managerial, role - providing incentives,new inputs,
and training in inproved techniquesto support school effectiveness.
i) decentralizingauthority
138.
At a minimum,directors which can be held accountablefor school effectivenessneed to
have control over the basic inputs into the learning process: teacher evaluationand discipline, if not
recruitment;the organizationof instructionaltime; student feedback, reward and disciplinesystems;
mobilizationand use of communitycontributionsin support of the school; and school maintenance.
This representsa significantchange from the statusqguoof Brazilianpublic schools, which generally
control no financial resources directly, have very limited, if any, internalaccountingcapabilities,and
have little responsibilityfor teacherrep-uitment,promotionor discipline.
ii) improvingthe professionalismof directors and teachers
139.
The director plays a pivotal role in the functioningof effective schools. Unfortunately,
the personal and managerialqualitiesthat make directors successfulare difficultto define a priori and
often hard to recognizeex ante. In most public school systems, the most pragmatic approachmay be
to select a pool of promisingcandidates,but to expect that only experience, in-servicetraining
programs, and rigorous weeding-outof those who are not effective, will help establishover time a
network of skilled school directors throughoutthe system. A corollary to this might be that formal
-
BO Z
-
45 -
AREPRIVATESCHOOLSMORECOST4EMIVE?"
A growing body of research in other countriesindicates that, dollar for dollar, private schools do a
more effectivejob of educatingstudentstLando public schools. One recent study found that students
from private secondary schools in Thailand, Colombia,Tanzania and the Philippinesgenerally
outperformpublic schools studentson standardizedlanguageand math achievementtests (JiZ,
Lockheedand Paqueo, 1988).
In the Philippines, for example, private school studentsscored about 15% higher than public school
students in both English and Filipino, althoughthey scored slightlylower (about4%) than public
schoolsstudentsin math. Earlier research in the United States (Coleman,Kilgore and Hoffer, 1982)
concluded that private (Catholic)schoolswere more effective than public schoolsin impartingcognitive
achievement. Although most studies have found that the average socioeconomicbackgroundof
students in private schoolswas higher than in public schools, the superior achievementof private
school studentsheld, even after controllingfor studentbackground. The research conductedin the
Philippinesalso controlledfor differencesin students' innateability and motivation.
Combinedwith achievemnt test results, schoolexpendituredata showed that unit costs for private
schools in the developingcountries studiedare lower than for public schools,sometimesby a
significant margin. Private schools in the Philippines,for example,spend on average only half as
much per student as public schools. Research shows that amongother things private schools make
more efficient use of teachersand have better teaching processes(more tests, more homework, more
orderly classrooms).
Private schoolsalso have very differentorganizationalstructures. School directors have considerable
financial and buraucratic autonomyand strong incentivesto encouage better teachingpractices using staff more effectivelyand cheaply - becausethey must compete for studentsand remain
accoumtable
to parentswhopay tuition.
qualificationsshould be de-emphasized:performance is what counts.
140.
Raisingthe professionalismof public secondaryschool teachers is likely to be even more
difficultthan improvingthe quality of directors. The establishedstructure of teacher managementin
the public sector limits accountabilityby statute (teachers are guaranteedjob security) and militates
againstperformance incentives(there is no bonus pay; promotionstend to be based upon years-ofservice rather than performance;there is no latitude for exceptionallyrapid promotionor pay
increases for star teachers; and promotiongenerally implies movingto work in the central
administration, rather than taking on increased responsibilitiesat the school level). Systemspresent
no disincentiveto strikes as teachers continue to receive full pay while they are on strike. Building
performance incentivesinto the managementof teachers will require significantchanges, which may
be opposedby teachers' unions.
141.
A related problem is that as Brazilianschool systemshave expandedover the past
decades, virtually all have moved to a system of multipleshifts - sometimesas many as four a day.
In the process, teacher contractingbecamebased on a twenty-hourwork week, rather than a full-time
- 46 associationwith a single school. As a result, most teachers work two differentjobs, which sometimes
requires them to travel substantialdistaices between schools. The twenty-hourbase contracts include
minimal time for class preparation,ar . a teacher who works two such contracts is unlikely to be
prepared enoLghto use class time effectively.
142.
The level of public school teacher pay is currently a major political issue, and lies
behind the lengthy strikes experiencedin many states (see Box 3, "Are BrazilianTeachers
Overpaid?"). Given the very high share (80-90%) of public school budgets commonlygoing to
personnelexpenditures,there is little latitude for increasingteacherpay without findingoffsetting
savings. In most state (and municipal)systems the most promisingplace to pursue such savings is
withinpersonnel expendituresthemselves. Often, a significantshare of teachingpersonnel is assigned
to jobs in the central administrationor even outsideof the educationsector. In many cases, the
individualsare overqualifiedfor the assignments,but such assignmentsare regarded by teachers as
plums, compared to the difficult conditionsin many public schools. Organizationalreforms in the
direction of decentralizationshould make it possible for state systemsto reduce administrative
overhead; savings in this area should be reallocatedto salaries and other incentivesfor classroom
teachers and directors.
iii) focusingcentral and regional administrationson school support
143.
Decentralizationof operationalresponsibilityto schoolsenables state and municipal
administrators(and federal ministries)to shift their attentionfrom controllingresources to supporting
schools in improvingthe learning process. Some of the major complementaryroles for regional
delegacias and state (or municipal)administrationsare:
* responsibilityfor evaluationof school performanceand thk
administrationof incentiveslike the "school improvem;,atfunds" used in
countriessuch as C, ombia and Yemen. Such funds are designedto
stimulate schoolsto improve student achievementby rewarding those
schools which develop effectiveapproaches. Typically, all schools are
encouragedto develop a school improvementprogram which allocations
from the school improvementfund can help implement. Both the
strength and innovativenessof schools' proposalsand their progress
against these programs are evaluatedperiodicallyand bonus allocations
from the fund can be made to encouragehigh performers. Schools
which achieveless receive special attention from regional and central
administrationand remedial assistance,such as the secondmentof high
quality staff until the sources of the schools' problemscan be identified
and new approachesdeveloped.
* responsibilityfor the development,evaluationand dissem'inationof new
textbooks,teaching materials, pedagogicaltechniques, curriculumideas
or other learning aids on an ongoing basis;
* responsibilityfor staff development,includingthe design and
administrationof in-servicetraining programs for teachers and directors.
- 47 -
A
AREBRAZILIAN TEACFS
OVERPAED?
one attempt to answer this questionwas madeby George Psacharopoulosl/,using data from a 3
percent national sample drawn from the Brazilian 1980census. Psacharopoulosused salespersons,
clerks and engineersas compaators for primary, secondar and universityteaches respectively,
comparng males and femalesseparately. He then statisticallycontrolled for the effects of different
years of schooling, experienceand hours worked per week in order to comparethe pay received by
individualsin these occupationswho had educationand traiing similar to teachers' with pay received
by teachers.
From his analysis, Psacharopoulosconcludedthat teachersat the primary and university levels earned
less than comparablytrained individualsin other occupations,and teachersat the secondarylevel
appeared to receive equal or higher pay than their comparators. At the primary level, male teachers
earned 31 percent more on average than salesmen, but they earned 28 percent less than salesmenwith
the same educationand experience,and who worked the same number of hours per week. Similarly,
female primary school teachersearned on average 18 percent more than saleswomen,but earned 26
percent less than saleswomenwith equivalenteducation.
For secondary school teachers, there was no statisticallysignificantdifference in pay receivedby male
t4chers and similar male clerks. Female secondary school teachers,however, earned 32 percent more
than correspondingclerks. At the universitylevel, male professorsearned about 25 percent less than
similarlyeducated male engineers. For univeisityprofessors, the femalesample was too small for
statisticallyvalid comparisons.
Psacharopoulos'sconclusions,which reflect wage trends in the 1970s, may no longer hold after almost
a decade, especiallygiven the macroeconomicinstabilityand uneven public sector wage trends Brazil
has experiencedin the 1980s. His conclusionsalso dependupon the validity of the chosen
comparators, as well as the quality of the census data used. It is also clear from the large number of
individualswho continueto seek teachingjobs, that non-monetarybenefitssuch as part-time working
conditionsandjob security are importantin the teachingprofession. In the state of Sao Paulo, for
example, the Carlos Chagas Foundationreported that over 100,000prospectiveteacherstook the most
recent qualifying exam for entrance into the state educationsystem. The number of openings?Less
than 10,000.
At the very least, however, Psacharopoulos'sapproach demonstratesthat simple comparisonsof
earnings data, without controllingfor other factors, can yield very misleadingresults, and he
demonstratesa means of injectingaaalytical rigor into the decision-makingprocess in an important
policy area.
1J/ Ate TeachersOverpaid?Some Evidencefrom Brazil,' Psacharopoulos,1987, World Bank EDT
9S.
144.
Concentrating on these types of responsibilities - rather than the daily delivery of school
food, the micromanagement of teaching staff, the routine stocking of school libraries and laboratories,
and school maintenance -- implies changes in the organization of state systems, reductions in
personnel, and new skill types and/or significant amounts of retraining. Most of all, it implies a
- 48 -
fundamentalchange in control systemsfrom "input accounting"to "output accounting." Under the
former, regional delegaciasand central storehousesare preoccupiedwith the procurementand
managementof school inputs (huge stocks of books, desks, equipment,school food) and the
distributionof these throughoutthe system. Under the latter approach, procurementis done at the
school level and central administratorsevaluateonly the end results, i.e., how effective the school is
in teaching students, given its budget.
145.
Risks of decentralization. Decentralizedschool systems run one importantrisk: as
schools gain managerial and financiallatitude, they tend increasinglyto reflect the communitiesin
which they are located. A uniformlylow-qualitystate school system may well evolve into a system
of sharp disparitiesin school performance, with excellent schools in rich neighborhoodsand much
worse schools in poor neighborhoods. This pattern is certainlyfound in the UnitedStates and in the
diverse universe of Brazilianprivate schools. Parent contributions,for example,typically become a
more importantsource of support for schools in rich neighborhoods.
146.
To mitigate this risk, it is importantthat state administratorsplay a strong role in
equalizingexpenditureallocations, and a strong technical assistancerole, continuouslyworking with
the lower-performingschools to try to improve effectivenessand to reduce performance disparities
across schools. Starting from a centralizedand relatively homogeneoussystem is likely to make these
tasks somewhateasier, as the mechanismsof centralizedfinancing and, in effect, cross-subsidization
already exist, in the sense that taxpayers in richer neighborhoodsare already contributingmore than
they get back from the school system.
b) periodic achievement testing
147.
A school system based on incentivesfor high performance can only functionsuccessfully
if school performance can be meaningfullyand objectivelyevaluated. There are several basic
indicatorsthat can be used to evaluateschools -- repetitionand dropout rates and, more important,
changesin these over time; a school's ability to run effectivelywithin its budget; a school's success in
mobilizingresources from the community;a school's enrollmentgrowth. All of these should be part
of any bro..J-basedevaluationsystem. But none of these directly measures the fundamentalindicator
of school effectiveness -- how well are students learning?
148.
For that reason, systematicstudent achievementtesting to monitor school performance is
used in many countries (Korea, Indonesia,Japan, U.S., most European countries) as the basic source
of managementinformationabout the performanceof the school system overall, and the variations
across schoolswithin the system. It should be emphasizedthat such achievementtests are not
designedto measure student performance(results never count as part of the students' academic
records, for example), but to measure school and school system performance. In this spirit, in the
United States results are usually sent to the parents, showingnot only how their child performed but
also how his school did, on average, comparedto other schools in the state and in the country.
149.
Ideally, the tests are given at regular intervals to cohorts of students in all schools, so
that "value-added"or the increased learning of individualstudents as they progress though the school
can be measured. This, with an implicit control for student ability, is the most objectivemeasure of
school effectiveness.
- 49 150.
Cognitiveachievementtests have rarely been used in Brazil. The test administeredto
2,600 secondarystudents in November 1988in conjunctionwith this report, was the first such test at
the secondarylevel. Since 1990, the Ministry of Educationhas been developingstandardizedtests of
primary school quality, the first round of which were administeredto a nationalsample of schools in
1991 and will be repeated every two years. Cognitiveachievementtests are not problem-free; they
create a well-knowntendency for schoolsto prepare students "for the tests." But this risk is not
serious if the tests are well-designed,cover basic areas of curriculumand emphasizethe skills and
knowledgerequired to reason logicallyand solve problems. The benefits, on the other hand, are
substantial;particularly on a value-addedbasis, standardizedachievementtests provide an invaluable
measure of what students are gaining from the educationprocess. Once MEC gains experiencewith
administrationof the primary school nationalassessment, it would be desirable to extend standardized
testing to the secondarylevel, also.
c) improving the performance of private schools and stimulating stronger competition with the
public system
151.
Policies to strengdhenthe performanceof private schoolsare an importantpart of an
overal! program to improve secondaryeducationquality. The private sector in Brazilianeducation,
particularly at the secondarylevel, is large, diverse and competitive;it may also be more costeffectiveon average than most Brazilianpublic education. In the secondaryschool achievementtest
sample, students in private schools scored higher in mathematicsthan students with identicalfamily
backgroundswho were studying in public schools. This "private school effect" was strong and
statisticallysignificant. Private secondaryschools also appear to have lower average costs per
graduate (Table 3.2) than state schools. This accordswith research results from other countries
which suggest that private schools in general may be more cost-effectivethan public schools.
152.
Indeed, it is not surprising that a "private school effect" should exist, for private schools
have manyof the organizationaland managerialcharacteristicsassociatedwith administrative
efficiency. They are decentralizedto the school level; school directors have completeand direct
accountabilityto parents and students (who must pay school tuition fees each month, and thus have an
incentiveto evaluate carefullyschool quality);and they exist in a highly competitivemarket -competingnot only with other private schools, but with subsidizedpublic schools.
153.
For these reasons, some countriesadopt incentivesand policies to reduce the relative
cost of private schools, thereby giving consumersa more equal choice betweenpublic and private
education, in order to improvethe efficiencyof public educationspending. Typical instrumentsused
are tax deductionsand direct subsidiesto private schools, which reduce the relative cost of private
education, thereby stimulatingconsumerdemand. A commonproblem with these subsidy and tax
incentiveprograms, however, is that they tend to benefit upper-incomegroups most, because the
families are more likely to have children in private schools.
154.
Chile has one of the few subsidyprograms which aprears to be effectivelytargeted
towards middle- and lower-incomestudents. Chile's "subsidyprogram," which has been operating
for almost a decade, is described in Box 4 ("ChileanEducationSubsidies"). Per-studentsubsidiesare
paid directly to private anc municipalschools on the basis of actual atendance each month. The
system in effect gives students a choice amongattending: a) public schools at no cost, b) low-cost
private schools at no cost, and c) highee-costprivate schools, at full cost to the student. The shift in
-
50
-
enrollmentsfrom public to low-cost private schools which resulted between 1981and 1987 is striking.
The systemhas allowedstudentsto "vote with their feet" aboutwhere they think they will
155.
get the best educationand has createdincentivesfor public schoolsto improvetheir performancein order
to attract students. An importantfeature of the Chilean system is that it is effectively"targeted"to lowerincome students, because it excludes subsidiesto the high-tuitionprivate schools which richer students
attend.
Targetingwould be essentialfor any such incentiveprogram in Brazil. At the secondary
156.
level, where 35% of all students already attend private schools, the fiscal cost of introducingany new
subsidy that covered all students who attend private schools would be prohibitive. It would also be
inefficient, as students currently enrolled in private schools are willing and able to pay tuition -- and
public subsidies for these studentswould to a large extent simplydisplaceprivate financing. Above all,
it would be inequitable, as a large share of private school students are better-off than the average public
school student.
Chile's experience shows that private school incentive programs can be efficiently
157.
targeted to middle and low income students. If the Chilean model were adaptedby Brazilianstates for
secondaryschooling, it is estimatedthat roughly 20-30% of private secondaryschools at present would
qualify for the subsidy, if set at the level currently used in Chile. At this level, the total cost of the
subsidy (in 1992US dollars) would be on the order of US$50-60millionper year (roughly 10% or less
of total public spending on secondaryeducation). This amount would not necessarily be additionalto
current spending, if some studentsfrom publicschools(someof whichhave average monthlycostshigher
than $20 per month)shiftedintoprivate schoolsand public schoolbudgetswere correspondinglyreduced.
The appropriatecut-off point wouldof course have to be studiedcarefully in each state.
Is the Chilean model feasible for Brazil at the state level? In addition to being a cost158.
effectiveway to stimulatethe expansionof private schools, this type of program could be a useful tool
for states wishing to move in the direction of municipalization. One of the advantagesof enrollmentbased financial transfers such as used in Chile is that they provide an automatic and transparent
mechanismfor equalizingresources across municipalities. As discussed later in this chapter, this is a
major challenge in municipalizingeducationsystems.
On the other hand, there are major issues of administrativecapacity which would have
159.
to be consideredcarefullyin Brazil. A subsidyprogram which depends upon private schools' reports of
students in attendancerequiresa strong governmentcapacityfor spot-checkauditsand regular verification
in order to prevent abuses. Such capacitydoes not now exist at the state level in Brazil and experiences
with private school support programs (suchas "comprade vagas") have sometimesnot been satisfactory.
Developing strong, professionalunits for the administrationand enforcementof a Chile-typesubsidy
program would be a major challengefor state educationsecretariats in Brazil.
The experiencein Chile also suggestsstronglythat it is better to undertakemajor reforms
160.
of this nature after standardizedachievementtesting and other systemsfor measuringschool quality, and
mechanismsfor feeding such informationback to parents, are in place.
Whateverreforms states contemplateover the medium-term,therefore, it appears clear
161.
that the first priority is to improve private school performance insofar as possible by strengthening
- 51
BoA:
-
CHILE'S EDUCATION REFORMSI/
Convincedof the possibilityof achievinggreater efficiencyin education,the Chileangovernmentundertook
reforms in 1979 and 1980 to decentralizeradicallythe nationaleducationsystem. The govemmentbegan
transferring responsibilityfor most public schools from the Ministryof Education to the country's 327
municipalities,and at the same time introduceda 'subsidy' system, designed to stimulate competition
betweenpublic and private schools,of monthlyper-studentpaymentsto both municipaland private schools
that comply with Ministry of Education criteria. By 1987, municipalitieshad taken over most public
schools and a large number of private schoolswere participatingin the subsidy system.
Before the reforms, there were two types of private schools in Chile: non-fee-chargingschools (often
managed by philanthropic or religious groups) which tended to serve lower-income segments of the
population, and fee-chargingschools, serving the wealthier strata of Chilean society. Non-fee-charging
schools received government support, but only equivalentto about 50 percent of average public school
costs. In introducingthe current system, the governmentdecided to try to place publicly-and privatelyadministeredschools on an equal footing; it offered equal per-studentpaymentsto schools regardlessof
whether they are publicly or privately run. Payments are made every month and are based on actual
attendancestatistics. Paymentsvary dependingon the type of instructionprovidedand whether the school
is located in an urban or rural area, and they are intended to cover operating costs only. Although
paymentsare not tied to the socio-economicbackgroundof the individualstudent, the voucher system as
a whole is targeted in the sense that private fee-chargingschools,which tend to serve studentsfrom higher
income families, are not eligiblefor governmentsubsidies. The governmentdoes not regulate in any way
the tuitionlevels chargedby unsubsidizedprivate schools(whichhave monthlytuition, on average, several
times higher than the governmentvoucher).
Under the new system, private schoolscan compete effwecively
with municipalschoolswithout charging
tuition, as long as they maintain student-teacherratios which enable them to cover costs -- the most
importantof whichare teachersalary costs. Dependingupon teachersalary levels in the school, the breakeven student-teacherratio can range from 8:1 to over 20:1. To protect quality, the maximumnumber of
students per class for which paymentswill be made (for primary and secondary schools) is 45. In early
1992, the monthlyper-student subsidy for secondary schoolswas about US$20.
In administeringthe system, the Ministry of Education plays strong verificationand technicalassistance
roles. All new schools must be accreditedand both municipaland subsidized private schools regularly
receive visits from Governmentinspectors and supervisors. Inspectorscome roughly monthlyto verify
enrollments,while supervisors evaluate lesson plans, teacher activities and school facilities. Technical
assistance from the Ministryof Education has been particularlyimportantfor newly establishedprivate
schools, whose staff often lack experience in schooladministration.
The ;lean approach gives parents an equal choice between municipalpublic schools and subsidized
priv"e schools (both free to the student). Although municipalschools tend to be more spacious than
subsidizedprivate schoolsand generallyhave higher-paidteachers, subsidizedprivate schoolstend to have
younger and better-trainedteachers. Enrollmentsin private subsidizedschools have grown significantly
since 1981, as can be seen below. Enrolment gains by these private schoolshavebeen almost exclusively
at the expense of public schools. High-cost fee-chargingprivate schools have held a relatively constant
enrollment share, 7-9%, throughoutthe decade.
(Continued)
-
52 -
(Continuationof Box 4)
SHARE OF PRIMAAtY
SCHOOL ENROLLMNTS
TYPEOF SCHOOL
1981
19S7
Publio
78%
61%
Private
Subsidized
15%
31%
7%
8%
High-CostPrvate
Chile's system is not a panacea. Neitherprivate nor public schoolshave been able to overcomesystemic
weaknesses such as outdated text books and low quality teacher training schools. Rural areas have
remainedlargely uwltouched
by the reform, as private entrepreneurshave not been interestedin establishing
schools in areas of low population density. Of greatest concern is the fact that there has been little
improvementin average studentachievementunder the new system. Critics argue that many parentslack
the educationand informationto makemeaningfuicomparisonsof the qualityof publicand private schools
in their neighborhoods,and that, as a result, 'competition' between schools has stimulatedcosmetic
changes and gimmicksmore than investmentsin educationquality,
To address some of the above problems, Ministryofficialsare working on ways to 'educate' parents, by
giving them direct feedbackon school performance, such as average achievementtest scores and other
evaluations. The Ministry is also launchingprograms to stimulate educationalquality, such as special
grants for schoolswhichdeveloppedagogicalinnovations. To aid rural and disadvantagedneighborhoods
areas underservedby the private sector, specialprogram resourcesare relativelymore availablefor schools
in these areas,
Much remains to be done. But Chile's willingness to experiment with radically new approaches to
education has clearly injected dynamism into the system. In poor urban neighborhoods, where the
population is growing most rapidly, private schools have proven responsive in providing expanded
education services and eased the administrativeand financial burdens for municipalitiesto supply these
services. Most observers agre that competitionwith private schools has given public schoe' ':-ectors
more incentivesto improve schoolquality.
Perhaps most importantly,the Chilean reforms have permitteda rationalizationof the roles of the public
and private sectors. The federal goveramentis out of the businessof direct schooladministrationand is
free to concentrateits resourceson evaluation,supervisionand incentiveto improveeducationquality. The
private sector is doing what it does best - delivering services cost-effectively- and is handling a larger
share of enrollments. Educators in Chile are optimisticthat with time this is a formulafor better quality
schools and efficient use of public resources.
1/ Material in this sectiondraws on World Bank report No. 8550-CH 'Social DevelopmentProgress in
Chile: Achievementand Challenges,' 1990.
- 53 oversight. States need to develop the capacityfor substantiveoversight, and should avoid expending
effort on counterproductivetuition price controls. A first step is for state educationcouncilsto perform
private school accreditationreviews whichare serious examinationsof all aspects of school performance
and repeat these at regular intervals. States should also introduce standardizedstudent testing at the
secondarylevel (the Ministryof Educationis developingsuch testing at the primary level nationally)and
private schools should be included in all testing, with results sent to parents and communities. Finally,
states should publish performance reports on accreditedprivate schools at least every few years.
C. Opportunitiesfor the 1990s
162.
The challenge of improvingthe quality of state-level secondary educationis daunting.
Yet a number of factors over the next few years will work in favor of states' efforts to improve costeffectiveness. These are:
(a) low enrollmentgrowth. It is likely that low throughputfrom the primary school system
will continue to constrain the overall growth of secondary enrollments, in a continuationof the trend
observed since 1980. With no change in the internal efficiency of the primary system, secondary
enrollmentsare projected to increaseby less than 3% per year until at least 2000. With primary school
improvements, enrollment growth might increase significantly,but will almost certainly remain well
below the pressure of 10-15%per year growth which states faced in the 1960sand 1970s.
Low enrollment growth gives states a significantopportunityto focus their efforts on
quality improvementsat the secondarylevel -- a "deepening"of their systems, rather than broadening
access. Enrollmentgrowth within the ranges projected can relatively easily be accommodatedby most
state systems at low marginal cost through a combination of larger class size, rationalization of
enrollmentswith a limitedschool transport system (perhaipscoveringonly a few schools and targeted to
night school students from poor neighborhoods), and additional night shifts. The current evidence
suggests that in most states the last of these steps would probably not even be necessary.
(b) incrementaltax resources. The 1988 tax reform produced a phased plan for fiscal
decentralizationthat will result in revenue increasesof up to 25% in real terms at the state level by 1992
and up to 40% at the municipallevel. States and municipalitiesalso have a constitutionalmandateto
increase their spending on educationto 25% of their annual budgets. Many states are still below this
level, devoting on average 10-20% of their spending to education. The combined effect of these
measures should increase significantly the resources available to state and municipal education
secretariats. Offsettingthe state and local tax increaseswill be a reduction in revenues retainedby the
federal government which can be expected to translate into reduced transfers to state and local
governmentsfor education. Nonetheless,the net resourceeffect at the state and municipallevel in most
parts of the country (with the possible exceptionof the Northeast)is expectedto be positive.
Graduallyincreasingreal resourcesoffersstatesa uniqueopportunityto test out and phase
in measures to improve school quality. Reforms can be tried out in pilot schools and extended to the
entire system as revenues increase.
(c) diversity of models. The heterogeneityof the Brazilian secondary system is a third
positive feature. The array of educationmodels in different parts of the public system and in the private
sector offer low-costways for administratorsto study what works and what doesn't and to adapt lessons
- 54 to state schools. For example, the federal technical schools and private schools offer a generallymore
effectivemodel of school organizationand management,manyelementsof which could be applied at the
state level.
The:e is tremendousopportunityfor innovationand experimentationin Brazil which is
not beingexploitedat present. Brazil's statespresent natural laboratoriesfor testingout new approaches,
and consequantlylower the potential risks of radical reforms. For example, the reforms which had to
be introducedon a nationalscale in Chile could be tried out in one or two states in Brazil. The problem
is not so much states' willingnessto experiment.Some states, such as Parana, Sao Paulo, Ceara and Rio
Grande do Sul, are already undertaking changes in everything from the curriculum to the degree of
budget autonomy at the school level. The main problem is that much of the potential value of this
diversity is lost at present, because the Ministry of Education has not developed instrumentsfor the
systematicevaluationof such experiencesor channelsfor disseminationof successfulapproachesto other
states.
(d) the size and dynamism of the private sector. The existence of a large and fairly
competitive private sector offers an important safeguard. Consumers at the secondary level have
alternatives, should public school quality fail to improve; they have demonstrateda readinessto switch
from public to private schools and back wheneverthe costs of their education(whetherfinancialor time)
exceed their perceptionof its effectiveness. Even withoutincentives,the private sector has demonstrated
considerableelasticityof supply in response to shifts in studentdemand. In addition, evidencesuggests
that private secondaryschools are more cost-effectivethan public schools. This means that the private
sector could be a strong potential ally in public sector efforts to improve the efficiency of education
spending.
(e) the trend towards municipalizationin education. The 1988 Constitutionconcentrated
major responsibility for primary education at the municipal level. As a result, states in Brazil are
beginning to consider devolution of the 30% of primary schools which are state-run to municipal
authorities. Although not the same as decentralizationto the school level, municipalizationcan offer
some of the same advantages,particularly in small and medium-sizedmunicipalities. First, it reduces
the geographic size and, usually, bureaucratic complexity, of the school system. This gives both
communitiesand school directors better access to decisionmakersin the administration,and makes the
latter more accountable. It also makes it more likely that school equipment,supplies and maintenance
will reach the schools more efficiently. Second, resources for the school system are spent in the same
place that they are mobilized. This allows taxpayersand parents to measure better the efficiencyof the
school system. Third, it increasesthe likelihoodthat school personnelwill be recruited locally, which
tends to make directors and teachers more familiar with and accountableto the community.
163.
Given the extent to which primary and secondaryeducationin state and municipalsystems
are interlinked, municipalizationof state primary schools would necessitatechanges in managementof
the secondary school system. If secondary education remained the responsibilityof states, it would
become more complicatedfor primary and secondary schools to share buildings, although this pattern
already exists in states such as Rio de Janeiro, where all primary schools are municipal and the state
administers its secondaryschool system at night in the same facilities. A possible alternative might be
to municipalizesecondaryeducationat the same time, at least in certain states. Given the sheer size of
the primary school system - there are 54,000 state primary schools -- concomitantmunicipalizationof
4,500 state secondary schools (most of which exist in primary school buildings) would be a relatively
-
55
-
small step.
164.
Municipalizationposes somedisadvantages,however, which need to be carefullyaddressed
by states and the federal government in order to ensure successfuldecentralization. First, there is a lot
of variation in the revenue bases and administrativecapacity of different municipalitiesin Brazil, and
these can result in school systems of very different quality. In a municipalizedsystem, there is an
importantneed for state (and federal) governmentsto try to equalizethese differencesvia redistributive
revenue transfers and technical assistance.
165.
Second, municipalschoolsystemsmay havea higher tendencytowardsparochialismin their
approaches; i.e., teachers and administratorsin a small system may have limited opportunitiesto learn
about new pedagogicalpractices and other innovations. A small school system will tend to underinvest
in curriculum development,evaluation, training programs, and other activities for which economiesof
scale exist. Thus, there is a clear need to complementmunicipalschool systems with more centralized
provision of such services by the states and federal governments.
Municipalschool systemsmay also be more susceptibleto patronagepolitics or clientelism
166.
than state or federally-run systems. One possible way of reducing the scope for abuses is to vest
significant responsibility for the school system in local School Boards, made up of specially-elected
professionalsand communitymembers. In countriessuch as the UnitedStates, local school boards can
have importantfinancial and operationalauthority over the schools; for example, some have the power
to propose tax increases(which must be voted on by the community)in order to increase school system
financing. In Brazil, where local taxationis a much less importantsource of educationfinancing,it may
be more difficultto give the school system independencefrom municipalbudgets, and, therefore, from
municipalpolitical pressures. Nonetheless,local school boards, which have been proposed in the State
of Sao Paulo, could be an important complement to municipalization in order to protect the
professionalismof school systems.
167.
On balance, the advantagesof municipalizationof educationare substantial, and the risks
can be mitigatedthrough the developmentof complementaryfunctionsat the state and federal levels and
through possible steps such as the introduction of local school boards. It should be noted that
municipalizationdoesn't necessarily create the same strong incentivesfor good school performance as
does decentralizationto the schoollevel. However, it is easier for a municipalsystem to focus its efforts
on school level performance than it is for a larger, more centralizedstate school system. Furthermore,
with day-to-day administrative responsibilities concentrated at the local level, state and federal
administratorscan concentrateon evaluation,supervisionand the encouragementof quality, equity and
efficiency.
-
IV.
56 -
THE FINANCING OF SECONDARY EDUCATION AND TRAINING:
EFiCIENCY AND EQUrIT ISSJES
The current pattern of public expenditureon secondary educationand training results in
168.
large variations in resources per student available to different types of schools. Two parts of the
secondaryeducationsystem are well-endowed:i) the network of (55) federal technicalschoolsand ii) the
SENAI schools. Both of these are funded at the federal level and have reputations for high quality,
effective education. However, the cost-effectivenessof these schools has never been evaluated.
Moreover, relatively little is known about the equity of access to these systems, particularly SENAI's
schools.
In the absenceof solid analysesof the cost-effectivenessof tnese well-fundedsystems,there
169.
is a strong temptation in Brazil to believethat the best way to improve secondaryeducationis to expand
these segmentsof the system which appear to function well, rather than to grapple with the seemingly
intractable problems of state school systems. But the high unit costs of these schools means that
investments in these systems have a high opportunity cost: if overall secondary education spending
remains relativelyconstant, fewer resources will be availablefor state-levelquality improvementsor for
enroilmentexpansionat the state and municipallevels. The average expenditureper student in SENAI
and federal technical schools is over US$1,700per year. If this were to be the standard for the entire
secondary system, total public enrollmentseither would have to be reduced from the current level of
about 2.0 millionstudents to less than 350,000, or total public spendingon secondaryeducationwould
have to increase almost six-foldfrom US$609million(in 1985dollars)to about US$3.5 billion per year.
As discussed in the next chapter, in the current tiscal climate in Brazil, spending increases of tbis
magnitudefor secondaryeducationappear totally unrealistic.
Chapter III focusedon the state schools, whichtoday presentthe most serious quality issues
170.
education. The most serious issues of equity are posed by the federal technical
secondary
in Brazilian
and SENAI secondary schools, which offer a very small number of students a costly and heavily
subsidizededucation;these issues are discussedin sectionA of this chapter. Efficiencyissuesposed by
the system of publicly-fundedvocationaltraining administeredby SENAI and SENACare consideredin
sectionB. Due to lack of information,this chapter does not discusstechnical educationoffered at statelevel secondaryschools, which appear to have maior quality and efficiencyproblems. Enrollmentsin
state-leveltechnical educationprogramsmay be roughlytwice as high as in the federal technicalschools,
i.e., in the range of 150,000- 200,000 students;thus, state level technicaleducationis an importantpart
of the overall secondarysystem. However,becauseneither consistentenrollmentdata nor disaggregated
information on the unit costs of these schools and programs is available at the state level, it was
impossiblefor this report to cover these schools.
A. Equity Issues in Brazilian Secondary Technical Education
About 20% of total public spending on secondary education goes to support the federal
171.
technicalschools, which have only 3.4% of public secondarystudents. An additional2% of total public
spending on secondary educationgoes to support the SENAI bcondary schools, which have less than
0.4% of public secondarystudents. As seen in Chapter II, the socioeconomicbackgroundof the students
in these costly secondary education prngrams is significantlyabove the average for public secondary
-
57
-
students irAstate and municipalschools. Thus, on the one hand, a favoredset of students -- a large share
of which are from upper-incomefamiliesand couldotherwiseafford to pay for their studies -- receives
a highlysubsidizededucationat federal technicalschools and SENAI schools. On the other hand, 97%
of public secondary students, many of which are from lower-incomefamilies and cannot afford the
alternativeof a private school, receivepoor quality educationsat low-coststate and municipalschools.
172.
This financingpattern is inequitable. If subsidiesfor studentsat the federaltechnicalschools
and SENAI secondaryschoolsdid not exist, the majorityof these students would likely either be willing
to pay the full costs of studying at these schools, or would attend good quality private schools. Thus,
it appearsthat the existenceof fully subsidized,high cost publictechnicalschoolslargelydisplacesprivate
financing with public funds. In an education system with serious overall resource constraints, this
approach needs to be questioned.
173.
The issue is not that there is overt discriminationin the selectionof students:students get
accepted to federal technical schools becausethey excel academically,not becausethey are rich. This
is also largelythe case with SENAI. De facte, however, theseschools' meritocraticadmissionsprocesses
combined with policies which assure these schools ge.nerouslevels of funding irrespective of their
enrollmentlevels have resulted in an inequitablesituation -- a very high share of scarce public funding
going to a small numberof schools and relatively well-offstudents. The justification for this pat'ern of
public spending is to protect the quality of some segmentsof the educationsystem against the resource
constraintsand mediocritythat characterizethe bulk of public secondaryschools. The evolutionof this
pattern of expenditures, however, has resulted in high per-student costs, suboptimal efficiency, and
substantialde facto inequity.
174.
ReducingCosts While PreservingOualit. There are ways in which the quality of federal
technical schools can be maintained or even improved at lower per student costs and with improved
equity. The Ministry of Education is actively pursing this challenge at present. For example, the
Ministry is rightly placing high priority on rationalizingthe federal technical school system, identifying
schools which are underutilized, and either closing or consolidatingthese. The Ministry is also trying
to limitthe constructionof new federaltechnicalschGolsto areaswhere demand reallyjustifies expansion.
It appears tiat SENAI is alsr .agagedin similar efforts to rationalizeits own network.
175.
In all of these schools, it appearsthat there is scope to expand enrollments more rapidly
than physical plant. The high unit costs of the federal technicalschools and SENAI secondaryschools
couldbe driven down to some extent withoutunduly reducingquality by expandingenrollments(both by
increasingstudent-teacherratios and adding shifts wherever possible) at existing schools. In addition,
there are many instances where usage of SENAI's equipmentcould be rented out to other (public or
private technical)schools, which also would reduceunit costs, by effectivelygiving more students access
to high-costequipment.
176.
An issue for the longer-termis whetherthe federal technical schools' emphasison "hands
on" industrial and agriculturaltraining is still appropriatefor the Brazilianeconomyof the 21st century.
As noted earlier, these types of training involve high costs in money terms. They also have a cost in
terms of foregone educational opportunities, including opportunities for stronger emphasis on basic
scientificskills and theoreticalknowleuge.
177.
A gradual shift in emphasis from expensive "practical" training to concentration on
- 58 academicexcellence,particularly in science and math, would not only lower unit costs substantiallyand
increase equity (if the savings were used to expand access), but might also prove more efficient for
Brazil, in terms of preparingthe country's brightestmath and science minds for the high-technologyand
basic science fieldsof the future. A high proportionof federal technicalschool graduatestoday end up
in white collar professionsin science and engineeringand not as industrialor agricultural technicians.
The few availabletracer studies suggestthat most federal technicalschoolstudents neveractuallypractice
the specifictechnician skills to which they are exposed in sci .ol. Most of these students are universitybound and the critical attraction of the technical schools for them is the high overall quality of the
teaching and the strong emph,asison science and math.
178.
Similarly,in SENAIsecondaryschools,particularlyon the industrialside, the establishment
and maintenanceof the state-of-the-artproductioncenters is a massive factor in the schools' overall cost
structure. There is no denying that access to shop facilities as sophisticatedas those of SENAI's
secondary schools adds a valuable dimension to these students' education. The question is, does that
extra dimensionfullyjustify its high incrementalcost both in terms of budgetsand foregoneeducational
opportunities? Given the pace of technologicalchange, specific industrial skills which a student learns
today at the secondarylevel are likely to b'; obsoletewell before his or her career is over. International
competitivenesswill increasingly require 'irms to adapt to change, and this adaptation will require
workers who have both the knowledgeand flexibilityto acquire new skills rapidly and the capacity to
innovate on the job. Both of these qualities are enhancedby stronger general education.
179.
ImprovingEquity while Preserving Quality. Both the federal technical schools and the
SENAI schools need to do more to improve the access of low-incomestudents to their programs. The
Ministry of Education is currently committed to attracting more low-incomestudents into the federal
technical schools, but wants to avoid using any kind of quota system (i.e., reserving a proportion of
studentplaces for low-incomestudents, as SENAI schools already do, to a limitedextent).
180.
Given the inadequatepreparationthat most low-incomestudeits receivein primary school,
remedial programs are necessaryin order to accomplishthis objective. SENAI already has some modest
programs of this type. For example, at least one SENATsecondary school has a pre-entry remedial
training program aimed at preparing low income students for a certain number of reservedplaces. The
Ministry of Educationis committedto increasingthe remedialprogramsthat it offers. In order to achieve
a meaningfulexpansion in the number of low-incomestudents attending federal technical and SENAI
schools it may be necessaryto go beyond these current efforts, and to make an investmentin trying to
identify and groom promisingstudents from lower-incomefamiliesat the primary school level. Special
publicity campaigns could be aimed at primary school students in poor neighborhoods,to encourage
students' interest. The federal technicalschoolscould also work with states on specialscience and math
"competitions", exchange programs, and other incentives, all targeted to children from low-income
families.
181.
The most direct way to improve the equity of the federal technical schools and SENAI
schools would be, obviously, to introduce "cost-sharing" --- tuition fees to recover a share of operating
costs from students who are able to pay. Cost sharing could be implementedeither through: a) the
gradual introductionof fees for all students, accompaniedby a studentloanprogramfor those who cannot
afford to pay fees, or b) a slidingscale system of fees, in line with different students' ability to pay.
-
59
-
182.
Cost sharing arrangementsare in theory feasible because students in the federal technical
from upper-incomefamiliesin Brazil (in
schoolsand SENAI secondaryschools come disproportioniately
the achievementtest sample, over 50% of the students in these two systems came from families with
incomesabovesix minimumsalaries, i.e., in the top twentypercent of the Brazilianincomedistribution).
Any students whose families could not afford to pay would be well-qualifiedfor loans, as graduates of
these schools can expect high future incomes. In addition to immediateiyimprovingthe equity of these
systems, cost sharing could generate incrementalresources for the maintenanceand expansionof the
federal technical schools and SENAI schools, and potentially allow increasing numbers of talented
studentsto benefit from these systems' high qualityeducation,withoutdiverting financingfrom the major
challengeof raising the quality of state and municipalsecondaryeducation.
183.
All of these advantagesnotwithstanding,there is a majorobstacleto the introductionof costsharing at the secondary level. It would be difficult on equity grounds, and very likely impossible
politically, to introducecost-sharingat the secondarylevel as long as students at the university level in
Brazil continue to pay no tuition or fees in public institutions. The unit costs of public university
education in Brazil are significantlyhigher than the unit costs in federal techniial schools and SENAI
schools, and the stud'nt populationat the universitylevel is even more skewedin favor of upper-income
groups. It is difficult to argue that cost-sharingshould be introducedat secondarylevel until the even
more serious problems of resource allocationand equity at the university level are addressed.
B. EffMciencyIs.Jes: Incentive Problems of Brazilian Vocational Training
184.
There are significantincentive problems whenever training that attempts to replicate the
work situationtakes place outside of the workplaceand is subsidized. These problems are exacerbated
when the skills imparted by training are both industry specific, i.e. demanded only by firms in a
particular industry, and subject to relatively rapid technical change and/or obsolescence.' This is the
situationfor SENAI (industrial)and SENAC (commercial)vocationaltraining. For industrial training,
which is more equipment-intensive,these problems are even more acute.2
185.
The economicefficiencyof vocationaltraining programs depends upon whether:
1. Trainees subsequentlywork at the skills for which they were trained; and
26/
All SENAI and SENAC training is "general training" in the sense used by human capital
economists: i.e., training that is applicable to more than one firm, as distinguished from "specific
training"that is only relevantto a particular firm. Becker (1963)postulatedthat employerswill only bear
the costs of specific training, and that all general training will eventuallybe paid for by the individual
trainees, either through direct tuition payments (for exampleto training schools)or in the form of lower
(apprenticeship-type)wages, if the training is obtained on-the-job.
27/
SENAI and SENAC offer a broad range of subjectsand diverse types of training courses,
ranging from very short 20-60 hour courses to SENAI's full-time secondaryschool program, of 5,000
hours per year over four years. The bulk of SENAI's enrollmentsare in coursesfor mechanics,welders,
electricians,machinetool repair and repair of electronicinstruments. SENAC's enrollmentsare heaviest
in: clerical/secretarial(45%), communications(10%), health care (8%) and hygiene and beauty (8%).
- 60 2. Employersmake cost-effectivedecisions
a. among alternativesupply sources for the skills; and
b. in how they deploytrained workers within the firm.
186.
The major source of incentiveproblems and inefficiencyin Brazilian vocationaltraining
is the way such training is currently financed. SENAI and SENAC are almost entirely funded by a
payroll tax of 1% on all commercialand industrialfirms.8 Virtually all of their training is "free" both
to individualstudents and to the enterprises which benefit from the trained workers (who pay the tax
irrespectiveof the number of trained workers they employ). This financing system appears to lead to
significantinefficienciesfor both of the major reasons mentionedabove.
187.
For their part, potentialtrainees lack incentivesto weigh carefully in their career decisions
the costs of obtainingskills that are especiallynarrow or might rapidly become obsolete. For example,
SENAI's secondary and post-secondaryprograms include general educationalong with skills training.
This education is generally valuable in the labor market and can also make higher education options
availableto students. The absenceof charges for the costly practical skills can encouragesome students
to attend these schools simply in order to obtain the basic educationalbenefits. As an exanmpleof this,
it is estimatedthat at least 25% of SENAI secondaryschool graduatesgo on to universities raiher than
work at the skills for which they were trained. SENAI and SENAC are understandablyproud of' their
high placement rates of graduates. However, high placement rates, even in well paying jobs, do not
necessarily imply high external efficiency. What matters is whether the educationor training choices
which the studentmade were efficientroutes to thosejobs (i.e. the costs were not excessive). If students
do not face any cost differentialsfor different types of schoolingor training, they have no incentiveto
make choices efficiently.
188.
Whenfirms do not face the full costs of training for different types of skills, two problems
arise: (1) there will tend to be excess demand from firms for trainees with high cost skills; and (2) both
firms and students will lack incentivesto choose the most economicalsources of vocational training.
Because aspects of the workplace, including work with sophisticatedindustrial equipment, must be
simulatedin an institute-basedtraining situation, this type of training can be extremelycostly to provide
and to keep up-to-date. For this reason, on-the-jobtraining is often more efficientthan institute-based
training for high cost practical skills; in an industry setting, the costs of duplicatingthe work situation,
notablyequipment,are low and may outweighthe two advantagesof training in an institute-- i) the costeffective sharing of teachingpersonnel with other firms and ii) the avoidanceof the disruption of work
flows that can occur with on-the-jobtraining.
189.
Even when institute-basedtraining is potentially more efficient than on-the-job training,
Brazil's financingsystem discouragesemployersfrom selectingfrom alternativesuppliersof suchtraining
28/
As described in Chapter II, SENAI and SENAC (both establishedin the 1940s)are "quasipublic" institutionsin the sense that they were establishedby governmentfiat and are wholly financed
by public taxes, but they are administered by ptivate associations: in the case of SENAI, by the
Confederati i of Industry and in the case of SENACby the Confederationof Commerce. Both agencies
have substa ' managerialautonomyfrom govermment.
-61 based on costs and quality. There is a competitiveprivate industrialand commercialtraining sector for
low-cost vocationaltraining, and there would probably be a vigorous private sector supply response to
demand from firms and workers for types of training that are more costly to provide.
The potential for efficiency losses is especiallyhigh when underpriced and inefficiently
190.
supplied skills are demanded in only one industry and are subject to obsolescence. This seems to be
particularlytrue for SENAI, whichoilers training in manyrelativelynarrow industrial specialtiesand can
have a significantimpacton the labor market. SENAI'S training can supplya significantlylarger quantity
of workers than an industry's firms would demand at the full cost of the training. The availabilityof
workers with subsidizedskills can even induce firms to chooseor maintainproductiontechnologiesthat
utilize such workers more intensivelythan would otherwise be the case. Some industry observers in
Brazil have suggested that in certain industry subsectorsthe p;esence of subsidized SENAI training has
even contributed to protectionist pressures, by helping to "lock firms in" to outmoded production
technologies. In addition to possible direct efficiencylosses such as this, there are costs resultingfrom
the diminishedincentivefirms have to engage in innovativeactivitiesaimed at economizingon or raising
the productivityof trained workers, which to the firms are an underpricedresource.
ImprovingEfficiency While Preserving Ouality. These incentiveproblems and resulting
191.
inefficienciesare serious, although they have not been quantified. There are some ways, however, in
which the SENAI/SENACsystem probably improves the overall efficiency of Brazilian vocational
training, and these are importantto recognizeas well. Both SENAIand SENACbasicallyconsistof two
separate functions:i) planning, coordination,market research and pedagogicaldevelopment- i.e., what
may be considered"overhead"functions, and ii) training delivery. Both agencies appear to be effective
in carrying out the overhead functions,and there is some evidencethat "spillover" benefits also accrue
to private sectortraining schools and firms whichoften adoptteachingmaterials and copy the pedagogical
approachesdeveloped by SENAI and SENAC.
SENAI and SENAC's effectivenessin these overheadfunctionslargely stems from the way
192.
they are organized, under the auspicesof syndicatesof Brazilianindustrialand commercialfirms. These
syndicatesplay an importantrole in expressingthe collectivedemandof firms in individualindustriesfor
training benefits and in exerting political pressure on the national level on behalf of member firms and
the training system. Becauseof these close and well-organizedlinks to employers, it is easy for SENAI
and SENAC to obtain informationabout different industries' demandsfor trained workers as well as to
"place" trained workers in the labor market. By contrast, it would be very difficult for a wholly
decentralizedsystem of relatively small private training schools to invest in obtaining such regular and
detailed informationfrom industrial and commercial"end-users"of their training services.
A second important institutionalfeature is the fact that SENAI and SENAC enjoy stable
193.
federal governmentfinancing. This allowsthem to investin long-termplanningof curriculum,evaluation
of teaching methods, and other valuable research which an individualtraining school would not be able
to afford.
These aspects of the system are valuable. But there is no inherent reason why they need
194.
to be tied institutionallyto the actual delivery of training services. Because of the economiesof scale
noted above, overhead functionsare most efficientlyprovided if centralized. However, in the delivery
of training services, competitionmay be more importantfor ensuring efficiency. A significantnumber
of private training schools in Brazil supply services which compete directly with many SENAI and
-
62 -
SENAC courses, despite the fact that the latter are completelysubsidized. The private sector could be
expectedto expandfurther if placed on an equal footingwith SENAI and SENAC, i.e., if the latter also
"ad charges for their courses that reflected their marginalcosts. The overhead functionsof SENAI and
SENAC could be supported by a much lower share of the existing payroll tax, and the agencies coul
provide teaching materials, curriculum guidance, research studies on labor market trends and detailed
annual information about employers' skilled labor demands both to private training schools and to
enterprises wishing to provide in-housetraining.
195.
Because of their short-term nature (generallyonly a few months in duration) most types
of vocational training courses have much lower financial costs and indirect costs than three years of
formal secondaryschooling. Finding the moneyfor such training generally presents less of a liquidity
problem for students than does formal schooling. Moreover, the private returns to vocationaltrainin
are generallyhigh and there are fewer externalitiesor spilloverbenefits fo: society as a whole than there
are from general education(see Box 1, Chapter 1). For these reasons there is a stronger justificationfor
direct cost recovery from students for vocationaltraining than for general education. There also might
be less need for a student loan programto k.,companytuition chargesfor vocationaltraining. However,
a loan program would help ensure that a oroad range of studentshave accessto training. Such a system
wouldalso enhance efficiencybecause it makes it expensivefor trainees to select costlytraining options
and then not work productively in the industry for a long enough time to amortize the training cost.
Becauseworkers need to repay their loans, they will not be willingto enroll in training programs if their
eventualwages will not providea competitivereturn on the costs of the training. This provides desirable
incentivesfor employersnot to overutilizehigh-costskills and to utilize alternativesupply sources such
as on-the-jobtraining when these are more cost-effective.
196.
The financing of training via direct student payments or student loans has limitations,
however, in the case of industry specific skills which run the risk of becoming rapidly obsolete. There
are two importantasymmetriesin the costs faced by employersand trainees which suggestthat employers
should be responsiblefor training expenses in these cases. These asymmetriesresult from the higher
costs faced by trainees: (1) to obtain informationabout the returns to industry specific skills and (2) to
diversify investmentsin them.
197.
It is more costlyfor trainees, especiallyyouthslackingwork experience,than for employers
to learn about the productivityof costly industry specific skills. Likewise, trainees face higher costs of
forecasting likely changes in skills productivitydue to competitiveand technologicalforces. Individuals
will thus attach higher, and perhaps substantiallyhigher, risk premiumsto the same training investments
and will be reluctant to undertake these types of training.
198.
Risk diversificationis a second importantproblem with educationand training investments
becausestudentscannot sell "shares" in their humancapital. On the other hand, firms can diversifytheir
investments in individual workers' costly specifc skills through their investments in other workers,
different skill types, and physical capital investments.
199.
These asymmetrieslead to the likelihoodthat individualtrainees will underinvestin certain
types of risky, high cost skills if required to pay their full costs. In these cases, efficiency will be
increased if employers assume the payment o mudents' loans for these types of skills. Employers'
payments may be made contingenton the amount of time the worker has been with the firm, creating
incentivesfor employeesto work not only in the industry but in a particular firm, thus internalizingthe
- 63 benefit of the skills training to the firm. Interfirm competitionfor workers can be ensured by providing
the opportunityto all firms in the industry to contract for workers in advance of training. Indeed, such
a system is not very different in some respects from SENAIand SENAC's current practice of negotiating
carefully with individualindustries each year the numbers of trainees to be produced in various skill
categories. Brokeringthese contracts, as well as administeringa possible loan system and employees'
and employers' share of paymentswouldbe additionalimportantoverhead functionsto be carried out by
SENAI and SENAC.
200.
Thesetypes of far-reachingreforms of the Braziliannationalvocationaltraining system may
seem radical in a countrywhere the excellentreputationof the nationaltraining agenciesmeans that their
costs are rarely scrutinized. Even the Ministry of Labor, which has legal oversight responsibilityfor
SENAI and SENAC, cannot easily obtain cost data and other informationnecessaryfor assessmentof
these agencies' cost-effectiveness.Analysesof the comparativecost-effectivenessof the nationaltraining
agencies and a sampleof private training schoolsare a high priority for research, and would serve as the
basis for a programto improvethe efficiencyof Brazil's large nationalinvestmentsin vocationaltraining.
Even before such studies are completed,however, a few immediateactionsshould be considered. First,
SENAI and SENAC couldbe placed on annual budgets which reflect their current level of spending on
actualtraining operations, giventhat the payroll tax often generatesa significant"excess"over this level.
(As noted in Chapter 11,SENAI and SENAC in recent yea.s have retained 30% or more of their annual
receipts for investments unrelated to training.) Excess funds from the payroll tax could then be
reallocatedto states and municipalitiesfor high priority educationprograms, such as primary and general
secondary education.
- 64 V. SCENARIOS, ISSUES AND OPTIONS FOR tfHE FUTURE
This year, the Brazilian secondary school system will graduate approximately600,000
201.
students. This number is strikinglylow for a countryof 140 millionpeople, with a labor force of over
50 million, and a secondaryschool age population(aged 16-18)of more than 9 million youths. It is a
small trickle of individualsequippedwith the knowledge,skills and potentialfor higher educationand/or
entry into the managerial and professionalstreamsof the world's tenth largest industrial economy.
202.
As seen in ChapterI, the share of youths who attend secondaryschool in Brazil is far below
the average for middle-incomedeveloping countries. Only 37% of 16-18 year olds are enrolled in
secondaryschool in Brazil, compared with 59%, on average, in other middle-incomecountries and 95%
in countriessuch as Korea. Brazil's pattern of low average educationalattainmentmay have slowed its
economicdevelopmentin the past; how muchis impossibleto calculatewith precision. But whateverthe
past price, the future costs of lagging behind the rest of the world in human resource developmentare
likely to be far higher. Without a more sophisticatedlabor force, in a world of rapid technological
change and intense internationaleconomiccompetitionBrazil may be increasinglyunable to compete.
203.
Over the decadeof the 1980sBrazil made almostno progressin increasingsecondaryschool
participation. Enrollmentsfrom 1980-87grew by only 2.0% per year, little abovethe rate of population
growth. The secondaryschool participationrate increasedonly marginallyover the decade, from 35%
in 1980to 37% in 1987.
A. Consttaintsto Increased SecondaryEnrollments
204.
We,e Brazil to set the goal of reaching 50% secondary school participationby the year
2000, in order to approachthe current average for countriesof its income level, it would face serious
constraints.Even in a 15-20 year time frame, such a goal appears virtuallyunattainable. At the current
rate of secondary school enrollment growth (about 2.5% per year) and projectt.' rates of population
growth (about 1.9% per year in the next decade),' Brazil will not reach 50% secondary school
participationbefore the year 2010.
205.
The two major constraintsto increasingsecondaryschoolparticipationare: i) the low quality
of large segments of the secondary school system, and ii) low throughput from the primarv school
system.
206.
The secondaryschoolquality problem is evidencedby the high repetitionand dropout rates
in state and municij schools. These are somewhat surprising, given the selectivity of Brazilian
secondarystudents. It is undeniablya traditionin Brazilianeducationto set high standardsfor promotion,
even at the cost of having large numbers of students in the school system repeating grades. At the
primary level, for example, repetition (and dropout) rates are so high that the Brazilian school system
pays for 22 student-yearsfor each primary graduate it produces.
29/
World Bank populationprojections. See AppendixTable 61.
- 65 207.
Repetitionrates can be expectedto improveunder scenarioswhich assume policy reforms.
Ideally, repetitionis reducedthrough improvementsin studentlearningassociatedwith increasesin school
effectiveness. The options for secondaryschool reformdiscussed in ChapterIII can be expectedto lead
in this direction. There is also some evidencethat reductionsin repetition associated with changes in
educational standards can have beneficial effects on student learning, by reducing students' sense of
failure and frustration.
208.
Students' decisionsto drop out may be more difficultfor the school system to influence.
Drop out rates reflect a combination of factors -- the opportunity cost of schooling and students'
perceptionof the returns to incrementalschooling. Drop out rates in Braziliansecondaryschools may
be high in part becauseof the low efficiencyof the primary system, which results in a large number of
overage students in secondaryschool. The opportunitycosts of staying iP school are higher for older
than for younger students; thus, all other things equal, the former will have a higher probability of
dropping out. To the extent that state and municipalschools have older students, on average, than do
private and federal technical schools, this may also explain part of the former schools' higher dropout
rates.
209.
The major reason for the higher dropout rates in state and municipal schools is probably
their poor quality (i.e., studentsperceivelow returns to studyingin these schools). The achievementtest
results support this view: there are significantdifferences in student achievementthat are attributableto
school type.
210.
Changes in secondaryschool dropout rates or repetitionrates would affect total secondary
enrollments- and the overall secondaryschool participationrate -- in oppositedirections. They would
also affect total secondaryschool costs in oppositedirections. A reduction in the average repetitionrate
will lower total costs and costs per graduate;a reductionin the dropout rate will increase total costs (but
will also lower costs per graduate). Reductionsin repetition rates would not increase the number of
graduates, but reductionsin dropout rates obviously would.
211.
If secondaryschool dropout rates were to fall and there were no change in repetitionrates,
the results would be an increase in total secondary enrollmentsand the secondary participation rate.
However, in manyrespects, this would not representimprovementin the system; althoughmore students
would finish, the efficiencyof their progressthrough the secondarysystem would remain poor. On the
other hand, if repetition rates fell and there were no change in dropouts, the secondary school
participationrate would decline, although the system would have made significantprogress.
212.
Although cumulativedropout rates in Braziliansecondaryschool are high (50% in 1984),
the secondary system is swollen with repeaters; at any given moment, more than five years' worth of
entering students are still in the system. This explainswhy the combinedeffect of eliminatingdropouts
and repetitioncompletelywouldbe to reducetotal secondaryenrollments,from about3.3 millionstudents
at present, to an estimated 2.5 million.' Yet there is no question that this would represent
IQ/
As pointed out in Chapter II, there are significantinconsistenciesin Brazilianenrollment
data which make it difficult to determinethe numberof new entrants into secondaryschool each year,
which is critical for estimatingrepetition, dropout and graduation rates. Specifically,the number of
primary school graduatesreported by MEC cannotbe reconciledwith the numberof first-year secondary
- 66 improvement.
213.
The principal constraint to real progress in expanding secondary enrollments is low
throughputfrom the primary school system. Although there are close to 7 million students enrolled in
&i grade in Brazi1(abouthalf of which are repeaters), accordingto officialstatistics less than 900,000
students graduate from eighth grade each year. Virtually all Brazilian children at some point enroll in
primary school; for almost all parts of the country, access is no longer a significantproblem. And
appears that a high proportionof primary school graduates (75-80%)continueson to secondaryschoo
The problem is that the numberof primary graduatesis low, and has not been increasing. Between 1980
and 1985the numberwas practicallystagnant, averaging 860,000 per year.
214.
Increasing the number of primary school graduates will fundamentally depend upon
improvements in the internal efficiency of Brazilian primary education, which is characterized by
staggeringlyhigh repetitionand dropout rates. It takes the average primary studentalmost four years to
completethe first two grades, and over 30% of primary students drop out before they reach the fifth
grade. For every 100 students who enter primary school less than 5 graduate withoutany repetitionand
only 39 ever graduate (Fletcher and Ribeiro, 1988).
B. Demand Projectionsand FinancialImplications
215.
Secondaryenrollments, which currently total 3.3 millionstudents, have grown at the rate
of 2.5% per year over the last five years, and 2% per year since 1980. Continuedgrowth at 2.5% per
year in the 1990s implies roughly 100,000 additionalstudents per year. Compared with enrollment
growth rates of 10-20%per year in the 1960sand 1970s,the secondaryschool system would have little
difficultyexpandingaggregatesupply at this rate. Withoutincreasedthroughputfrom the primary school
system, which is also growing by less than 3% per year at present, it is impossiblefor secondary
enrollmentsto increase - except through increases in the primary-to-secondaryschool transition rate.
A simple projectionsmodel with parametersbased upon Ribeiro and Fletcher's PROFLUXOmodel was
used to evaluate the impact of possible primary school improvementson the throughputto secondary
31 The hypothetical improvements tested were in primary school repetition rates (across all
school.
grades), primary dropout rates between fourth and fifth grade and during eighth grade (the two points
at which dropouts are highest), and increases in the transition ratio.
studentsreported, or with the repetitionrate reportedfor the first year of secondaryschool. The estimate
of 2.5 million assumes that the number of primary graduates reported is broadly correct and that
secondaryrepetitionrates are actuallyhigher than currently reported. Elsewherein this report, however,
such as for the student flows modeled in Chapter III (Table 3.2), repetition rates as officially reported
were utilized.
311
The PROFLUXO model uses educationalparticipationrates reported in the IBGE annual
householdsurvey (PNAD)to estimatethe flowsof a populationcohortthroughthe primary and secondary
school system. It is a very useful planning tool, although unfortunately there are numerous
inconsistenciesbetween the IBGE data and Ministry of Educationstatistics. See Ribeiro and Fletcher
(1987).
- 67 a) Trend Growth ( 2.7% Ver year). This case assumes no changes in
primary school efficiency or the primary-to-secondary school
transition ratio.
b) Moderate Growth (3.3% per year). This case assumes modest
progress at the primary level. It shows the impact of: i) a 20%
reduction in repetitionrates in primary school, ii) a 10% reductionin
dropouts between fourth and fifth grade, iii) a 10% reduction in
dropouts during eighth grade, and iv) a 5% increase in the transition
rate between primary and secondaryschool. The model shows the
effect of these improvementsover a 20 year period.
c) High Growth (4.8% Der vear). This case assumes significant
progress at the primary level. It shows the impact of: i) a 75%
reduction in primary repetitionrates, ii) a 50% reduction in dropouts
between fourth and fifth grade, iii) a 50% reduction in dropouts
during eighth grade, and iv) a 10% increase in the transition ratio.
Table S.1:
SECONDARYSCHOOL ENROLLMENT PROJECTIONS, 1990-2010,
ALTERNATIVE SCENARIOS
(in thousands of students)
TOTALENROLLMENTS
INCREMENTSOVERTItEND
YEAR
SCENARIO
TREND
MEDIUM
HIGH
GROWTH
GROWTH
GROWTH
1990
3477
3492
3507
0
1S
1995
3848
4232
5331
371
384
1483
2000
4371
4944
6565
894
573
2194
2005
5060
5781
7808
1583
721
2748
2010
5917
6790
9230
2440
873
3313
AverageGrowth (p.a.)
2.7%
3.3%
4.8%
TREND
MEDIUM HIGH
1
30
1
Source: World Bank projections. See Annex IV for a descriptionof the model.
216.
In reality, there is no reason to believeat presentthat the mediumor high growth scenarios
will evolve. Even the trend scenario assumes that a growth rate slightly above the current rate of
enrollmentgrowth can be sustainedin a period of decliningpopulationgrowth. But even the enrollment
increases forecast under the trend growth scenario will have important financial implications at the
secondary level. Assumptionsabout how incrementalsecondarystudents would be accommodatedwhether in state, municipal,federal, or private schools- are criticallyimportantfor estimatingthe costs.
Table 5.2 shows the range in public costs for secondary education that could result under different
- 68 scenarios. The growth rate assumedis the trend case des-ribedabove. It is also assumedthat the private
sector share of total enrollments remains constant at .3%. Finally, it is assumed that the current
efficiencyand unit costs of each type of public school remain unchanged.
217.
The base case in Table 5.2 reflects total public costs if the distributionof public secondary
enrollmentsacross different types of schoolsremainsthe same as it was in 1985: i.e., 3% of enrollments
in federal technicalschools;6% in municipalschools: and 90% in state schools. Alternative(A) assumes
that in 1990the distributionof students acrossschools is the same as in the base case, but from that point
on all new enrollments (i.e., roughly 100,000 students per year) are in federal technical schools.
Alternative(B) assumes the same uat with all new enrollmentsafter 1990 in state schools. Alternative
(C) assumesthat the new enrollmentsafter 1990are all in municipalschools.
Table5.2: ANNUALPL',IC SECONDARY
EDUCATIONCOSTSUNDER
ALTERNATIVESCENARIOS,ASSUMINGTRENDGROWTH
(in millionsof 1987US$)
BASECASE
FEDERAL
STATE
TECHMCAL
l
MUNICIPAL
1990
714
(a)
(b)
(c)
1995
790
1151
778
748
2000
897
1767
868
795
2005
1039
2579
986
858
2010
1215
3589
1134
936
ExpenditureGrowth
3.5%
20%
2.9%
1.6%
Numberof Graduates
Producedby the Year2000
(millions)
1.1
1.3
1.01
1.01
Average Annual
Source: ProjectionsfromTable5.1. Estimated1985unitcostsfromTable2.1.
218.
In reality, it is unlikely that any one of these systems would account for the entire
incrementalexpansionof secondaryschooling. But the exercise is instructivebecause it points up clearly
the great differences in public resources required were the high-cost models of the federal technical
schools (or SENAI schools)to be adopted as the standardfor future expansion. Such a strategy would
not only be costly; it would seriously risk pauperizingexisting state and municipalsecondarysystems.
219.
Under (A), total public spendingon secondaryeducationwouldbe 46% higher in real terms
than the base case as early as 1995.By the year 2000, total costs would be doubled in real terms and by
2010 tripled. By contrast, under (B)total public spendingrequired to sustain expansionof the secondary
system would be slightly lower than in the base case. Under (C), public costs would fall by over 20%
with respect to the base case.
- 69 The distributionof future enrollmentsacross the different types of secondary school also
220.
affects the total number of graduates produced, as can be seen from Table 5.2. For example, if all
incrementalenrollmentsafter 1990were in federaltechnicalschools,by the year 2000 annualpublic costs
for secondaryeducationwouldbe abouttwice as high as in the base case scenario, but 20% more students
would graduate from the system.
Another way of looking at the alternative financial implications of different enrollment
221.
scenariosmakes it easier to see the potentialcontributionof the private sector. Table 5.3 sLowshowtotal
public costs for secondaryeducationdiffer for each incremental100,000students who enter the system,
dependingupon the type of school they attend. It also showshow manyof these studentswould graduate
in each scenario. Finally, it comparesthe total public costs per 100,000entrants and the total costs per
100,000 graduatesfor each case.
SECONDARYSCHOOL
PUBLICCOSTSOF 100,000ADDITIONAL
Table5.3: ALTERNATIVE
ENTRANTS
EXPECTED
TYPEOF
GRADUATES
SCKOOL
SCHOOL_GRADUATES(U)_
COSTPER
GRADUATE
(US$)
PUBLICCOST
(US$millions)
100,004)
P13ER
PER 100,000
ENTRANTS
GRADUATES
FedjralTechnical
78,200
6,983
546.1
698.3
State
41,553
1,553
64.6
155.3
Municipal
44,700
745
33.3
74.5
Private
63,800
2,295
0
0
Sources: Table3.2 and AppendixTable54.
The range in expectedgraduatesper 100,000new studentsgoes from 42,000 at state schools
222.
to 64,000 at private schools to almost 80,000 at federal technical schools. Although close to twice as
many students wouldgraduate from federal technikalschoolsas from state schools,the cost per 100,000
new entrants is about eight times higher at the federal schools. Expressed in terms of costs per 100,000
graduates, the differential narrows (to 4.5 times higher) but is still very lar a.
Conversely, the exercise shows the financial savings for the public sector if enrollment
223.
growth is faster in the private sector -- as was the case in the 1970sand between 1986 and 1988. It is
unlikely that all incremental enrollmentgrowth would occur in the private sector in the absence of
government incentives. However, given the higher efficiencyof private schools, an incrementaldollar
spent to stimulate expansionof private enrollmentswould increasethe total number of graduates. The
implicationis that any subsidy schemeup to the current level of expenditureon state secondaryeducation
would increase the overall efficiencyof the secondaryschool system.
224.
What do such simulationstell us to guide secondaryeducationpolicy for the coming years?
- 70 There are three clear messages for policymakersthat emerge from the these exercises: i) the growth of
secondary enrollments is lik ly to be relatively slow over the coming decades; ii) decisions to give
priority to expansionof the high cost segmentsof the pub:ic school system (federal technical schoo:s
and/or SENAI secondary schools) could increase total public secondary educationcosts at a rate that
would be impossible to sustain, and iii) policies to stimulate the expansion of private schools at the
secondarylevel, either thiroughnon-fiscalincentivesor targetedsubsidiessuch as used in Chile, are likely
to be cost-effective.
C. Issues for The 1990s
225.
This report has analyzedthe current state of Braziliansecondaryeducation. The analysis
points to four priority issues for the decade of the 1990s:
a) achievingcost-effectiveimprovementsin the quality of state secondaryschools;
b) strengtheningthe performanceof private schoolsand stimulatin, stronger competition
with the public system;
c) improvingincentivesfor the efficientdelivery of vocationaltraining; and
d) developing an efficiency-enhancingrole for government (federal, state and municipal
educationauthorities).
226.
Quality Improvement at the State Level. Cost-effectiveprogramsof quality improvement
at the state level for the foreseeablefuture should center on the challengeof improvingthe management,
incentives and organization of the secondary system. Spending per student in state level secondarischools today is not lower than in many other middle-incomedeveloping countries. Moreover, those
countries have a less selective student population at the secondary level, yet achieve higher internal
efficiency(i.e., higher graduationrates).
227.
Several possible directions for reform were discussed in Chapter III. Some of the most
importantare:
*
introductionof standardizedstudenttesting as a tool for measuringschool
(and school system)performance objectively;
*
re;ructuring of state technical schools. States should eliminate
equipme3t-intensivevocational programs and focus their resources on
making these schools high quality academicschools with an emphasison
math and science. This approachcould have the advantageof creatinga
high-performance"tier" within the state school systems (possibly with
entrance via competitiveexaminations).
*
consolidationof basic curriculum. For a transitional period (say five
years) all state schools should focus efforts on strengthening the core
- 71 -
curriculum(Portuguese,math, science, history) in all schools, aiid reduce
the range of differentvocationalcourses offered. During this period, the
impact of these changeson studentperformance should be evaluated.
P
developmentof strong technical assistanceroles at the state and federal
levels. To ensure the efficiencyof a more decentralizedsystem there is
a need for state (and federal) administrationsto expand the following
areas: support to problem schoolsto help improve performance; design
and implementationof in-serviceteacher training programs; curriculum
developmentand design and testing of new pedagogicalmaterials; school
evaluation and research on determinants of school performance;
administrationof special "innovationfunds" to encourageimprovedschool
performance;
*
introduction of incentives for school performance. School budgets,
directors' and teachers' evaluations, and bonus pay for all school
personnel could be based to some upon extent the school's progress in
meeting specified performance objectives related to student learning,
enrollment trends and budget control. In order for such a system to
work, greater management control over school personnel and school
financial resources would needto be concentratedat the school level;
*
municipalization. Devolutionof state primary and secondaryschools to
the municipallevel, as is being consideredin a growing numberof states,
is a potentially effective way of increasing the efficiency and
accountability of public schools.
To be successful, however,
municipalizationrequiresa strongcomplementaryrole played by state and
federal authorities,to redistributefinancialresources acrossmunicipalities
in order to equalize revenue imbalances and to provide technical
assistance(as discussed).
228.
Strengthening the Performance of Private Schools. Policiesto strengthentheperformance
of private schools are an importantpart of an overall program to improve secondaryeducationquality.
The private sector in Brazilianeducation,particularlyat the secondarylevel, is large, diverseand appears
to be fairly competitive;as suggestedby the achievementtest data, private schools (althoughthey range
greatly in quality) may be more cost-effective on average than most Brazilian public education.
Governmentpolicies should concentrateon stronger substantiveoversightof private schools, rather than
counterproductivetuition price controls. Specific recommendationsinclude:
*
inclus,on of private schools in the administration of regular student
achievementtests;
*
strengtheningof state educationcouncils,or developmentof an alternative
capacity within state education secretariats to carry out private school
accreditation reviews which are serious examinationsof all aspects of
school performance, at regular intervals;
- 72 *
provision of technicalassistanceto low quality Drivateschoolsthat wish
to improve quality (perhapson a fee basis); and
*
publication of annual performance reports on all accredited private
schools.
Aggregatepublic resourcesfor secondaryeducation,which are likely to remain constrained,
229.
will go farther if some share is efficiently used to stimulateprivate school expansion. For budgetary
reasons and equity reasons, however, any incentivesshould be restricted to schools which serve lowincome students. Any program of financial incentivesto private schoolsmust also be accompaniedby
a greatly strengthenedandit capacityat the state level to prevent abuses.
Improving Public Vocational Training Efficiency. In 1987, the combined budgets of
230.
364 million)and SENAC (US$ 191 million)roughly equalledtotal state-levelspendingon
(US$
SENAI
Whether the current schooling/trainingbalance is providing the appropriatemix
education.
secondary
of skills for Brazil's future needs is a question that must constantly be reassessed. Steps that could
improvethe efficiencyof public spendingon vocationaltraining include:
i
limit payroll tax transfers to SENAI and SENAC to the level of their
actual expenditureson training;
gradually reduce federal funding for SENAI and SENAC to a level
sufficient for the financing of coordinationand overhead functions, and
allow training services to be providedon a competitivebasis by private
sector schools and employers.
Effidency-Enhandng Role for Government. Implicitin many of the above options is a
231.
new role for public educationsecretariatsat all levelsof government. The new role placesmuch stronger
emphasison accreditation,oversight,p rformanceevaluation,research, technicalassistanceand financial
intermediation. It places reduced emphasison direct school administration. More decentralizedpublic
school systems could provide federal and state administratorswith opportunitiesto invest adequatelyfor
the first time in curriculum development, in-service teacher training, student testing and evaluation,
school performance evaluation, school budget reviews and resource allocation and research. In a
decentralized system these critically important functions will tend to be underfunded if not handled
centrally. Some of the most importantfunctionshave beenmentionedelsewherein this section, but bear
repeating:
*
dcign. administrationand analysis of achievementtests for public and
private students at least every two years;
*
curriculumdevelopment,in-serviceteacher training programs. and other
central support servicesfor the benefit of all public and private schools;
*
private school oversight and accreditation.and possible administrationof
a targeted incentive program; and
- 73 *
annualpublic schooi performance .valuations and budgetreviews, which
become the basis for funding allocation decisions for a network of
decentralizedpublic schools.
232.
An Agenda for Research. This report attemptedto draw together availablestudies, official
statistics and other informationon the Brazilian secondary educationand publicly-financedvocational
training systems. As noted throughout, however, there are many importantquestions which cannot be
analyzed at present due to the lack of information. The most importantof these "knowledgegaps" ara
recapitulated below, in the hope that they can help to define a priority research agenda for Brazilian
scholars and governmentofficials.
a) systematicdata on secondaryschool studentachievement. The cognitiveachievement
test administeredto a sample of students for this report yielded valuableinsights, but
also raised numerous questionsabout the relative importanceof "school factors" and
"student backgroundfactors" in explainingthe very different average levels of student
achievementat different typ_s of schools. Further student testing, on a basis which
controls for student ability, is an importantnext step.
b) studies of student performance and school quality at low-tuition private schools.
Almost nothing is knownabout the quality of these low-tuitionschools, which appear
to represent a large share of the private school market. Key questionsare: How much
do students learn at these schools? What is the "quality" of faculty at these schools
compared with public schools (as measuredby teachers' performance on standardized
cognitivetests and other indicators,such as averagelevelsof educationand pay)? What
is the ratio of "effective"class hours (classes actuallyheld) to theoreticalclass hours
in these schools?
c) studies of comparativecosts and studentperformancein low-tuitionprivate schools and
Dublicschools. What are expendituresper student in these schools? How does the
structureof expenditure(i.e., personnel,materials,maintenance,profits, etc.) compare?
How do students of comparablesocioeconomicbackgroundperform on standardized
achievementtests, controllingfor student ability? How do repetition and graduation
rates for studentsof comparablesocioeconomicbackgroundcompare?
d) studies of the comparativecost-effectivenessof SENAI. SENAC and private vocational
training schools. What kinds of studentsgo to SENAI or SENAC, rather than private
vocationalschools (in termsof studentsocio-economicbackgroundand studentability- measured by standardizedtests)? How do costs per studenthour for the same types
of training compare? How does the structure of expenditure compare? How does
teacher quality (measured by teacher performance on standardized tests and other
indicators)compare? How well do SENAI and SENAC graduates subsequentlydo in
the labor market (in terms of job placement, incrementalearnings, and promotions)
compared with similar graduates of private vocational schools (i.e., controlling for
student innate ability, socio-economicbackground,job experience,etc.)?
-
74 -
233.
Beyond these specific researchtopics, there is a more general need for expanded work in
the economicsof educationin Brazil. Since the seminal works of Langoni and de Moura Castro in the
1970s,little work has been done on the returns to educationin Brazil. At present, the analyticalbasis
for decisions about what types of investmentsin the educationsystem are most justified is inadequate.
Tte 1990 census will yield a wealth of data that could be used by education researchers. Updated
estimatesof the private and socialreturns to differentlevels and types of educationwouldprovide critical
measuresof the importanceof educationinvestmentsfor the growth of the Brazilianeconomy, and could
offer policymakersa valuable tool for grappling with the educationchallengesof the 1990s.
-
75 -
STATISTICALAPPENDIX
Chaner I: CHANGINGEDUCATIONALNEEDS OF THE BRAZILIANECONOMY
Table 1
Gross Output per Worker in Manufacturing,SelectedCountries, 1970-1985
Table 2
Real Earnings per Employeein Manufacturing,SelectedCountries, 1980-1985
Table 3
Returns to Investmentin Education,By Region, Type and Level
Chapter II: SECONDARYAND VOCATIONALEDUCATIONIN BRAZIL:
CRITICAL CHARACTERISTICS
ENROLLMENTS
Table 4
Growth of Secondaryschool Enrollmentsby Tyne of School (Brazil 1970-1987)
Table 5
INitial Enrollmentsand EnrollmentRAtes in SecondarySchools (Brazil, 1970-1987)
Table 6
Grovth of SecondarySchoolEnrollmentsby Type of School and Region (1970-1987)
Table 7
SecondarySchool Participation,By Region, 1970-1987
Table 8
Age Distributionof SecondarySchool Students, 1985
Table 9
Age Distributionof SecondarySchool Studentsas share of Total Enrollments, 1985
Table 10
AverageAge of Students who Attendedand Did Not Attend SecondarySchool in
1982
Table 11
Percentageo-.SecondaryStudentsEnrolled in Night Classes by Family Income
Quartile and Region, 1982
Table 12
Percentageof SecondaryStuder Enrolled in Night Classes by Type of School, 1982
Table 13
Distributionof SecondarySchool and Training Enrollments,By Type of School, 1985
dOC TONAL TRAINING
Table 14
Enrollmentsin SENAI, By Program, 1984- 1987
Table 15
Structure of SENAI Programs, 1987
Table 16
Enrollmentsin SENAC, By Program, 1985
-
Table 17
76 -
SENAC: Distributionof Studentsby Age, Gender and Level of Education
Completed, 1986
EXPENDITURE
Table 18
Total Public Expenditureon SecondaryEducationand Training by Type of School,
1985
Table 19
Total EducationExpendituresand ExpendituresPer Pupil, 1980-1985,in millions of
US$
Table 20
SENAI, Sao Paulo: Expendituraby Program, 1985
Table 21
SENAI, Sao Paulo: EstimatedTotal Expenditureby Program, 1985
Table 22
SENAI, Sao Paulo: Program Budgetsand estimatedUnit Costs, 1985
ACHIEVEMENTTEST SAMPLE
Table 23
StudentAchievementTest Sample, November 1988
Table 24
Mean StudentAchievementTest Scores, November1988
Table 25
Distributionof Student Sampleby Gender, Type of School and Shift (Day or Night
School), November 1988
Table 26
Distributionof StudentSampleby Age, Type of School and Shift (Day or Night
School), November 1988
Table 27
Percentageof StudentSample AttendingNight School, By Type of School, November
1988
Table 28
Reasons for AttendingPrivate School, November1988
Table 29
Distributionof StudentSample,By Program, November 1988
Table 30
Distribtuionof StudentSampleby Father's Level of Education, November1988
Table 31
Distributionof StudentSampleby Mother's Level of Education, November 1988'
Table 32
Percentageof StudentSample Who Work and Hours Worked, November 1988
Table 33
Disirlbutionof Student Sampleby Father's Occupation,November 1988
Table 34
Distributionof Student Sampleby Family Income Level, November 1988
-
77 -
l1ole 35
Average Class Size by Type of School and Program, November 1988
Table 36
Average Hours of PortugueseInstructionper Week, By Type of School, November
1988
Table 37
Average Hours of Math Instructionper Week, By Type of School and Program,
November 1988
Table 38
Tuition (in MinimumSalaries)by Type of School and Program, November 1988
Table 39
Average Teacher Salary By Type of School and Program, November 1988
PRIVATESECTOR
Table 40
Private SecondarySchool Participation, By Family Income Qkartile and Region, 1982
Table 41
Average MonthlyPrivate SecondarySchool Tuition Paid, By Family Income Quartile
and Region (in US$), 1982
Table 42
AveragePrivate Monthly SecondarySchool TutiouiRates in Three States, 1987 and
1988
Table 43
A.verageFamily per capita Incomeof Students Attendig Private SecondarySchool (in
US$), 1982
Table 44
Tuition as a Percentageof Family per cRaitaIncome, By Family Income Quartile and
Location, 1982
Table 45
Characteristicsof Sampleof Twelve Private SecondarySchools in Fortaleza, Ceara
January 1989
EDUCATIONALACCESS
Table 46
SecondarySchool Participationby Gender and Family Income Quartile, 1982
Table 47
Female Share of SecondaryEnrollments, 1981-1987
Table 48
Male and Female Enrollmentsin Federal Technical Schools, 1979
Table 49
Growth of SecondarySchool Enro!ltents by Gender, 1981-1987
Table 50
SecondarySchool Participation,By Family Income Quartile, Race and Region, 1982
Table 51
Percentageof Students Entering SecondarySchool in 1982 by Level of Education
Attained by Father and Family IncomeQuartile
- 78 Table 52
Level of EducationAttainedby Father Comparedwith taht of child, 1982
Table 53
Percentageof StudentsEntering SecondarySchool in 1982by Type of School
Attendedin 1981 and Family Income Quartile
Chapter III: IMPROVINGSCHOOLOUALrrY AT REASONABLECQST
Table 54
StudentFlows at Different SecondarySchools, 1984
Table 55
Number of Schools,Teachers, Studentsand Student-TeacherRatios, 1980, 1985.
Table 56
Percentageof Drop-Outs, -tilures, Repeaters and Graduatesby Type of School,
1970-1987
Table 57
Number of Drop-Outs, Failures, Repeaters and Graduatesby Type of School, 19701987
Table 58
Reasonsfor Dropping Out of School, Urban Students, 1982
Table 59
Reasonsfor Droping Out of School, Rural Students, 1982
Table 60
Reasonsfor Dropping Out of School, All Students, 1982
Chater V: ISSUESFOR THE FUTURE
Table 61
Overall PopulationGrowth and Projected Growthof the SecondarySchool-Age
Population
-79-
Table 1: GROSS OUTPUT PER WORKER IN MANUFACTURINGIN SELECTED
COUNTRIES,
'X761985.
Country
l
-
:-
-cotomba
Source:
1970
l8r0*II
Gross OutwutPer Emnlovee
(indexBasis,1980-100)
1980
1985
0
?71
100
8
100
12
Korea
40
100
141
World DevelopmentReport, 1989
:
-80-
Table2: REAL EARNINGSPERWORKERIN MANUFACTURINGIN SELECTED
COUNTRIES,1980,1985.
Earningsoer Emolov6e
(IndexBasis, 1980-100)
Country
Source:
1980
1985
Brazil
100
Colombia
100
11
Korea
100
12v
WorldDevelopmentReport,1989
43
:
-81-
Tale3:
RETURNS TO INVESTIET
IN EDUCAIION, BY REGION, TYPE AND LEVEL
Number of
Social
Private
countries
Region
Primary
Secondary
Higher
Arrica
28
17
13
45
26
32
16
Asia
27
15
13
31
15
18
10
Latin America
26
18
16
32
23
23
10
Europe, Middle East
and North Africa
13
10
8
17
13
13
9
Developing Countries
24
15
13
31
19
22
45
Developed Countries
...
11
9
.;.
12
12
15
Primary Secondary
Higher
Notos:
only the cost of edution
to the individual.
In conutrast, social
based on the Nl cost of education to society, so they are compaatively
lower.
... Data wore not available because no control group of illiterates was available.
Source:
C. Psacharopoulos,'Returns to Education:A Further InternationalUpdateand Implications.'
JournUof Hun Resourcms. Vol 20, No.4 (1985),pp. 583-604;AppendixTable A-1
Private Reuns
tak
into account
reporting
retras
are
-82-
Ia;A
GROWTH OF SECONDARYSCROOL ENROLLMENTSBY TYPEOF SCHOOL
ADMISTATIVA
EVOLUCAODAMATRICULADE SEGUNDOGRAUPOI DEPENDENCIA
1970 - 1987
_BRAZI
MATRICULAFINAL
MATRICULAINICIAL
_PUBLICO
1970
1971
1972
1973
1974
1975
1976
1977
1978
1979
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
Fonte:
SEEC/MEC
b50,619
632,373
744,766
843,36S
944,865
1,058,867
1,202,954
1,310,287
1,364,015
1,419,245
1,508,261
1,601,282
1,696,682
1,814,252
1,919,G6
2,011,910
2,113,037
2,098,648
PARTICULAR
TOTAL
452,856
487,048
555,171
634,286
736,863
877,036
1,009,795
1,127,414
1,174,221
1,238,833
1,310,921
1,219,716
1,177,823
1,129,845
1,032,561
1,004,22.8
1,051,611
1,147,770
1,003,475
1,< *21
r
7
1,2,.
1,477,660
1,681,728
1,935,903
2,212,749
2,437,701
2,538,236
2,658,078
2,819,182
2,820,998
2,874,505
2,944,097
2,951,624
3,016,138
3,164,678
3,246,418
PUBLICO IJARTICULAR
525,P68
594,821
657,737
754,639
794,339
889,941
986,783
1,071,023
1,110,781
1,15t 168
1,236,%78
1,292,zi 9
1,421,936
1,401,392
1,463,473
1,541,295
1,602,015
...
436,454
466,677
521,859
575,61?
655,130
771,543
892,365
996,295
1,076,306
1,014,261
1,086,925
1,064,859
1,012,748
966,389
884,255
874,034
910,494
...
TOTAL
962.422
1,061,498
1,179,596
1,330,251
1,449,469
1,661,484
1,879,148
2,067,318
2,187,087
2,178,529
2,323,903
2,357,078
2,434,684
2,367,781
2,347,728
2,415,329
2,512,509
...
-83-
Ia±5: INTMALENROUMENTS AND ElOLLNSN
RATESIN SECONDARYSCHOOLS
MATRICULA
RUCIALNO SEGUNDO
GRAUE TAXADE PARTICEPACAO
BRAZL
1970 - 1987
MATRIJM&
ANO
15-19 ANOS
-
-
,7
POPULACAO
16-18
TOTAL
t227',5¶7
jAXDa
ANOS
UQUILA
7,Q¶t95
t935,93
Mr.
jog?-:
-
I,966;62
2,874,505
?t.? sa - t 'X' 4'a ws.
?~~~~~~~~~~~~~Z
i-onto
.<-.
. .>.
u
BRUTA
17.5-
27.6
2Si.e
34.6
23.9
34.6
,
,
35.t:
a.
-3....
37.4
1967
it2=04
S264t9
8,68,606
t
25.4
Enrollments since 1985 are unofficial estimates prepared on the basis of Incomplete MEC data
A*
-
-seo
-- 38,,195
PARTICIPACAQ
(9)
SEEC/MEC,
ISGE
Table 6GROWTH
OP SECONDARYSCHOOLENROLLMENTSBY TYPE OP SCHOOLAND REGION
ADMURITRATIVA.
FROUNDOASREGIOBS
NOSEGUNDOGRAUFORDEPENDENCIA
eVOLUCAO
DA MATRICULAS
MATRICULAEINAL
Mb.IR.ULAINIAL
RGIRE
ANO
1070
1075
16"0
1016.067
20.6"
125.1"
1663
lo64
1IS
16
I"?
WM
102.121
106.306
113.674
1070
1975
160
1tO 1
21'.006
30.6614
310.62
3.140
424.657
437.474
46.2017
47."
4161.121
Io2
Ion
1o4
1965
166"
167
070
1W.IN6
1675
t60
lltl
1662
19t3
1664
1665
166
166
RM Om
33.
"6.313
63.413
lll
11.?"
"Tim6
2.373
746.487
7Won0
6I,.tU
61
041.102
165.007
677.011
1070
1075
1960
161
162
10613
1664
les5
t66
107.161
21g m
VII.74
31tO613
322.720
328433
330.500
342.164
353.104
1670
Wi75
960
tfft
1n2
1663
964
9865
196
1667
31.M02
70.44
104.706
120'.97
133.000
137.032
161.033
160.021
162.116
1967
TOTAL
27.402
86.3
72,5
los1
1062
REII.0_fuWas
PUPUCA PARTICULAR
16.676
10.824
186647
20761
340.241
163.416
27.666.
16.76
I
112.56
24.610
0o366
75.070
119.741
1256.649
t06.174
131.63I
7.601
74J01
63*3?
60.46
...
160.122
1624
3.2
t145.
2.,l
66.0166
3"56.6261576M61
2.
2M.43
216.0"
0."64
237.6
65.80"
237.046
6o5
3O.51
720.804
270.34
774.675
151414
j1"
t0.1
671.1
547.676
572.377
6."6
W.3
145.341
166,17
105,030
.
157.513
1"5.0)
180.5
140,
151.3
155.00
13.704
32.06
610.621
U.8
60.371
61.0,
4.8"4
47.704
81.504
80.102
.0"4
111.376
70MM
$81.36
maw
76617
7103
66.24
PUBUCA PARTICULAR
15.821
0.9u0
1t0
36.401
571.0
S.04.310
1.46.246
1.467.460
1.456.127
1.470.6
1.40
1.493.0
1.67Y1.14
1.606.
174.404
87.416
101.0,
16567
247.0
m617*6
2
316.304
3t6
326.750
3t6.66
37IN7
...
214.027
433.034
Won
ma
706N71
"651.
063,06 .
70.125
76766
...
497.061
44.54
480*43
484.702
480.127
401.017
05.177
496.647
86.010
1711.151
241.76
142.370
2.723
240.676
246.10
262.496
2P 6
...
44.70
102.650
10.O63
176.770
183.077
16U,070
200.47
208.3226
114.012
219.560
20.404
67.070
93.034
9o.606
101.120
105.30o
10t094
11.140
116.24
...
35187
22.767
24.646
.1.8"
TOTAL
15.611
5274
48.041
106.610
705.01
TAXA DE EVASAOIMIATA
I%L
PUJLICA PARTICULAR
7.45
564
.06
11.02
TOTAL
6.75
10.39
1267
32.43
19.0
23.7
2.70
30.04
4.16
840
6.6
01.33
16.43
ts.64
1564
14.6t
l117
.
I6.U2
16.4
IL34
11.01
0.75
156.0
25.00
19.62
10.43
ti.U4
19.004
10.764
2I.06
...
065
04.166
"
a72
111SO
76.66
42*31
321.67
15
I7.
331.43
47MW
50
.1
2U.437
g0o 4
216.017
5It217
6.443
.166
3.66
12.U3
10.52
13t4
10.00
23652
22.7
21.76
21.23
M60*10
661.613
185
179
16
14.76
16
10.35 |
14.46
10.1
17.02
M0
221.0U
.n
15.01
27.05
21.04
21.10
II.16
4.07
0.76
A6.1S
4
12.3
21.0
20.13
10o.4
16.07
...
175.663
40.
MM
IA3.M
1*11.681
16.70
1.104.7W
1.164.603
16.574
466.168 136.07
...
...
16.0
t0.32
21.07
21.87
2263
24.1
...
61.102
132.340
147.306
141.010
128.810
13?7.6
12t.900
12,.961
126.830
...
116.l1
310.41
310.065
36t3,.3
304.
387.73
377.15t
381.446
3605
...
11.33
4I.5
5.301
137.246
143.065
147.6o
147.200
152.24
101.140
1t4.21
...
0301
11.343
056105
543.651
460.045
476440
12.160
27.863
44.211
46.127
456657
41.643
44,100
46.000
45.6076
...
14.07
11.67
14.4
14.17
12.7
126.
...
17.43
11.08
16.74
16.a
1910
20.37
...
27.12
24.14
20960
23.6
20.92
26.30
27.00
...
6.17
6.66
10."
14.1
161.
11.73
14.33
13.4?
15.31
...
21.72
20.46
24.00
20.03
23.05
22.41
23-49
...
5.43
18.13
11.20
24.17
24.31
23.11
25.71
26076
26.44
11.34
l3&
27.44
7.51
7.57
15.07
9.55
6.66
11.66
7.24
10.78
17.17
10.62
1973
2t.66
24.04
21.60
2204
16.4
10.1t
13.43
-85-
Table 7 SECONDARY SCHOOL PARTICIPATION, BY REGION, 1970-1987
MATRICULA INICIALNO SEGUNDO GRAU E TAXA DE PARTICEPACAO,
SEGUNDOAS REGIOES
ANO
REG.NORTr1
MATRICULAS
15-19 ANOS
_____________________________________
REG. SUL
27,402
244,730
1975
...
58,338
284,43
68,001
68,056
65,277
64,263
66,218
P7225
78,634
84,321
SEECIMEC
* - dadoseuimadas
*
394.361
422,108 *
443,341 *
468,607 *
4a8,809 *
513,217 *
629.420 *
545,904 *
BRUTA
...
11.200/
...
20.51%
13.95%
13.75%
14.72%
13.80%
13.64%
* 3.10%
14.88%
15.45%
28.00%
28.39%
28.23%
25.72%
28.71%
25.11%
20.18%
27.44%
185,224
1,848,790
1975
...
367.286
2,186,402
81,095
578,810
626,592
680.634
675,086
698,342
729,503
774,570
2,417.332
2,482,0e3
2,600.772
2,533,217
2,593,616
2,649,071
2,053,904
2.622,935
2,571 .37
...
22.23%
...
35.52%
325,215
335.948
387,300
384,112
381,915
388.707
6. 78
442,413
1970
...
571,589
1076
...
1,064.350
2.968,251
1.489,246
1,487,490
1.458,527
1,470.290
1,460,263
1,493.980
1.577.384
1,606,593
3,439,640
3,527,511
3.485.927
3,498,028
3.488.318
3,834,592
3,867,809
3,528,788
'
...
10.02%
...
16.96%
13.46%
13.54%
14.29%
18.16%
14.73%
14.67%
15.81%
16.87%
23.21%
23.32%
25.06%
2e.87%
26.03%
20.26%
27.49%
29.53%
1980
1981
1982
10983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1,131,185
1.112,48
1,104,610
1,062.482
1,062,583
1,064,814
1,142,226
1,168,038
1970
...
174,464
1,110,382
...
15.71%
1975
...
368,677
1,336,920
...
25.85%
407,061
484,543
480.243
484,762
490,127
491,617
505,177
496.847
1,359,380
1.360.070
1,326,682
1,326,128
1,319,771
1,319.288
1,293,07
11..123
44,796
333,369
...
13.44%
102,560
432,169
...
23.73%
106,093
178,776
183,977
188.670
200.487
206,325
214,011
219M580
634.779
661,236
554,503
672,071
580967
614,26.
608.743
626,885
359,731
347,981
344,444
348,840
347,599
346,411
367,900
369,390
1970
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
Dbe
LIQUIDA
...
1975
:%nte:
106.087
111,379
125.166
119,741
126891
128,874
138,03
149.823
TAXADE PARTICIPACAO
1970
1980
t198
1982
1983
1984
198D
1986
1987
REG. CENTRO-OESTE
ANOS 16-18
,,,
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986e
1987
REG. SUtOESE
POPULACAO
1970
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1988
1986
1987
REC.NORtED]S
TOTAL
...
101,970
112,061
116.171
121n824
128,868
131.066
140,273
148,257
32.80%
31.54%
31.69%
30.37%
30.49%
30.13%
32.02%
33.10%
26.46%
25.59%
25.96%
26.15%
26.34%
26.26%
27.68%
.WU%
19.07%
19.97%
20.77%
21.30%
21.84%
21.34%
23.04%
23.65%
43.30%
41.60%
41.84%
42.03%
41.90%
42.27%
44.21%
4S.53%
3e.57%
358.3%
35.20%
38.56%
37.14%
37.26%
39.07%
36.86%
30.98%
31.85%
33.18%
32.9b%
33.98%
33.59%
35.16%
35.03%
TIhlAt AGE DISTBIION
OP SECONDARYSCHOOLSTLUDEt, 1985
IRSOF AGE
less
more
IhanI5
:TQTAI.
15
16
P3.Ai03eW@:$
.2P...0. 9
::.304
B
:
:1P.4$s
:q1Y- r
4.104 i
^d
t4Ww
Sou:
4"6324.
^3*,705
21J.003 103,45
10
19
than 19
TOTAL
4:34.972 344610 9.4,420 3.01 13
159,430 1?1043 324
180103 154#42 132,431 100,0
285864
1.321.94
90440
143:: 93#P zi4.,05S 135,394 124.221 9905. 257,25 674,609
;tI~ sv
:;.:
'a
,w
"!448&7 ...
17
.
'40
4:
t@;;:
..
#2*4X.
XPo
Siopse EsaUslca do EnsinoRegular de 2e. Grau. MEC
329
,i632
,§43S 14.357 13,20
4,.66
4,527
t,?
47,
OQ,;7
35
Tuldo9: AGODISTRIBUTION
OPSECONDARY
SCHOOLSTUDENTS
ASSHAREOPTOTAL
ENROLLMENTS, 1985
YEARSOFAGE
less
than
t_
15
_______________
_
15
16
tC>TOTALe
3,1Q.
< iv 19.4S
:....
...
.b0., ...
1604
1445
w.
:
,0QO
sse}.
:i . .. t1r
*
.;
..
ypr
.
4O.4
*49:<z 17.6?
*">;
* >C:r
0.00
Z0
1.0
19
1.4
than 19
TOTAL
30.65
190.0
12.00
2.23
4.31
1P0P
17.
4.61
1-1
11,73
'17
.w
31.54
100,0
30.13
100
20.01
04
17.77
10.43
58.63
10
1."
11147
30.95
10.00
0.09
3
0.41
073
.0
1;1.23
14.43
Source: SleopseEslaUscado EnsinoRegulardo 2o.Grau.MEC
18
1.42
@#.#91@-42 14.85
902
0.@~~~ 0.02
.thyr
more
17
4
"
aDI
-88-
Table 1Q: AVERAGE AGE OF STUDENTS WHO ATTENDED AND DID NOT ATTEND
SECONDARY SCHOOL IN 1982
MEDIADE DADEDOS ALUNOSQUE NAOINGRESSARAM
(DFSISTENTES)E
DOS QUE INGRESSARAM
(INGRESSANTES)
NO SEGUNDOGRAUEM 1982
POPULACAO:CONCLUIT DOPRIMO ORAU
EM1981
URBANA
RURAL
TOTAL
UwtESSAMT
_DE8ITETE
21.5
NORTE
OESSTENTM
18.0
WOMESSAE
...
OESTEN8
...
MNQ8ANES
21.5
18.0
NSE
4.'
1,7j-'.,6-
'-
2.4
19.
''1
20.5
17.7
19-.:9,§
2-40.2
i1- 9.4
t1.9
19.3
16.5
...
,
.
NORDESTE
NSE
: - -rtill; 4o
30 -q.a=ml
---20,quait
io.qttrtll
SUDESTE
NSE
17.9
.;2o.Q W
1*. qumil
SUL
NSE
'
~~4.-qai
<;
CENTRO-OESTE
NSE
.WK
18.3
16.3
1.3
2osqutll
,lo,: -',';w.d
^
2 -0
17..2
o171
-
-
-- 1-7.613
-17.9;
19.7
19.9
---.
16.5
.
.17.3
.
:19. --
-
17.8
21.0
tn.a.
17.
18.0
v-
16.4
18.1
16.3
2'
1,'
;
'.S
.
............
9......
,.
3
18.0
1-8.-s9
1;4
17.0
18.3.........;(
17.5
19.5
17.0
16.9
.....
16.8
18.0
17.4
19.2
18.2tt
17.;
10.0
.
1.8.86....
7.8
17~~~~~~~~~~~~~~....
19.9
.1o.c~~~~~~uartiI
PesquisaNacionalpor Amostrado Domicillos- 1982
.. '
19.2
-. 9.2
191'
18.0
._
7 -1.5
.1
17.0
1;7.8
18;
.19.2
-
205
17.0
17.7
16.9
191
fo
234
19.8
19.4
BRASIL
NSE
17.8
20.2
9.7
.....
1.7,4.
1.
1.1
18.5
17.9
19.1.
4
22.4
2
18.7
8.3
41
''';-.
1.9
'
;'
"'..T' .
18.7.--18.4
;1.7
174
~~~~~~~~~~
3o. 19.2
quartil
6
....
...
'.g'42
-89Table 11: PERCENTAGE OF SECONDARY STUDENTS EN'AOLLEDIN NIGHT
CLASSES BY FAMILY INCOME QUARTILE AND LOCATION, 1982
PERCENTAGEMDASMATRICULASNO PERIODONOTURNO
NO ENSINODE SEGUNDOGRAU
RURAL
URBANA
NORTE
NSE
quarti
--
v ,,.
v=4G
WtiI
-.
*
3
SUDESTE
NSE
G quartlt
. qtit
.20. quaitlt
1G.v
.R
54.87
4'-8
..
45''.60-
-
49.60
52.08
3859.44
54..7
38.92
0
58.53
4362
50.86
54.39
56.74
70.21
57.22
48.08
62.57
48.2
'72.05.
75.46
7.17- 7-
69.69':
79.17
52.11.58.94
87
o-quartit -
-77,87
57.00
Y4R.R-qRa:ri;
49.29........
.
.
.t
2o.quar~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~vd
68$-to. quartR
100.00
.
CENTRO-OESTE
NSE
59.19
So.~~~~~~~99
BRASIL
NSE
4o.'qurti~
,.
2o;.quartW
Fonte:
i
quart
.
62.92
80.95
57.72
57.11
e
49.53
t5
-.~~~~70.71:
;376.15:
.
72.21
59.78
827569.7
55.91
59.30
56.13
46.3,
561
4.61-
72.01
61.64
70t.3
PesquisaNacionalpor Amostrade Domicilios- 1982
-
:0067.99
52.33
,-
SUL
-
,
~~~81.
48
....
Y:
63.4
.
%t 0
,.= quanU
~
...
67;
e-t=v-i~
NORDESTE
NSE
#=~
54.87
v-, -...
sv ~1. quarts
c.qua
3o squat
- 4<
20. quari-,
TOTAL
-90-
Table 12: PERCENTAGE OF SECONDARYSCHOOL STUDENTS ENROLLED IN NIGHT
CLASSES BY TYPE OF SCHOOL: PUBLIC OR PRIVATE, 1982
PERCENTAGEM DE MATRICULAS NO PERIODO NOTURNO NAS ESCOLAS PUBLICAS
DO ENSINO
E PARTICULARES
DE SEGUNDO
URBANA
TOTAL
...
57.61
NORTE
GRAU
PUBLICA
(%)
RURAL
PARTICULAR
(9)
TOTAL
URBANA RURAL
57.61
45.33
50.35
5995.
3.19-..
68.49 -
45.33
...
NSE
50.35
4&qua4rtlI
-59,95
oquartll
6.59"
--. }--:i:quartll
7.09;
lo.
1Wquartll
.~~~o
-.. :
4o..
-u..t3$quartil
50.10
45.22
68.28
45.88
57.21.
-49.09,
56.83
31'.33:
.64.00
77.40
.Ni
SUL
-
41.49
57.43
41.28
.. '
47.065
S3.70
65.42
56.38
53.14 . 48.12
-48.02:.
-66.85
.70.47.
. - :.<:66.60......
38.19
-..-.
> -68.49
(:.42
:
.n..+
53.90
0.00:
50.50
-48.7 :32.54
63.43
6S.26.
48.68
72.94
68.46
57.57
80.11
58.10
48.1379.0
7.64
87.47
48.45''
:79.80
94.62
70.84
92.25
'76.81-
`77.31
100.00.
79.74
88.72
61.48
54.13
60.26
49.76
65.54
51.79
55.10,
0.14
73.00
-74.4
58.36
7.59
-. ffquarti
1':quarOtq
48.42
..,..
53.15
55.94
.
= 67.99:
45.94
-quartli 5 ;'
SUDESTE
NSE
4*.: quartil
- Ao.
3:...
..
3O.quartli
-
.*66-59:
59.48
2oi
quari.
1i.' ,-'
,
*--
53.81
NORDESTE
NSE
;~
.........
..
'--77.74
66.27
171.97
NSE
4..
,
o.iatl
qua*
qui i..
'20.
-:---.
7quartll2ii..:
10. quati:
CENTRO-OESTE
100.00
.40.91
.7t
. 70.59
70.7..1
66.67
78.48
69..81
.5479
`41-.85t.5
2.'4'
4.08
71.48
76.15-
60.81
69.74
53.01
67.30
44.21
48.75
44.34
3~42
1908
3Z2.2
NSE
4o.quartii
.:- --
3*qurt
2. quarti
!
Fonte:
4. .uartll
-...
'.
~~~~56.11 511.3
$1.20
71.541:=--:7.14-- 82.75
81.91
01.50 - 85.01
.. 87.3o0
72.74
56.67
57.29
BRASIL
NSE
54.42
X4.15
49-4oa.
quarf
521.47
64.55
-*. quartll
62.87
867.82
20- -4.
uartl
4.22
1,
a
- 1982
PeSqUisa
Nacionalpor mostrade DomiciTios
-6255-
...
-65
782.78
77.07
8.5
100 00
81.50
84.22
57.24
54.13
64.01
54.67
49.30
63.74
68.93
60.62n'
43.66
74.33
81.19
75.53
. 82
70.00
-8.4$
7260
44.02
74.t1
776
-9
73.97
8Z.87
t
-91-
Table 13: DISTRIBUTION OF SECONDARY SCHOOL AND TRAINIG ENROLLMENTS,
BY TYPE OF SCHOOL, 1985
Numberof Students
PublicSecondarySchools
General
- State a/
- Municipal
Technical
- Federal
- Agricultural
-.'ndustrlal
- State
- Municipal
- SENAI(Secondary Schools only)
- Other Federal
PrivateSecondarySchools
Generalb/
2,011,910
1,780,155
132,333
67,657
13,568
54,089
.
...
7,543
24,222
1,004,228
1,004,228
Technical
ENROLLMENTS
TOTALSECONDARY
Non-SchoolVocationalTraining
SENAICourses
SENACCourses
SENARCourses
OtherPrivateCourses
328,228
799,899
240,000
...
On TheJob TrainingPrograms
Industry(SENAI)c/
Commerce(SENAC)d/
339,181
56,368
TOTALPUBLICTRAININGENROLLMENTS
Notes:
Sources:
3,016,138
a/
b/
c/
d/
1,763,676
Stateenrollmentsincludestate technicalschools,lor which disaggregatedenrollmentdataare not avallab
PrivateTechnical
As reportedby SENAI
As reportedby SENAC
data unavailable
IBGEAnuarioEstatistico1985;MEC/SEECI DadosEstimativas1984-86,
SENAIRelatorioAnual 1987
SENACRelatorioAnual 1985.
-92-
Table 14: ENROLLMENTS IN SENAI, BY PROGRAM, 1984-1987
1987
1986
1985
TOTAL
975,779
749,374
725,447
723,69
- SENAI Direct Training
509,278
431,789
386,266
443,02
(Secondary- HABIL) a/
(Post-Secondary - CQP) b/
8,218
76,150
6,674
60,298
7,543
58,038
7,32
73,35
(Primary - APPREND) c/
60,434
57,614
56,994
61,35
355,790
8,686
297,404
9,799
250,466
13,225
253,84
47,13
466,501
317,585
339,181
280,67
406,372
60,129
274,408
43,177
270,727
68,454
266,52
54,14
(Non-degree - SUPRIM) d/
(Other)
- Training by Firms
(In Exchangefor Exemption
from Payroll Tax)
(With SENAI Assistance)
Notes:
Source:
a/ Fouryearprogram(Incl.oneyr.apprenticeship
In anenterprise)
certification.
towards2Ograudegreeandtechnician
b/ Technicaltrainingforstudents
whohavealreadycompleted
2Ograu.
Usuallya oneor twoyearparttimeprogram;includesapprenticeship
in anenterprise.
cl Basiceducation
andlow-levelskilltrainingforyouthsaged15-18whohave
notcompleted
primaryschool.However,
entrantsmusthavecompleted
fouryearsorprimaryschool.
foradults.
d/ Short,low-levelskilltrainingcourses
SENAIRelatorlo
Anual,1987
1984
r93-
Table 15: STRUCTURE OF SENAI PROGRAMS, 1987
1987
Age of Students
Program
Average Course Enrollments
Length (Hours) (Nationwide)
Direct SENAI Training
Curso do Apprendizagem
Industrial (CAI)
14-18
60,434
(6%)
Treinamento Occupacional
(TO)
over 18
180
364,476
(37%)
Habilitacao Profissional
(HP)
over 14
6,000
8,218
(0.8%)
Curso de Qualificacao
Profissional(CQP-IV)
over 16
6,000
76,150
1,200-1,600
(8%)
Training in Enterorises
Treinamento Industrial
(TI)
TOTAL
any
80-100
466,501
(48%)
975,779
(99.8%)
Sources: SENAI National Headquartersfor enrollments; SENAISao Paulo for course types
and averagehours
-94-
Table 16:
ENROLLMENTS IN SENAC, BY PROGRAM, 1985
Number of Students
Communications
105,632
Public Relations
25,672
Hygiene and Beauty
79,873
Hospitality
39,923
Maintenance
22,052
Stock Control
154
Administration& Management
49,616
Packaging & Shipping
13,519
447,197
Office Assistance
Purchasing & -elling
53,400
Data Processing
27,974
Health
84,150
9,053
Tourism
Artisanal Commerce
14,678
Unspecified
29,612
TOTAL
Notes:
Source:
1,002,505
*
* - Includes SENAC's estimate of 146,238 'Enrollments"via Educational
Television Programs.
SENAC Relatorio Anual, 1985
-95-
Table 17: SENAC: DJSIUTION
OF STUDENTS BY AGE, GENDER AND
LEVEL OF EDUCATIONCOMPLETED, 1986
Category
Number
._________________________
.of
Students
_
u.ndov14:.
.18-2-0
__
43
12,. 0
8,~~~~~~~5111
21-24
2.279
.
33-40:-45
over 45-
. . n>5132
849.:
2
62W
, --. ^ .. ->f~~~~~7
. ....
:
sex
F
27:50:;
08
...
Level of Education Comvleted
Soure:
SENAC. .Qsmeouno
Source:
SENAC, wQueme o Aluno do SENAC', 1987
do SE1
.
190
-63
-96-
Table 18: TOTALPUBLIC EXPENDfTURE ON SECONDARYEDUCATION AND TRAINING,
BY
TYPEOF
SCHOOL. 1985
Exoenditure
billions
millions
CZ to
of US$ lb
FederalTechnical
4.7
119
Agicultural
:.
1.5
37
.
ladushial
. --:
.
3.2
82
Governments
54089
9,778
10,111
5, '90
24
25
13
386,266
7,543
9,152
7,864
23
-1,88
SENAC
2.0
51
1,002,505
Xa 1985level of expenditure,convertedto 1987Cruzados
\b convertedat averageexchangeratefor 1987, US$1.00 CZ$39.28
Sources: IPEA,MEC,SENAC,SENAI,WorldBankReportsandAnnexT able20.
1,998
SENAI
3.5
HP
Notes:
476
Cost rer Student
CZ
US$
69,328
1,75
107,886
2,72
59,655
1,51
1,912,488
1,780,155
13Z333
State
Muncicpal...... ;
-.
18.7
18.0 .48
- 0.7
1985
Enrollments
67,657
13568
18
90
:-
[
51
-97-
Takbl19 TOTALEDUCATION EXPENDrTURESAND
1980-1985, in millions of USS
"XPENDMIURES
PER PUPIL,
1960
1983
1985
191
183
232
...
119
372
303
458
15
18
18
2,436
3,360
3,691
3,638
4,453
965
815
1:107
SecondaryEducation
FederalGovernment
of which Federal Technical
Schools
StateGovernments
Municipalities
Total Education
FederalGovernment
.,.195
StateGovernments
Municipalities
Expenditureper Studentat the SecondaryLevel
FederalTechnicalSchools
Expenditures
Enrollments
Per StudentSpending
...
65,543
...
...
68,857
...
119
67,657
11,759
StateGovernments
Expenditures
Enrollments
(mlilons)
PerStudentSpending
372
1.66
224
303
458
1.58
192
1.78
257
Municipalities
Expenditures
Enrollments
Per StudentSpending
15
18
18
98,280
153
137,716
131
132,333
136
Sources: IPEA,'Educacaoe Cultura1987, and MEC/SEEC,BalancosGeraisda Uniao
-98-
Table 20: SENAI, SAO PAULO: EXPENDITUREBY PROGRAM, 1985
US dollafs
CRUZADOS
336,887
2,088,702,375
CQP-IV - DAY
666,307,708
CQP-IV - NIGHT
2,755,010,083
107,469
444,356
HP
1",083,190,287
1,626,321
ADMINISTRATION
/CAPITALINVESTMENT
HP
16,839,022,211
2,715,971
HP - CQP-IV-DAY
CQP-IV-NIGHT
MATERIALS
SECTOR'
"PRODUCTION
7,637,303,268
1,231,823
40,710,564
6,566
1,267,946,943
204,508
327,089,888
52,756
1,495,653
6,282,302
38,950,273,244
TOTAL
TREINAMENTOOCUPACIONAL
(TO)
TREINAMENTOINDUSTRIAL
(Tc)
9,273,050,663
16,977,285,546
2,738,272
12,448,755,575
2,007,864
1,399,819,824
225,777
ADMINISTRATION
/CAPITAL INVESTMENT - TO
- TI
6,413,697,994
1,034,467
6,006,380
CURSODE APRENDIZAGEM
119,047,596,597
19,201,225
GENERALADMINISTRATION
/CAPITALINVESTMENT
28,520,355,112
4,600,057
184,807,S10,648
29,807,663
TOTAL
N2W
Sowc:
37,239,558,939
Exchge mto-6,200 CZ/US$
FinancialStatementB- SENAI,Sao Paulo, 1985
-99-
rable 21: SENAI, SAO PAULO: ESTIMATED TOTAL EXPENDrTUREBY PROGRAM, 1985
HABILPROFISSIONALla
CQP IV
\a
ADMINISTRATION
OTHERPROGRAMS
TreinamentoIndustrial
TreinamentoOccupacional
CAI
GeneralAdministration
.otE.:
ource:
17,284,415,564
2,787,809
4,826,835,469
778,522
16,839,022,211 38,950,273,244
18,862,453,569
18,377,105,370
119,047,596,597
28,520,355,112 184,807,510,648
\a includespro-rated materieland fproduction sectorf costs
AnnexTable 20
2,715,971
6,282,302
3,042,331
2,964,049
19,201,225
4,600,057 29,807,663
-100-
Table 22: SENAI, SAO PAULO: PROGRAM BUDGETS AND ESTIMATED UNIT COSTS, 1985
Course
Exmenditure
CRUZADOS US$
(billions) (millions)
no.of
Costper Student
students CRUZADOS US$
CursodoApprendizagem
Industrial(CAI)
141
23
21,665
6,495,410
1,04
Treinamento
Occupacional
22
4
38,260
569,774
9
Habilitacao
Profissional
31
5
2,889
Cursode Qualificacao
Profissional
(CQP-IV)
9
1
1,561
Trelnamento
Industrial
22
4
122,441
Note:
Todetermineprogramcosts,theadministrative/capital
investment
amounts
weredividedona pro-ratabasisamongthedifferentprograms.
Exchange
rate= 6,200CZ/US$
Source: SENAI,SaoPaulo,1988andAnnexTable20
10,700,882 1,726
5,465,358
882
182,005
29
I 1938
,
A .
AMOSTRA ESTRATIPICADADE ALUNOSDA 3a.SERIE DO 20. aRAU E ESCOLASEM FORTALEZA,SALVADOR,SAOPAULO
SEGUNDO0 TIPO DE CURSO.A REDEDE ENSINOE 0 TURNO.FUNDACAOCARLOSCHAGAS,1988.
B CURITMBA,
TIPQ REDE
QE
Q£
TUR
FQO-TAL
ZN4
N. t
fcol a
CURSO FN$INQ.
Dlumon.
1
SALVAQOR
No.4,
-.
Jw
NQ.4.
N0
F.io's
A.'
33
1
38
SAOPAULO
CURITIPA
NQ.
o 40
NO.40
*colas
Alunoo Escdlas
1
22
NO.de
1
TOTAL
No!.do
No. oq NO,d0
Aun0o scas
A
79
unos
4
172
Publko
Notwmov
...
21
...
...
Dimo
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
21
...
TECHNICO
Pdvado
Notumo
.
...
1
87
1
(Senal)
(Sonai)
...
...
...
31
2
...
...
118
.
...
Dklmo
1
40
2
119
13
450
2
57
18
666
Nolumo
1
42
2
102
15
617
4
141
22
902
DLio
2
89
2
93
5
114
3
13
12
409
Notwnw
1
43
...
...
3
61
...
...
4
104
Dimn
1
30
1
38
3
91
1
32
6
191
GERA
Pdvado
Publbo.
Notwmo
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
Dhnno
...
..
...
...
1
25
...
...
1
25
Noturno
...
...
...
...
...
...
1
40
1
40
390
42
13
493
70
MAGI1STERIOQ
Pilvado
TOT-AL
Noles:
7
298
11 A apllcacaolol na mesmaescolaullizadapelamanha
8
1467
2648
iahk24,
MEAN STUDENTACHEVEMENT TESr SCORES,NOVEMBER1988
.FOTALEZA SALVADOQ SAOPAULO CURITIBA
AVERAGE
PORT MATH PORT MATH PORT MATH PORT MATH PORT MATH
FeMdeal
TcdhncaSdcoos
DaySt
21.9 25.0 19.6 25.7 22.0 24.4 21.8 20.2 21.4 22.9
NightShMt
19.0 20.1
19.0 20.1
SENAI
COMBINED
AVERAGE
22.2
19.6
-
-
-
-
17.4
13.1
15.4
11.9
16.9
12.8
14.9
15.1
13.5
O.6
10.1
16.1
12.9
10.9
10.3
18.6
14.5
13.0
10.3
18.0
16.0
13.3
11.1
17.9
14.5
12.5
10.4
15.2
12.5
17.4
24.9
15.6
32.1
23.8
-
23.7
-
10.9
15.5
16.0
12.7
23.6
-
28.2
-
20.3
19.9
20.9
21.9
2D.6
9.9
13.7
9.2
16.2
9.9
18.5
13.9
15.9
10.5
13.2
-
19.0
11.8
-
-
19.0
11.8
15.4
17.4
11.2
17.2
11.1
14.2
Gen" Secondary
Schols
Publb
DayShift
NightShft
Private
Dayft
NihtShlf
20.9
Teacwr Trakin (Magistero)
Pubic
Day
Ouy
14.8
rlvate
ygj;
ource:
Day SNft
-
-
NIhtShift
-
-
Nunmberof corre
-
15.0
8.5
out of 35 Portuguese questions and 35 Mathematicsquestions
Cados Chagas Foundation
-
,
ovc
I
IREQUENCaAS
PERCENTUAISDA VARIAVELSEXO EM UMA AMOSTRADE ALUNOSDA 3a. SERIE DO
20. (RAU DE ESCOLASDE PORTALEZA,SALVADOR,SAO P #LULO
e CURITIBA,SEGUNDO
0 TIPO
DE CURSO,A REDEDE ENSINO,0 TURNOE A CIDADE. PUNDACAOCARLOSCHIAGAS,1988.
I,
M
I
7
........
...
7~
TEC]I IIQ
~
Wi~~~~~uolcl;
ww
DAlmo
73.3
26.7
...
100.0
Notumo
81.0
19.0
...
100.0
93.2
6.8
...
100.0
Notum
23.0
50.4
76.9
49.3
0.1
0.3
100.0
100.0
DIvm
47.4
46.2
52.6
49.5
...
Noewo
4.3
100.0
100.0
PiMDoo
SENAI
eGER^
Pubico
Pivado
MAB
IIOR
DIiwn
Np1£.mOo
7
JdcviiillS4o
Ta41I
PuIco
DIvn
1.6
98.4
...
100.0
flaado
Dlurno
8.0
92.0
...
100.0
Noturino
2.5
97.5
...
100.0
Foflaleza
43.3
40.0
39.9
47.9
56.7
59.2
...
...
1100.0
SalOvdor
SaioPaulo
Cuin¢^rlU
59.7
51.9
0.4
0.2
110.0O
BO0.0
57.9
0.2
100.0
10IDADE$
TOTAL
41.9
100.0
I-
Iabk 26 DISllUBUTMONOP SrUDEINrSAMPLE BYAGe, TYPE OP SCHOOLAND SKIF (DAYOR NIGHI). Novcmber 1988
FUEQUENCIAS
PERCENTUAIS
DA VARIVEL IDADEEM UMAAMOSTRA
DEALUNOSDA 3a. SERIEDO
20. (UAU DE ESCOLASPDEPORTALEZA,
SALVADOR.
SAOPAULOB CURrIlBA.SEGUNDO
0 TUO
DE CURSO,
A REDE DRENSINO,0 TURNOB A CIDADE.FUNDACAO
CARLOSCHAGAS.
1983.
_7
t
Pufibo
39
ii
.
220
23
22 23OUYOuio1
8.7
Tol2+
Diuwo
...
NOum.
...
1.2
...
20.3
4.8
47.7
14.3
16.9
23.8
33.3
4.1
4.8
0.6
4.8
14.3
0.5
...
100.0
100.0
0.l
...
21.2
16.9
24.6
3.S
4.2
1.7
21.2
0.9
100.0
41.4
12.4
30.6
24.6
13.4
5.9
12.9
2.9
10.5
1.2
6.9
3.0
12.7
...
1.1
300.0
31.7
SENAI
...
GQAL
Pblaici Diwumo
No*oAmD
0.2
3.5
...
0.2
Puivado Diwnw
...
...
3.6
S2.1
65.9
27.3
8.1
4.0
1.9
1.7
0.7
0.6
100.0
4.4
17.6
4.4
1.1
1.1
...
1.1
4.4
100.0
Piblico DiMh.
...
...
14.1
25.1
19.4
10.5
II.S
5.3
13.1
0.S
100.0
pgidvmo DiMd.
NolUm.
...
4.0
24.0
32:5
36.3
25.0
24.0
8.0
100.0
7.5
0.0
5.0
...
37.5
4.0
2.5
0.0
...
30.0
...
300.0
2.3
30.2
20.1
17.8
13.4
4.7
4.4
100.0
0.2
21.3
29.3
34.9
22.3
2.9
34.9
14.1
16.2
13.0
11.5
8.5
4.3
10.0
6.4
2.6
S.6
3.5
1.4
5.4
11.0
6.9
7.3
1.7
3.1
0.6
1.2
0.8
0.7
0.2
100.0
100.0
100.0
0.1
1.3
29.3
27.5
I5.4
8.7
6.0
3.5
7.4
0.8
100.0
JNuwd.
Pcodbab
Salvador
SaoPaudo
Quiliba
TOTAL
..
...
0.3
...
100.0
-105-
Table 27: PERCENTAGE OF STUDENT SAMPLE ATIENDING NIGHT SCHOOL,
BY TYPE OF SCHOOL, November 1988
FREQUENCIAS PERCENTUAIS DA VARIAVEL TURNO QUE CURSA 0 2o. GRAU
EM UMA AMOSTRA DA ALUNOS DA 3a. SERIE DO 2o. GRAU DE ESCOLAS DE
FORTALEZA, SALVADOR, SAO PAULO E CURTIDA SEGUNDO 0 TEPO DE CURSO,
A REDE DE ENSINO, 0 TURNO E A CIDADE. FUNDACAO CARLOS CHAGAS, 1988
Redeis
Tipo de
Total
Noaiuo
Omissoes
Diurno
Curso
Ensino
PUBLICO
Publico
86.0
14.0
...
100.0
SENAI
96.6
3.4
...
100.0
Publico
44.6
54.7
0.7
100.0
Privado
83.0
14.8
2.2
100.0
100.0
...
...
100.0
38.5
61.5
...
100.0
Fortalsza
Salvador
Sao Paulo
71.1
72.1
55.4
27.5
27.4
1.4
0.5
100.0
100.0
64.1
43.6
35.9
1.0
Curitiba
100.0
100.0
61.3
37.9
0.8
GERAL
MAGTERIO
Publico
Priwado
CIDADES
TOTAL
...
100.0
Table 28: REASONS FOR ATTENDING PRIVATESCHOOL, November1988
PREQUENCIASPERCENTUAIS DA VARIAVEL RAZAO PARA FAZER 0 2o. GRAU EM ESCOLA PARTICULAR
EM UMA AMOSTRA DE ALUNOS DA 3a. SERIE DO 2o. GRAU DE ESCOLAS DE FORTALEZA, SALVADOR,
SAO PAULO E CURrrIBA, SEGUNDO 0 TIPO DE CURSO, A REDE DE ENSINO E 0 TURNO.
PUNDACAO CARLOS CHAGAS, 1988.
RAZAO PARA FAZER 0 2o. GRAU EM ESCOLA PARTICULAR
NAOCURS FALTAM Ik4exISTEM>S
AS
ESCOLS
NWVELOE
FACLIADB
.CDrLA
VAGAIHIAS
POtASPUPUBLICAS PUBDICAS DWICULDADEDE ORESSO
?PIVADA fSCUM
rUBUCAS
LONUEDO
EX3OEM
E4MEHOR
NO ENSINO
TIPO DE RE.DE
DE,
CURSO ENISINO TURNO
PUJuCAS
PluTODl CASA TRAALHO
EXAME
DE
:PUPERIOR
SELECAO
PuDLCo
OMESSES
TOTAL
TECNlCO
SENAI
-
35.6
3.4
5.9
...
...
1.4
5.9
1.4
...
...
3.3
1.1
...
1.7
29.7
23.7
1.2
5.9
100.0
2.2
80.6
82.4
3.6
2.2
8.8
100.0
100.0
GERAL
MRIVADODiwno
IVoumO
MAISTERIO
PRIVADO Diumo
Notume
TOTAL
...
...
4.0
...
...
...
96
...
100.0
...
10.0
17.5
7.5
...
.7.5
40
17.5
100.0
6.0
2.0
6.2
1.4
1.0
4.6
70.4
8.4
100.0
o
Table 29: DISTRIBUTIONOF STUDENT SAMPLE, BY TYPE OF PROGRAM, Novemnber1988
PREQUENCIAS PERCENTUAISDA VARIAVEL TlO DE CURSO DE 2o. GRAU QUE ESTA CONCLUINDO
EM UMA AMOSTRA DE ALUNOS DA 34. SERIE DO 2o.GRAU DE ESCOLASDE FORTALEZA, SALVADOR,
SAO PAULO E CURITIBA, SEGUNDO0 TlO DE CURSO,A REDE DE ENSINO 0 TURNO E A CIDADE
FUNDACAO CARLOS CHAGAS, 1938.
Tipo0o Rodes
d
Cuno
Ensio
TECNIOO
Publico
TIPO DE CURSO DE 2o. GRAU ESTACONCLUINDO
4UMANIN
CONTAI- MAGIS-TECtiCO
QUTROMAISPE OMISSOES
TOTAL
_ DADES LIDADE TERIOINDUSTRIAL
UM CURSO
ERAL CIEC
Tumno'.
DiumO
Nobuno
SENAI
...
...
...
...
...
...
86.0 12.8
...
4.8
...
...
1.2
...
100.0
100.0
90.7
5.9
0.8
2.6
100.0
...
...
95.2
...
...
GERA
Publico
Ptiv.do
MAGISMRIO
Publico
Privado
Diwno
Nohuno
SS.0
76.8
7.2
2.2
7.5
0.8
4.8
1.6
17.1
5.0
1.8
0.2
6.3
5.9
0.3
0.2
...
1.3
100.0
100.0
Diwao
Noftuoo
81.1
81.3
0.7
7.8
1.1
1.7
...
1.4
1.1
...
2.2
5.2
7.7
0.2
2.2
1.2
4.4
100.0
100.0
...
...
...
0.5
97.4
...
:
2.1
...
100.0
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
100.0
100.0
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
100.0
100.0
51.3
67.7
53.0
0.3
0.5
4.2
...
10.1
15.8
9.7
17.5
15.4
18.1
12.3
6.1
20.3
3.0
6.7
6.3
5.3
0.3
1.0
0.5
0.8
...
1.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
58.2
0.3
1.5
4.4
0.4
...
0.4
100.0
55.9
2.8
2.4
5.1
15.7
11.0
5.8
0.5
0.8
100.0
luno
annie
Notwo
*1
CIDADES
Fortaleza
Salvador
SaoPaulo
Curitiba
TOTAL
0
0.5
7.0
_
TaI a 30; DISTRIBUTIONOF STUDENI SAMPLE, BY PATHER'S LEVEL OF EDUCATION,November1988
PREQUENCIASPERCENTUAISDA VARIAVELNIVEL DE INSTRUCAODO PAI
EM UMA AMOSIRA DE ALUNOS DA 3.. SERIE DO 2o. ORAU DE ESCOLAS DEIFORTALEZA,SALVADOR,
SAO PAULO I CURITIBA,SEGUNDO0 TIPO DlRCURSO, A ReDE DE ENSINO0 TURNO E A CIDADE
PUNDACAO CARWS CHAGAS, 1988.
DIEINSTRUCAO
DP
...+*.. .
.
#.
\{
.VL
U
. . .
Mr;~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
_____.
.S
NPI3$UM
~~~~~~~~~~~HC~Q_
.
.
"ii.
SgMA OUThAS
.
__
lutERIOI
¢ttwr°
: amrLgro
>:j(:
1WFOL!
TECNICAS3icO!Tm c4mLsr
TOTAL
ThCN
Public. Di;D
Mlabl
SENAI
5.2
13.4
23.8
9.9
...
14.S
14.3
26.7
28.6
14.3
...
...
0.6
...
1.7
4.5
1.2
9.5
26.7
4.8
100.0
100.0
6.8
28.5
16.9
5.1
9.3
...
1.1
S.
5.9
20.3
100.0
3.3
21.2
13.4
6.0
0.9
0.3
3.0
1.4
1.3
3.2
2.2
12.5
5.3
11.6
8.2
2.1
31.1
36.3
46.8
100.0
100.0I.
reivado Dhae
Nauu
2.3
6.6
13.7
S.S
13.3.
15.4
3.6
8.8
15.2
13.2
0.2.
...
0.5
...
4.7
2.2
5.9
5.s
42.2
42.9
300.0
publice D
6.8
40.3
19.9
6.3
8.4
...
1.6
2.1
3.7
30.5
300.0
4.0
SS.0
12.0
10.0
4.0
28.0
5.0
4.0
...
...
5.0
36.0
7.5
200.0
5.0
...
...
...
5.0
10..
9.2
6.0
4.9
33.9
27.9
37.6
30.3
12.1
17.9
18.7
16.2
3.7
6.9
5.5
5.7
14.8
12.6
9.9
10.8
...
0.5
0.5
0.2
0.3
1.0
1.8
0.8
2.3
3.1
2.7
2.2
4.0
2.3
3.5
4.1
18.5
18.5
13.8
24.3
100.0
300.0
I00.0
100.0
6 .j
34.5
17.4
5.6
313.0
0.4
1.3
2.6
3.5
17.0
300.0
'ablioe Doiuo
Na*ow
i.
Plvade DiemO
Nton..
4.0
12.5
'
5.S
100.0
100.0
CIDADES
PbFuoa
Salvado
S" Paulo
Cwilib
TOTAL
DISTRIRUTION OP STUDENT SAMPLE. BY MartlER'S LEVEL OF EDUCATION, November 1988
FREQUENCIAS
PERCENTUAIS
DA VARIAVELNIVELDE INSTRUCAO
DA MAE
EM UMA AMOSFRADEALUNOSDA 3a. SERIEDO2.. GEAUDE ESCOLAS
DEPORTALEZA,
SALVADOR.
SAOPAULOB CURMBA,SEGUNDO
0 TPO DECURSO,A REDEDE ENSINO
0 TURNOE A CIDADE
PUNDACAO
CARLOSCHAGAS,19U.
MS =
Cuip :qgIw~
Tuquii
;7
PIUP
Publi.o Di..oo
TtxiN
WUMQQ
J*ro TPCrNCASR.Mrnu UIMFLE
TOTAL
3.S
9.5
32.6
33.3
17.4
9.5
7.6
4.1
22.1
28.6
0.6
4.1
...
...
0.6
1.2
4.8
14.5
4.8
100.0
100.0
6.1
23.0
22.9
S.9
18.6
...
0.8
4.2
2.5
10.2
100.0
5.0
45.6
5.0
5.8
0.3
...
1.1
45.9
12.6
7.9
0.5
35.3
21.9
22.2
...
0.8
0.6
0.3
7.5
1.9
100.0
100.0
Diuwe
Noaa
2.3
6.6
17.3
S.S
13.S
16.5
6.2
9.9
27.5
28.6
...
...
0.2
2.8
1.1
5.5
...
5.S
24.2
26.4
100.0
100.0
Di..
5.2
46.6
22.0
6.3
12.6
0.5
0.5
0.5
1.6
4.2
100.0
12.0
SO.0
16.0
20.0
20.0
2.5
16.0
10.0
5.0
...
...
...
...
16.0
2.5
4.0
2.5
16.0
7.5
100.0
100.0
6.4
10.0
9.0
5.9
33.3
33.6
40.0
34.7
12.1
IS.I
22.6
20.7
S.0
6.4
6.3
5.3
21.5
18.5
12.1
16.2
0.7
0.3
0.1
0.2
...
0.3
0.3
0.0
0.7
1.8
1.5
1.6
4.0
1.8
0.7
3.4
10.7
12.1
2.4
12.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
130.0
3.3
37.9
20.1
6.0
14.1
0.2
0.2
I.5
1.7
9.3
100.0
JoaU.
SENAI
Publico Diwo
NoaaS
Pdvad
WMn
w9;MI1PiQjP
MAOlrEl
Pulblic
Privado Diwoo
Noiwa.
Pogbki
Salvador
SaoPaulo
Curitbe
TOTAL
...
Tae32
.
PERCENTAGE OF STUDENT SAMPLE
WHO WORK AND HOURS WORKED, Novembeer
f989
FREQUENCIASPERCENTUAMSDA VARJAVEL
HORASDE TRABALHOPOR SEMANA ATUALMENTE,
EM UMA AMOSTRA DE ALUNOS DA 3a. SERIE
DO 2o. ORAU DE ESCOLAS DE FORTALEZA,
SALVADOR,
SAO PAULO E CURIITIBA,SEGUNDO 0 TIPO
DE CURSO, A REDEDE ENSINO 0 TURNO E
A
CIDADE
FUNDACAO CARLOS CHfAGAS,1988.
.
HORAS
DE TRABALHOPOR SEMANA, ATULMENTE
Tipodo Red de
NAO
.
41 E
CWS9.
Ensao
Tumno TRABALUO
IAIO
11A20
21A30
31 A40
MAIS OMISSOESTOTAL
TECPNICO
Publico DiUmn
76.7
3.5
12.8
3.5
2.3
...
1.2
100.0
Nohan
23.8
...
9.5
33.3
14.3
19.0
0.1
100.0
SENAI
66.1
5.1
3.4
1.7
12.7
6.8
4.2
100.0
GERAL
P'ubico Diumeo
NotUwO
77.0
5.9
4.1
17.3
7.4
10.5
2.4
1.8
1.5
11.6
1.8
100.0
27.2
31.0
0.6
100.0
Diume
Noturmo
84.4
80.2
2.8
4.4
1.2
1.1
1.2
1.I
5.5
3.3
31.
4.4
1.2
5.5
100.0
100.0
DiJaW
57.1
7.3
18.8
9.4
6.3
0.5
0.6
100.0
52.0
22.5
12.0
8.0
24.0
4.0
7.5
...
15.0
17.5
...
100.0
20.0
17.5
...
100.0
71.1
72.3
45.7
56.6
3.7
5.1
8.5
5.3
7.4
2.6
3.8
6.7
3.4
4.1
10.0
6.9
4.4
6.4
16.0
12.6
9.4
8.7
14.1
12.4
0.6
0.8
1.9
0.5
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
54.5
6.9
4.6
7.8
12.5
12.5
1.2
100.0
Privado
Publico
Puivado
Dianne
Nonune
CIDADES
Fotaloza
Salvador
SaoPaulo
Curitiba
TOTAL
-111-
Table 33: DISTRIBUlION OF STUDENT SAMPLE, BY FATHER'S OCCUPATION, November 1988
FREQUENCIAS PERCENTUAS DA VARIAVEL OCUPACAO DO PAI EM UMA AMOSRA
DE ALUNOS DA 3a. SERIE Do 2o. GRAU DE ESCOLAS DE FORTALEZA, SALVADOR,
SAO PAULO E CURiTBA, SEGUNDO 0 TEPODE CURSO, A REDE DE ENSINO E
0 TURNO E A CIDADE. FUNDACAO CARLOS CHAGAS, 1988
OCUPACAO DO PAI
-
.
~~~~PRO1PISSOB$
SUPWlOR B
Mf~BA
TIPO REDE
-NDUSTEAI9I
TB4NIAS
DIE
DIE
DENIVEL
E 0UAS
B
CURSO ENSINO TURNO l Otl
,,. w
0
TECHNICO
Publico
Diurno
Noturno
ADMUnS-
DObRMSA. FORC$ E
TRACAO
-Wr4coAs ARMADAS PumchA OMISSOBS.TOTAL
32.6
14.3
51.2
71.4
2.9
4.8
1.2
...
9.9
9.5
2.2
...
100.0
100.0
32.2
48.3
5.9
2.5
7.6
3.5
100.0
Diurno
Noturno
23.4
19.1
55.9
58.2
1.5
5.8
3.8
1.3
9.0
7.8
6.4
7.9
100.0
100.0
Diumno
Notuno
37.7
35.2
48.1
52.7
2.8
1.1
2.8
5.9
4.4
2.7
6.6
100.0
100.0
Diurno
23.6
53.4
3.7
1.0
12.6
5.8
100.0
Diurno
8.0
88.0
...
...
...
4.0
100.0
Notumo
7.5
52.5
5.0
2.5
10.0
22.5
100.0
CIDADES
Fortaleza
Salvador
Sao Paulo
Curitiba
24.8
28.7
21.1
34.7
46.3
49.2
60.1
48.9
8.4
4.4
2.7
3.0
3.0
3.6
1.5
2.4
15.8
8.5
7.4
5.3
1.7
5.6
7.2
5.7
MO.0
iW.0
100.0
100.0
TOTAL
25.2
54.9
3.7
2.2
8.1
6.0
100.0
SENAI
GERATL
Publico
Privado
MAGISTERIO
Publico
Privado
Table 34: DISTRIBUTIONOF STUDENT SAMPLE BY FAMILY INCOME LEVEL (percent), November 1988
FREQUENCIAS PERCENTUAIS DA VARIAVEL RENDA TOTAL MENSAL DA FAMILIA (EM SALARIOS MINIMOS)
EM UMA AMOSTRA DE ALUNOS DA 3a. SERIE DO 2o. GRAU DE ESCOLAS DE FORTALEZA, SALVADOR,
SAO PAULO E CURITIBA, SEGUNDO 0 TIPO DE CURSO, A REDE DE ENSINO 0 TURNO E A CIDADE
FUNDACAO CARLOS CHAGAS, 1988.
Tipode
Redq(t
Curso
Ensino TU_no
ATEt
RENDA TOTAL MENSAL DA FAMILIA (EM SALARIOS MINIMOS)
A.ClMA
1.6A1
2A2.3
2.3A2.0 2.0A3.3 3.3A6.5
65 A13
DE 13 OMISSOES
1A.
TOTAL
TECNICQ
Publico
Dlurno
Notumo
2.9
3.5
2.3
5.2
29.1
36.6
16.9
0.6
9.5
9.5
1.2
4.8
1.7
9.5
...
14.3
28.6
23.8
...
...
100.0
SENAI
2.5
1.7
...
3.4
1.7
9.3
22.9
28.0
28.8
1.7
100.0
Publico DIurno
3.6
5.0
Notufno
2.4
3.0
2.3
2.9
3.9
2.3
5.6
2.8
13.7
10.2
23.7
26.5
24.0
29.9
14.1
15.5
4.2
4.4
100.0
100.0
Dlurno
1.4
2.1
1.2
0.7
1.2
6.2
12.3
27.0
46.0
Noturno
1.9
100.0
...
...
3.3
...
...
2.2
12.1
26.4
49.5
6.6
100.0
Dfurno
5.8
5.2
3.1
3.7
7.3
15.7
25.7
15.2
11.0
7.3
100.0
Diurno
...
...
...
2.5
...
2.5
8.0
12.5
24.0
40.0
32.0
15.0
36.0
20.0
...
...
...
2.5
...
Noturno
5.0 *
100.0
100.0
8.7
6.4
1.2
1.0
12.4
5.6
1.4
2.0
5.0
4.1
1.2
2.4
4.0
4.1
1.9
1.8
3.4
5.1
3.0
2.6
15.4
11.0
9.1
9.9
19.5
14.9
24.8
27.2
17.8
21.0
31.2
24.3
12.4
18.2
22.8
26.6
1.3
9.5
3.4
2.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
GERAL
Prlvado
100.0
_
MAGISTERIO
Pubdco
Prlvddo
CIDADES
ForWeza
Salvador
Sao Paulo
Curitiba
-113-
te 3: AVERAGE CLASS SIZE BY TYPE OF SCHOOL AND PROGRAM. November 1988
FREQUENCIAS PERCENTUALS DO NU MRO blEDI0 DE ALUNOS POR TURMA EM CADA
SERIE DO 2o. GRAU EM UMA AMOSTRA DE ESCOLAS, SEGUNDO 0 TIPODE CURSO,
REDE DE ENSINrO E CMADE, FUNDACAO CARLOS CHAGAS, 1988.
NUMER- -- DIO DR ALUNOSPOR TURMA EM CADA
:
':DO .'. G'.U
mou. MASSDE
:___________-
__;
___
-__MIEOS
20f'A30,
MAZSDE
;3A40
M=D
40OASW
MAISDE
SO
OMISSOES
TOTAL
llPODE 9M
...
83.3
...
...
3.6
28.6
58.2
PUBLICO
...
8.5
66.0
19.1
PRIVADO
...
...
42.1
42.1
100.0
...
...
...
TECNICO
16.7
GERAL
MAGlSTERIO
42.9
...
29.1
14.3
...
100.0
7.3
14.3
1.8
100.0
100.0
4.3
2.1
...
...
R^,EDED&ENSINO
SiNAI
Foudazm
Salvador
Sio Pauo
Cmibin
...
...
...
...
.
8.3
9.3
...
1.5
5.9
15.8
...
100.0
...
100.0
...
100.0
28.6
16.7
...
...
100.0
100.0
2.3
8.3
2.3
...
100.0
50.0
42.9
50.0
16.3
33.3
5SL
25.0
7.4
1.5
100.0
28.6
333
69.3
100.0
-114-
Table 36:AVERAGE HOURS OF PORTUGUESEINSIRUCTION PER WEEK, BY TYPE
OF SCHOOL, November 1988
FREQUENCIASPERCENTUAISDO NUMERO MEDIO DE AULASMHORA
DE PORTUGUES
POR SEMANA NAS SERIES DO 2o GRAU EM UMA AMOSrRA DE ESCOLAS, SEGUNDO
O TIPO DE CURSO, REDE DE ENSINO E CIDADE, FUNDACAOCARLOS CHAGAS, 1988.
NUMERO MEDIO DE AULAS/HORADE PORTUGUES
PORSEMANANASSERIS DO 2o. GRAU
1ENOSDE
3 AULAMS ISOD S M
MAI
DE
ADE
HORA
3A4
4AS
5
OMISSOES
TOTAL
TWO DE
TECNICO
16.7
66.7
...
16.7
aJRSO
GERAL
...
45.5
43.6
7.3
3.6
100.
100.
MAGISTERIO
...
57.1
14.3
28.6
...
100.
2.1
5.3
100.
100.
...
RED-ED
PUBLICO
2.1
53.2
34.0
8.S
ENSk
PRIVADO
...
36.8
47.4
10.S
SENAI
...
...
...
100.0
...
FortaMza
Salvador
Sao Paulo
...
14.3
50.0
...
8.3
58.1
33.3
42.9
33.3
34.9
41.7
28.6
16.7
4.7
16.7
14.3
..
2.3
...
100.
...
1L.S
48.S
36.8
10.3
2.9
100.0
C:IRES
Curitiba
TOTAL
100.
100.
100.
100.
-115-
rable37: AVERAGE HOURS OF MATH INSTRUCTIONPER WEEK, BY TYPE OF
SCHOOL,November1988
DISTRIBUICAOPERCENTUALDE ESCOLASDA AMOSTRAPOR CLASSE W) NUMERO
MEDIO DE HORAS/AULADE MATEMATICAPOR SEMANA MAL,SERIESDO 2o. GRAU,
SEGUNDO 0 TIPO DE CURSO, 'EDE DE ENSINO E CMADE. FUNDACAOCARLOS
CHAGAS, 1988.
NUMERO MEDIO DE AULAS/HORADE MATEMATICA
POR SEMANA NAS SERIE DO 2o. GRAU
MAISDE
3 AULAS/ MAISDE MAISDE MAISDE
3A4
_fORA
TIPO DE
TECNICO
CURSO
GERAL
MAGISTERIO
REDE DE
ENSINO
PUBLICO
PRIVADO
SENAI
RAD _ES Fortaleza
Salvador
Sao Paulo
Curitiba
TOTAL
.
4A5
S
...
83.3
1.8
67.3
...
71.4
...
80.9
42.1
47.4
5.3
...
OWSSOES
TOTA
16.7
...
100.0
21.8
7.3
1.8
100.0
14.3
14.3
...
100.0
8.5
8.5
5.3
2.1
...
100.0
100.0
100.0
...
100.0
28.6
...
100.0
100.0
...
...
...
42.9
28.6
...
100.0
69.8
...
...
2.3
20.9
4.7
2.3
100.0
...
66.7
16.7
16.7
...
100.0
1.S
69.1
19.1
8.8
1.5
100.0
...
...
Table 38: TUITION (IN MINIMUM SALARES) BY TYPE OP SCHOOLAND PROGRAM,November 1988
FREQUENCIAS
PERCENTUAIS
DAS MENSAUIDADES
CORRADAS
NA ESCOLADO 2O.GRAU
EM UMAAMOSTRADE ESCOLAS.SEGUNDO
0 TIPODECURSO.AEDEDE ENSINOE CIDADE
FUNDACAO
CARLOSCHAGAS,1985.
MENSALIDADE
DA EXCOLADE 2o GRAU(EMSALARIOS
MINIMOS)
.AOCOO. ME,O. MASDE MAiS
DE M__S
DE MSSD
MASDE
MOES 0.16-0.320.32-0.650.65-0.970.97-1.62 1.6?
TIPO DE
CURSO
TECNICO
GERAL
MAGISTERIO
REDE
D
ENSINO
CIDADES
TOTAL
07.3
6
71.4
16.7
...
...
...
5.5
14.3
...
5.5
...
...
'14.5
...
...
5.5
14.3
...
...
...
...
1.8
...
100.0
100.0
100.0
PUBLICO
PRIVADO
SENAI
91.4
10.5
100.0
2.1
...
...
...
21.1
...
2.1
10.5
...
42.1
...
2.1
15.8
...
...
...
2.1
...
...
100.0
100.0
100.0
Forlaleza
Sao PauLo
57.1
66.7
72.1
Curiliba
66.7
...
...
...
8.3
...
...
7.0
8.3
14.3
...
4.7
...
28.6
16.7
7.0
16.7
...
16.7
7.0
...
...
...
2.3
...
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
69.1
1.5
5.9
4.4
11.8
5.9
1.5
100.0
Salvador
TOTAL
83.3
OMISSOES
...
...
...
...
...
...
-1.17-
3abi@39:
AVMtAGE TEACl
SALARYBY TYPE OF SCHOOLAND PROGRAM,
Navembe 1988.
FREQUENCIAS PERCENTUAIS VE SALARIO MEMO MENSALDOS PROFESSORES
DAESCOLA
DE20. GRAUEMUMAAMOSTR4OE
ESCOLAS,
SEGUNDO
0 TIPO
DE CURSO,REDEDE ENSINOE CIDADE.FUNDACAO
CARLOSCHAGAS,1988.
SALARIOMEDlOMENSALDOS PROFSORES OA
ESCOLA.
O2c. GRAU(EMSALARIOSMINIMOS)
MENO MAISDE MAIS0E MAIS
016 MAIS0E
DE 1
lA2
2A 4
4A
a8
OMSSOES
33PODE
CURSO
TECNICO
GERAL
MAGISTERIO
... _.
..
10.9
60.0
28.6
28.6
16:4
14.3
100.0
5.5
14.3
...
7.3
14.3
100.0
100.0
100.0
10.5
15.8
66.0
15.8
10.6
26.3
10.6
21.1
2.1
21.1
100.0
100.0
...
...
...
100.0
100.0
100.0
14.3
33.3
42.9
...
16.7
...
...
28.6
16.7
9.3
8.3
8.3
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
...
11.8
7.4
100.0
...
...
...
BjgDLE PUBLICO
...
ENSINO
PRIVAOO
...
SENAI
...
C1OA2E Fortaleza
Salvador
Sao Pauo
Curitiba
TOTAL
TOTAL
...
,.
62.8
9.3
41.7
25.0
14.3
33.3
1 1.6
16.7
51.5
14.7
14.7
...
7.0
-1 18Table 40: PRIVATE SECONDARY SCHOOL PARTICIPATION, BY FAMILY INCOME
QUARTILE AND REGION, 1982
PARTICIPACAO DA ESCOLA PARTICULAR NO ENSINO DE SEGUNDO GRAU
URBANA
NORTE
22.28
NSE
-40. qua3i---5
-
22.28
34
- ..
39.90
45.95
40.46
51.15
-31.38
34.54
-- 33.48
72.33
42.12
41.11
34.90-
52z21
31.98
35.36
34.25
49.45
32.66
48.86
53.91
41.90
29.38
27.2036.40
53.73
41.10
35.51
31.86
38.22
31.41
37.19
43.30
28.67
0.00
33.31
41.04
17.33 -23.79
0.00
33.31
21.09
32.76
48.74
20.49
18.41
21.89
50.09
.00
15.62
21.21
48.77
19.93
18.15
21.54
43.52
35.88
43.02
50.99
34.21
48.45
37.23
50.92
34.42
31.0:
27.78
30.89
-0.00:
NORDESTE
NSE
40. quart3o.quartl
-2o.quartil
10.quartil
TOTAL
14.71
12.25
-
2o.-quartll
-1. quartil
...
33,54---
-3*. quart-
:
RURAL
SUDESTE
rv12.25
14.71
0.00
NSE
40. quard
-3-. -quart -41.55
20. quarlo1,quartil
SUL
NSE
40. quartil. -43.85
3o. quartl
- -28.15
2*. quartlt -- - -- - - -o10.quartilCENTRO-OESTE
NSE
40. quartil
3o. quartil
-20.quarAi
1.-- quatil-
BRASIL
NSE
40. quartiSo. quarti
t20.quarl:
Fonts:
-
37.6327.54
--
; quartll
1*.
> -27.02
-30.48
PesquisaNacionalpor Amcstra de Domicilios- 1982
31.14
0.00
28.78
-119-
Table 41: AVERAGE MONTHLY PRIVATE SECONDARY SCHOOL TUMON PAID BY
FAMILY INCOME QUARTILE AND REGION (TmUSS), 1982
MEDIADA MENSALIMADENAREDEPAP.TICULAR
DE ENSINO
DE SEGUNDOGRAU (am US$)
URBANA
NORTE
RURAL
30.98
...
TOTAL
30 98
NSE
37.21
40, quall
..:.-=;3o.
quarti.
.:2o. quat-l
;
~~1.js
- 0quartill
.
14.81'
.-
NORDESTE
NSE
-40 quartil.
3D,quartil
2o.quartil
10. quartil
SUDESTE
NSE
40.quartil
3o. quarit
2o.quartil
1o.quartil
Fonte:
...
37.21
...
18.41
...
14.81
-.X. .--....
24.54
12.35
23.29
36.65
13.16
8.40
4.42
21.75
10.86
7.67
6.94
35.75
12.98
8.30
6.00
38.45
16.41
37.95
45.16
21.91
16.32
9.35
SUL
NSE
4o.quartll
3-.
quartl2o.
^quartlit
1.
o.quartil:
CENTRO-OESTE
NSE
:o4.quartil.
30.4quartia
20. quartil
lo.quaftil
. .18.41
21.30
-17.67 12.12
8.27
44.88
21.81
15.66
8.81
30.31
16.41
28.55
34.85
17.23
17.65
21.73
15.11
14.34
34.32
16.59
16.54
38.69
23.45
38.23
24.81
46.39
46.88
23.34
14.47.
9.81
.
...
23.34
21.20
1.I..
23.22
15.04
13.99
BRASIL
34.63
15.04
NSE
4*.quartil
42.46
21.77
3o.quartil
19.43
14.61
Zo.quartil
1.36
10.94
lo. quartit
6.4g
8.02
PesquisaNacionalpor Amostrade Domicillos- 1982
33.58
.
41.96
19.07
12.13
7.36
-120-
Tab1E42a AVERAGE PRIVATE MONTHLY SECONDARY SCHOOL TUMTIONRATES IN THREE
STATES: SAO PAULO, CEARA AND PARANA, 1987 AND 1988
In ruzados
in USdollars
TYPE OF SCHOOL
Minimum Maximum
Mean
Minimum Maximum
Mean
Sao Paulo (Se2tember 19871 n)
General Education
1
43.041
3.233
0.03
863
6s
926
926
7.630
9,219
4,267
5078
9
9
71
86
40
47
lst and 2nd Years
3rd Year
350
708
2,807
2,807
1,470
1,595
3
7
26
26
14
1stand 2nd Years
3rd Year
350
708
7,630
9.219
3,347
4,015
3
7
71
86
31
37
871
38,276
13,840
2
73
26
Ceara (March 19881 z)
General Secondary
Fortaleza only
1st and 2nd Years
3rd Year
Interior only
15
Total State
Puana (November 1988)
General Education
Sources:
i
1) Data from commissao de Encargos Sociais of the Conselho Estadual da
Educacao for September 19P7. Exchange rate used USS1.00 a Cz 49.87
2) Data from the Conselho Estadual de Educacao of Ceara, March 1988.
Exchange rate used USS1.00 - Cz 107.49
3) Data from the Conselho Estadual de Educacao of Parana, November 1988.
Exchange rate used US$1.00 a Cz 526.15
-121Table 43: AVERAGE FAMILY PER CAPITA INCOME OF STUDENTS ATTENDING
PRIVATE SECONDARY SCHOOLS (mnUS$), 1982
MEDIADA RENDAFAMLIARPER CAP1TADOSALUNOSDA REDE
PARTICULAR DO ENSINO DE SEGUNDO GRAU (am USS)
URBANA
NORTE
RURAL
189.58
TOTAL
...
189.58
NSE
-o. 0 0 0-
^:
-Z.;uartti
:: -
.242.30
...-
Wo.quaglh.
-20. quartll:
5. 0-: :- ;- bx .
::63.43
NORDESTE
NSE
4-0.:-4
--luartil
-
o. quaril
-2o. quati
10-.quartil
.
:
.
3o.~~quartII~~
i
CENTRO-OESTE
NSE
4o.quart#
. ... ... ~107.78:
80.80
:-8
...
MM
Pesqusa
into:
124.66
198.89
60.97
38.50
31.09
216.81
106.19
214.36
26.26
906.62982
55.23
22.45
Utit
171.000:
267.27
90.80
57.74
23.21
:
0
2398
-
93.07
251.10
8293
4.842143.72
175.39
239.21
130.33
191.61
-
:248.01
; --
236.23
~~305.521513.8
....
199.63
NacionalporA
:.3.43
121-.95
48.80
52.7433.99
-203.7
.
7.09
BRASIL
NSE
:
69.20
206.06
-
-
242.30
61.98
-36.14
28.56
-.
SUDESTE
NSE
-a. q
irtl
SUL
NSE
- : .a-ti
So. qui
2OquartI
.
; - -:::
130.87
i2: -q-u-rtilo. qur;
,.
'
4809-
-
88.07
-
587
PesquisaNadlona por Amostrado Domicilios- 1982
1..
07.78 .-:
5,...4.1
193.79
9
-122Table 44:
TUITION AS A PERCENTAGL 'FAMILY PER CAPITA INCOME, BY
FAMIY
INCOME QUARTIV 1 AND LOCATION,
1982
A
RELACAO
PERCENTAGEM DA MENSALIDADE ESCOLAR EM
RENDA FAMILIARMEDIA PER CAPirA
RURAL
URBANA
(Va)
(%)
40. quartll
'=ul
-
i
'
40. quartl
3o. quaili-
.
.
.- .
Io.
2quartli
:
-
SUDESTE
NSE
40. quartil
3o qWqLarti
quartil
-;:-20>.
-o. quar$t
SUL
NSE
- -- -. O. quartiil
-
-
:
.l -- .
.
-o.--.Zquarti2
l. - ^i 1.owquar
ii
2'. q.uarti
'20. quartll
BRASIL
NSE
. quarti
-:
;
18.75
17.85
18.68
17.99
1784
-21.23
23.24
16.64.
22.25
14.54
20.42
21.56
17.73
15.45
17.70
1..3
.
. -
..
-
:
14.90
1.-4
1
-2.39'
§.48:
19
A
'20.00
3381
20.
..
.
16.18
17.99
16.17
.
16.7924.02- -:17.05
. 27.12-: :
17.63
. 20.21.
31i77
-79
.21.29
12.46
17.99--.
.:. . -: . :34.49 :7.96
.
. - 13.83
15-.7
15.34
..
:.82-
21.6'
...
.•7-<
~~26.8
1- .4
2o.quartll
:
...-
17.35
So.
qui
22.78
23.
--
.
..
14.71
CENTRO-OESTE
NSE
40.. quarA
Fonte:
..
: 16.83
.24.18
29.55
-.
41.65
-
. .. quartWi
..
.1
22.78
23.35
0.0'.'
NORDESTE
NSE
1O.quartl
16.34
15.38
..
3o. quartiil
20; quarti -'
TOTAL
(%)
...
16.34
NORTE
NSE
,
-,
17.33
17.08
-
.23.07
27.41
24.03
1
quarill
Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra de Domicillos - 1982
14.
2.;6
2.0
-;..:
1.5
~~~~19.29"
24.08
2.3
25 04"
224.
.4
-123-
Table 45: CHARACTERISCS OF A SAMPLE OF TWELVE PRIVATE SECONDARY
SCHOOLS FORTALEZA, CEARA, January1989
mean
....
Grou
..Group2
Grup 3
Total
Averagenumberof
Studentsperclass
45.2
39.13
37.38
41.68
Numberof hours
Instruction
perweek
25.5
25.17
22.92
24.53
Teachersalary
per hour
2.34
1.75
1.38
1.82
44.56
28.52
21.64
31.57
Tuition
Notes;
ource:
Thetwelveschoolswerebrokenintothreegroupsof fourschoolseach,based
upontuitionlevels.Group1 hadtuitionof NCZ$35andabove,Group2 had
tultionof NCZ$25-35andGroup3 hadtuitionbelowNCZ$25. Thesample
represents
approximately
15%of thetotalnumberof privateschools
InFortaleza.
Surveyconducted
bytheAssociation
of PrivateSchools,
Ceara,January1989
-114-
Table 46: SECONDARY SCHOOL PARTICIPATION, BY GENDER AND FAMILY
INCOME QUARTILE, 1982
PARTICIPACAONO ENSINODE SEGUNDOQRAUSEGUNDO0 SEXO
POPULACAO:
25 A 30 ANOSDE MADE
URBANA
MASCULINO
NORTE
NSE
40. quartil
30. quartil
2O. quartil
Io. quartil
NORDESTE
NSE
40. quartil
30. quartil
2o. quartl
1o. quartil
SUDESTE
NSE
40. quartil
3O. quartit
20. quartil
1o. quartff
SUL
NSE
4o. quarti30. quartit
2o. quartit
1o. quarfil
NIOte
Fonte:
FEMIMIINO
RURAL
MASCULINO FEMININO
TOTAL
MASCULINOFEMININO
19.64
22.98
...
...
19.64
22.98
37.18
44.62
...
...
37.18
44.62
27.34
28.92
...
...
27.34
28.92
8.40
1.02
9.87
1.75
...
...
...
...
8.40
1.02
9.87
1.75
17.24
20.24
1.85
2.58
10.55
13.20
39.87
28.36
8.79
1.28
38.27
34.65
12.44
1.39
39.68:36.92
i.61
0.14
47.73
32.22
7.30
0.51
39.87
29.06
7.81
0.47
38.67
34.46
11.75
0.77
15.90
16.07
3.68
3.33
14.22
14.53
28.14
14.35
3.76
0.50
27.83
12.61
2.18
1.17
28.57
11.75
1.94
0.00
22.94
10.76
2.22
0.18
28.15
14.21
3.45
0.22
27.76
12.50
2.19
0.60
17.24
15.90
4.16
3.49
12.80
11.88
32.20
17.22
°
483
0.00
28.49.
13.8a,
3.64,
2.96
16.33
9.82
3.06.
1.1t8
9.52
8.84
3.23
0.29
31.08
15.57
4.07
0.80
27.02
12.76
3.48
1.04
=
CENTRO-OESTE
NSE
4o. quartil
3O. quartil
2o. quartlL
1o. quartl
20.73
20.59
3.29
3.39
16.16
16.50
36.95
29.58
9.67
1'.34.
36.77
27.78
10.10
0.34
25.86
23.42
5.37
0.4B
31.52.
19.47
0.74
36.68
29.16
8.83
0.80
36.66
27.27
9.36
0.58
BRASIL
NSE
40. quartil
3o. quartli.
20. quartt:
10. quartil
16.79
17.39
3.02
3.05
13.42
14.12
30.08
17.35
26.00
14.27
2.88.
0.28
22.14
12.82
3.62
0.43
30.61
29.86
16.95
5.43
0.77
30.77
17.93
5.61
0.87
.
5.88
1.42
5.85
17.61
5.00
0.49
Praic:pto
rune expim db
rhemctthe sar of tbe b,-30 yer old populaboa(i.e.. post secondary school age)
in Brci in 1982. which reportedso.e noenday schoaling.
Thus,they ae t cornable with perticipan rates presented
deeher in thi report.
Pesquiza Nocionl por Amowe de Domnicias* 1982
-125-
akLA47; FEMALE SHARE OF SECONDARYENROLLMENTS,1981-1987
ANO
Note:
Fonts:
MALE
FEMALE
1981
46
54
3,078,597
1982
46
54
2,867,570
1983
45
55
2,866,099
1984
44
56
2,898,351
1985
44
56
1986
42
58
3,290,908
1987
42
58
3,290,021
TOTAL
-
3,062,618
These enrollmentsare estimatedby IBGE on the basis of annual householdsurvey
data. They do not correspondperfeety with enrollment estimates presentedelsewhere
In this report (See Annex Table 5), which are from the Ministryof Educationbased
upon repons from schools.
PesquisaNaclonal de Amostra por Domicillos 1981, ..., 1987
(Exciul a populacaorural da Regiao Norte)
-126-
Table 48: MALE AND FEMALE ENROLLMENTS IN FEDERAL TECHNICAL
SCHOOLS,
REGION
1979
NORTH
FEMALE
TOTAL
4,082
71
1,688
29
5,770
NORTHEAST
13,580
.'1
5,435
29
19,015
SOUTHEAST
12,439
80
3,046
20
15,485
SOUTH
8,396
77
2,442
23
10,838
CENTER-WEST
2,267
63
1,305
37
3,572
41,064
75
14,016
25
55,080
TOTAL
Source:
MALE
MEC
-127-
Table 49: GROWTH OF SECONDARY SCHOOL ENROLLMENTS, BY GENDER, 1981-1987
EVOLUCAO DA MATRICULA DE 2o. GRAU SEGUNDO 0 SEXO
ANO
MATRICULA
POPULACAO 16-18 ANOS
bMASCULINO
FEMINiNO
MASCULINO
FEMININO
1981
1,426,968
1,651,629
1982
1,312,485
1,S55,085
1981
1,295,083
1,571,)16
1984
1,283,978
1,614,373
4 095,238
0
4,038,402
0
4,100,170
0
4,135,268
4,073,029
0
4,063,769
0
4,080,205
0
4,109,074
0
0
4,184,260
0
4,181,566
0
4,164,440.
4,224,571
0
4,228,389
0
4,285,926
___________
Note:
985i
1,346,991
1,715,627
1986
1,387,318
1,903,590
1987
1,366,732
1,923,289
These
enrollments
are estimated
They do not correspond
report
from
Fonte:
(See Annex
by IBGE on the basis of annual
perfectly
with enrollment
Table 5), which
estimates
are from the Ministry
(Exclui
Nacional
a populacao
de Amostra
por Domicilios
rural da Regiao
Norte)
household
presented
of Education
schools.
Pesquisa
1981, ... , 1987
TAXA DE PART, BRUTA
MASCULINO
34.84%
40.55%
- 32.50%
- 38.27%
31.59%
38.50%
31.05%
39.29%
32.19%
40.61%
33.18%
.4S.02Yo
32,82%
44.87%
survey data.
elsewhere
based
FEMININO
In this
upon reports
-128-
Table 50: SECONDARY SCHOOL PARTICIPATION, BY FAMILY lNCOME QUARTILE,
RACE AND REGION, 1982
PARTICIPACAONO ENSINO DE SEGUNDO GRAU SEGUNDO A COR
POPULACAO:25 A 30 ANOSDE DADE
URBANA
RURAL
NORTE
NSE
4imqua
-k,
3O.quarfl
2o.quaf
BRANCA
OUTRA
27.24
19.02
...
43.83
39t.1%9
.x
-32.5&
i-J
z20.
qua,tI
595
...
27.24
19.02
..
43.83
39.19
32.5S
26.4
...
9.83
0.55
8.95
1.63
3.58
1.68
16.91
9.57
49.05'
35.94
39.62
33.53
39.97
34.43
38.32
30.47
.63
....
24.74
15.72
39.56
34.32
38.26
30.18
--
SUOESTE
OUTRA
.,.
14.34
87
-
BRANCA
26.44.
0--.55.-
tquanhi
io.
-
TOTAL
OUTRA
.,.
lo..quanl
NORDESTE
NSE
4mquamrtf3&.qya W
BRANCA
-
9.24
1.¢
56
18.25
10.49
29.7r.'
14.
312'
0.S7
24.6
''
11t.31
2.84
0.668
8.4
8.1%
0.Q*47'
3.5
5.17
0.50
16.69
8.97
29.43
13.16
2.86
016
7.90C
4.23
0.00
0.00
28.71
1429
3.07
0.49S
24.29
11.02
2.50
0.30
4.27
1.58
13.67
4.94
231
21.85
-14.91
6.66
13.20.
0.27
0.52
.67
NSE
4' . quanlS '
30;,quardlt
z- . quartil
"
1otv
quuI
;
SUL
NSE
18.24
6.80
, vvquarUJ $.
i08
t30.quanij&<{<
'.
,.t
1t6.50
4.23
1.80
t'4.27
<
25.61
14.99
''
20.qu
l
1Tmquart[F.ti
.
,
CENTRO-OtEST
NSE
40.q4:uan
.
3au.quarulE "
'2qarW:U
.
.,,,quwUl
.
BRASIL
1;
i;
s48
1- v934 .
:
7.;z*43'^'$'
0.80
3$ss
31t.33>.:' . 25Q;.0
....
fW.7t
....
0:.8D,
,',M94''.&
19.46
'
12.97
735
'0-00y
9.76 -'' -t 3 - ''
''3.''
' <3a.93
' E-'
' 0.54
5S54
[04.70
417
t.05
0.64
1.63
21.31
11.17
.17.89
38.16:
33.19
: 24.32.
.'0&.4 8
1.26
1021
5.27
0
30.73
1.02
24.S4
7.90
0.50
4.49
1.43
16.42
9.65
30.30
t.10
5.03
29.79
17.64
5.45
0.68
0.60
:
.9*
.
NSE
:.',q4aqUI
3.. quar%
2- . quartil
TO.quarOt
;
Eie:
I
ran
30.48',
1.8.
,.5t.0
.3o0¢'.00'^
t7.74
5.'93
t.23
24.44,
2Z2.
'
t 12.9 S.84
:7
'.54
Z 4T7
0.53
bwe MGMthe-am at tbs 25-11,ysat3d1M=
ia Brag i 1932,whih aup-tId - u.aa.deh7
inscoling.Thus. tbsy raw I
d dewbeg in this,
Pusqui Nock" parA
d Daimifi192
Q.24
(R PM
a.pmnbl
wib the patico
-129TAblo51:
SCHOOLIN 1982BYLEVEL
OF STUDENTSENTERINGSECONDARY
PERCENTAGE
OF EDUCATIONATTAINEDBY FATHERANDFAMLY INCOMEQUARTILE
GRAUEM 1982
NO SEGUNDO
DE INGRESSANTES
PERCENTAGEM
DO PAI
SEGUNDO0 GRAUDE INSTRUCAO
GRAUEM 1981
DO PRIMbIRO
CONCLUlNTES
POPULACAO:
TOIAL
4m.quartil
.
3o. quartR
2*.quart.
. ;to.quarff
-
71.65
83.98
92.47
aTOM=
73.64-
83.71
93.73
81.73
88.810.00.
74.27
68.89
76.48-
86.99
75.00
91.03
...
80.52
86.91
92.72
75.5:
86.36
86.32
.7
7.03
97.86
86.37
6
94.85
82.49
77.62
8s.se
90.34
NORTE
NSE
.
70.86
NOROESTE
NSE
.4c. quartl
3o..quarti
2o1.quartW--
-
.
84.94
74.88
W1~
. 1o. ura6.0
SUDESTE
NSE
-:..-;,:quart,
-quarUl
;
2o. GRAU
OU MAlS
lo. GRAU
COMPLETO
lo. GOUU
INCOMPLETO
ANALFA3rTO
64.15
65.65
85.9
W4...
7424
79
52;;'a.
5*5.5
S
; 2-ls
r
to. quafl
r.,
8
-8L30
4.39
87.48
.
;
58.14
tUL
85.66
80.t5
-65.0
77.
6243
61.29
80.38
s
. 6 s3-
84J
72.42
02.05
87.55
8.4t.
7S.lntt
83.0$
89.00
6.69- z.
NSE
6~~~~~~0
~7M.W6
4o.~~~~quarta'
;
8
ezur~
64.95
CENTRO-OESTE
NSE
.~
100.00
75.24
4o.
quartW
.u-ftl
.. ;.ta
2......
vg-.
Zo..quar:
BRASIL
NSE
.
_Fonte
.s:'' artl,
4o;:
S3. :uanW
,
::',
-.
0/
67
84-4
60.25
6856
81.....
iji
6.
;';S2 .........
4S
G2
6.7"'
2. quafrit
to.: quartil
64w.52
"64.1:
Pesquisa Nacional por Amowta de DomkIlos -1982
a
6.
>.:;
56.04g0.W@00
10....
86.46
6224
$
'86.29
.
....
87.42
.0
-68M
:
80.71
6~
82.52
72t5
6.9O..
74.39.
-130.=
~~
LEVELOF EDUCATIONq
A'ITAJND BY FATHERCOMPAREDWrrH THA4TOF CHILD
Nrv'ELDE INsmRucAo Do PAl CoMPARADo com 0 NIVEL DE INSTRUCAODO PILHo
POPULACAO:
25 A 30 ANOSDE RDADE.
8RASEL TOTAL
NIVIEIL
O INS.TRUAQ009PAI
ANALPABErO
lo. U&,%U
1o. QRAU
UINCOMPU~Tro
COMPLTO
2o.QRAU
OUMAtS
OERAL
NSE- 44o.QUARTIL
ANALFABET
NIVEL
0.25
1-0.GreIna
.01.107
2t.48
1.6
23.5249-.77'
0.65'
4.58.
3.79
10.95
24.28'.
21.17
14.31
21.63L
61.5
77.85,
at-ie
66.77
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
4.88'
2.11
Z7
2'.13
2.72
40.1
4011
30'.39
29.67,
41.05
30.07
3.96:
4"Ma
3.8
32.32
4&5&.
21.9
23.91
100.00
100.00
100.00
DS
INSTRUCACI. GrComp,
FILM.O
20*.;ou.
TOTAL
NSE- 30. QUARTIL
-
NIV-L.
*
ANALFASEM.ft. GeIna-4
IN~~tSTIWCAO-,
la. Gr Camp
RLi~0- 2o~Gr'cu
109424.
TOTAL
100.00
100.00
NSE- 20. QUARTIL
0.~~~~~.
4
4~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~:
'
..
:
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~..
Camp
TOTAL
EgaM
QC
PNu icaNQUA prARTIL
(C.-&a
Nrt
R'
a
09
4 LW
100.00
omdio
100.00
18
100.00
100.00
4.83~~~4
100.00
-131-
IIl
i PERCEHNTAGEOF STUE
RG SECONDARY SCHOOL N 1982, BY TYPE
N 1981 AND FAMLY )NCOME QUARTE
OF SCHOOL ATEDED
PERCENTAGEM
DE INGREMANS NOSEGUNDOGRAUEM 1982SEGUNDO0 TIPO DE
ESCOLA FREQUENTADA EM 1981
POPULACAO:CONCLUIPITESDO PRMEIRO GRAU EM 1981
RURA-L
(¾S)
______
(%)
PUBLICA
PARTICULAR
PUBICA
A
(%)
PARTICULAR
PUBLICA
PARTICULAR
78.61
85.22
...
...
78.61
85.22
4*. quanlt
3o. quati
85.32
...
.'.
85.32
89.67
..
...
2c. quanit
to. quarit
7.80
7&37
89.67
79.20
5&.96
...
.
79.20
56.96
..
..
78.20
70.80
78.37.
77.68
80.17
84.67
100.00
100.00
59.12
775
90.47
83.87
73.00
63.42
90.58
87.57
73.92
68.91
NORTE
NSE
7&20
NORDESTE
.
80.50
85.93
77.84
90.1S
8a58
72.5
44.27
89.93
86.38
78.36
60.50
100.00
74.57
76.77
7695
70.89
74.26
54.31
63.05
69.97
74.10
79.86
62.06
57.29
78.9$
6730
48.68
50.83
75.71
48.17
0.00
57.91
100.00
79.09
62.46
54.90
78.96
67.03
52.63
NSE
4Q. quart
30. quaU
2a. quarW
I. quarw2l
SUDESTE
NSE
4m. quaRnt
3*o. quartU
2a. quar
.
-@~
,OlUaRti
SUL
NSE
4&.quaM
.
lt
0.00.
88.25
4t.36
75.25
60.30
57.71
67.67
72.35
77. 4
6M
49.10
71.42
76.49
85.81
68.93
81.23
VW4.0
100.00
60."
47.25
37.9
0.00
55.20
49.07
30.02
33.33
1X300.00
60.25.O-
.69.83
72.
3&
oquar7.
2o. quafitL -:
11quarIi .00.
FMniui
3
49.9
:
4.0
CENTO-OESTE
NSE
4oLaquartI
3 ..uah
.2acqurtt'
lo. quarMS
77.18
83.86
35.81
66.87
73.51
83.23
76.0381.96
71.07
603a
88.331
7.51
66.3
100.00
8721
To0.00
0.00
1 M00.
0.00
76.28
79.14
65.04
60.99
88.59
71.51
71.16
MGM
BRASIL
NSE
4o.quart
:o. quartS
2*. quartS
quart
73.48
77.95
61.22
70.03
72.26
77.40
79.70
70.17
65.13
67.41
81.72
74.15
62.W
68.51
6S5
65.02
56.63
65.05
88.83
84.56
60.63
54.74
79.04
69.77
63.27
66.117
81.82
74.95
(344
21.00
.2.15
4k72
Pesquisa Nacional por Amosta de OomciUlos - 1982
-132--
Table 54STIDENT
FLOWS AT DIFFERENT TYPES OF BRAZILIAN SECONDARY
SCHOOLS (1984 data)
Typeof School
FederalTechnical
Dropout
Repeat
Pm.
Grade2
Grade3
0.1123
0.1852
0.7025
0.0629
0.1413
0.7958
0.0286
0.0565
0.9149
Dropout
Repeat
Pass
0.2916
0.2184
0.4900
0.2180
0.1511
0.6309
0.0997
0.0659
0.8344
Municinlg
Dropout
Riepeat
- :
Pmss
.0.2871:
0.1,2
0.5504
0.2234
0.11.300.663
0.0884
0.0416
0.8700
:0.0844
0.0684
:0.1306
0.0461
......
D..
:)ropout
Repa
Source
Grade1
0.1735.
0-.1266
MEC/SEECStatistcs. 1985
{
Grade4
0.0358
0.0606
0.9036
Table 55: NUMBER OP SCHOOLS, TEACHERS, STUDENTS AND STUDENT-TEACHER RATIOS
AT DIFFERENT SECONDARY SCHOOLS, 1980.1985.
State
Number
of Soconay ScbWl
Numberof Teachers
Nqmber
of Stdent
Numberof StudentsPer Scbool
Numar of Sudeatsper Teachsr
Municipal
1980
198s
1980
2,957
4,421
525
Federal
198s
1980
638
117
137
3,844
7.750
s7,556
108,889
8,466
10,318
8,292
I,324,60
1,780,155
97,454
132,333
86,125
402
186
14
16
12
Sources: MEGSEEC,RetratoEstatisticada Educacaoand SinopseEstatistica
do EnsinoRegulardo 2o. Grau
Private
1980
1985
93,773
448
.
207
13
99,422 1,310,921
TOTAL
1985
1980
198s
4,064
7,443
9,260
79.154
198,087
206.111
1,004,228 2,819.8L2
3,016,138
736
72s
341
247
379
326
10
13
Is
13
14
Is
]aik
56 PERCENrAGE OP DROP-OUTS, FAILURES, REPEATERSANDGRADUATESBY TYPE OF SCHOOL
EVADDO, REPROVADOS,REPETENTES
E CONCLUINTES
PORDEPENDENCIA
ADMINISTRATIVA
- 2o.GRAU
BRASIL 1970 - 1986
ANO
PUBLICO
PARTICULAR
TOTAL
EVAYJU
IEDIATA
9
_____
1970
FEPRO-
AEPET-
CONCLU-
EVASAO
REPRO-
REPET-
CONCLU-
VADO8
ENTE8
INTE8
IMEDIATA
VADOS
ENTES
INTES
41
9il|
_
20.28
%
6
REPRO-
REPET-
CONCLU-
ENTES
INTES
*%
Ks
1972
4.48
4.56
11.69
1973
1974
1975
1976
1977
1978
1979
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
10.52 11.12
15.93 11.35
15.92 13.65
17.97 13.65
18.28 1815
18.55 16.88
17.97 18.63
17.99 '20.42
19.30 21.22
16.19 25.39
22.76 21.72
23.74 21.71
6.26
6.17
6.28
7.24
7.08
10.34
8.96
10.03
12.48
13.72
12.23
12.50
1985
23.39
19.23
12.82
15.96
12.96
9.93
7.31
26.01
19.92
18.51
10.98
19.31
1986
24.19
19.31
13.05
16.34
13.42
11.17
7.40
24.91
20.61
18.92
11.18
19.19
1971
19.15
14.39
10.87
...
...
...
19.70
19.57
3.62
4.18
6.00
12.44
8.22
5.60
0.00
0.00
4.66
25.23
25.47
27.14
20.72
19.08
16.47
16.84
15.48
17.24
15.09
15.85
15.69
16.47
16.38
16.38
9.25
11.09
12.03
11.63
11.63
8.33
18.13
17.09
12.70
14.02
14.47
14.36
5.30
6.16
7.89
8.55
8.73
11.38
12.00
10.41
9.78
11.01
11.68
12.22
2.68
2.49
2.70
3.23
3.43
3.60
3.48
4.08
5.13
4.83
5.71
6.68
24.45
23.05
22.14
23.07
23.20
24.65
24.04
23.06
25.45
25.81
25.96
26.23
SEECGEC
Obe:
i
EVASAO
IUWEDIATA VADOS
Osd
do
derpuida
rimaeodtmunapwr de193 Includ
EVASAOIEDIATA a 100 * (1AT. INICIAL- MAT.FINALIMAT.INICIAL
REPAOVACAO
* 100* (MAT.FINAL- APROVADOS)
I MAT.FINAL
REPETENTES
a loo * REPETENTESIMAT. INICIAL
4.09
4.41
9.26
16.11
11.68
8.54
9.98
8.60
13.81 9.01
14.16 10.97
15.08 11.23
15.19 13.61
13.82 14.17
18.04 15.54
17.57 15.74
16.45 16.05
15.30 19.41
19.58 17.62
20.46 18.14
6.03
6.40
5.54
22.51
22.23
22.81
4.72
4.56
4.66
5.41
5.39
7.22
6.41
7.27
9.30
10.08
9.73
10.46
22.32
20.82
19.04
19.68
19.05
20.67
19.26
19.20
19.91
20.29
20.06
19.83
-135-
IabIl.ZLNUMEROF DROP-OUTS, FAILURES AND GRADUATESBY TYPE OF SCHOOL
PORDEPENDENCIA
E CONCLU1NTES
REPROVADOS
SVADIDOS,
BRAZI
- 20 GRAU
ADMINISTRATIVA
CWU4OSOIA ANO
ADMINIS TIVA
__
1017tl
107
O.373
1072
1073
1074
1is
1l0
107
_
111.1
1
4.242
02261
".0241
1C4..726
85,06
71,4e8
...
4602
67.0727
704.173
7,479
82084
87966
9237
312
60.180
121,48a
134,720
104373
82,803
53,25
66,431
87.052
02.78
122.835
145.
174.744
1,419.248
1,086
1.16,1
1..97
253.092
254S077
271283
047.387
0"4.30
1as1
1,301.232
1.t20O
309.003
1.01.086m
25
74,15
106
1063
1064
15
l8W
1067
t11.60,62
1.190,06
2O11*O1O
2.11.067
1.421.6
1.401,302
1.4043.473
1.841.36
1.t11,OtO
274,746
412.8
486.800
4790.16
911.006
1,060.043
1,00.0916
1,148.76
I.2.917
1.2.317
350,006
34,448
317,78
26,483
300,351
2.0664
...
382.161
433.36
432.617
646106
4,2"
38,21
29,242
30.507
25.873
17,007
114,282
124.044
150.676
155,107
014.744
710.6n
816.040
0,206
40,3S
60,1 0
76.320
66S0M
16,379
23.706
33.3
38.701
169.864
104.16
2.2
261,56
42,241
43.07
83S,5215
280.410
297.826
30274
744,?70
1814.22
3.725
150,52
166.1"
210.171
2,264
._..
462.81
46.4&6
16t402
1071
467,046
56171
0623
466s7
62t.Us
575.612
S6610
771.543
of,8
0311256
20.371
33.312
73.l36
77.036
1000,706
1.127.414
1.079.306
1,014.261
1073
1.174.146
1,3
IlIW
1061
1902
1II
1o"
163
18
1637
1,06.06
1.31t,21
121tW716 1.0t,.
1.177.8W 1,012.746
061,166
1,13364
014.A
1.02,16
674.04
104
010.41"
1.01.61,11
1.147.77
Iwo
1VA
1612
167
1074
1t
10
1677
17
19t
s
1W
15
16w
18W
166
Ion
ION
1.0.W475
1.110.421
1*6.667
1.477.666
1.661.723
I,6.0
2.217
2437.701
2UWU
L6607
161
,"
2L
L0874
2*1.007
28.1."
U13.13I
3.164.W
3*.41
a ptnd
admda
__P
13.674
61.733
105.406
117.430
131.110
07.640
224,7
235.114
214,198
235.051
107.876
251,1a6
232.77
221,.l3
235.67
287.86
270,359
297.124
314.=2
321.070
345.305
275 .A2
053774
122,522
121,76
...
...
22,6
154.617
62.574
310.408
16O.7
60127
111,473
16.83
303.041
1UM
1461106
130,163
141,11?
85346
77617
7667
7".016
112.113
108,066
367916
101.60
64.462
68.924
73.387
77.148
293.355
270,871
201.246
261.0
60.42
71.064
5
7
66,610
73.63
0.137
l1.667
131,400
163.306
17,216
204,416
21,480
20.617
Mu6*
3OL,8
2314
363,672
225,013
246.683
26.44
220,811
310.177
3M.470
435,480
46.481
$24.524
512.024
611,335
11011
s16.00
16.479
s3,1
18.310
6@7.
-
41*13
3
4
120.341
1.179.666
147*3
1J,02361
*6
1.440.40
1.1111.464 274.010
333.601
1.t6143
37t
2.007.316
860.36
L167.097
2.
479,4
2,t7
46i62
L23M705
L2317.0711 40I,3
46411634 4.
579x.3
2.20.761
6OL3
2347.7
AM
t
U41.
t6.10
L6*L.0
1033hmiu
141,087
127.180
151,320
6U5
728
30.731
011141I
-
187,454
216.811
180.313
174.280
202,587
202.886
..
Il
I6F7
_
24,681
2MM82
87.028
5.821
843.364
044e"
1.08,487
1,202,4
1.310,37
1.386U.
12
1i72
1074
I17
l1or
1077
57
*
.25.03
smlelO
667.737
754.0
794.350
680,041
S06.7
1.071.025
1.110,7111
107
10m
100
O moft
1970 - 1987
MATRICULA EVASA APROVADOSREPROVADOSROPETENTESCONCLUINTES
MATRMICULA
IMEDIATA
FINAL
INICIAL
_
-
517.406
u7.m
1.0761811
.21.2
1.31612
1.479.172
.t .064
1,735.866
1.t77.101
1.3,0
1.961216
1t 76
1,066,2
1.8A40
1.6316
1.033*
Loo7
_
113,00
104,133
-...
16010
1t..3
123,4O6
100.73
114,410
IMA6
1,0
t2,312
1
211054
2311,31
300,81
338
305,004
3O73
472,4
417*0
423,766
447,041
476V
_
_
-136-
Table 58 REASONSFOR DROPPING OUT OF SCHOOL, URBAN STUDENTS, 1982
MOTIVOPORQUEDEDCOUDE FREQUENTARA ESCOLA
POPULACAO
25 A 30ANOSCOMPR9IEmROORAU CONCLUiDO
FALTADE VA-
NORTE
NSE
4o. quartil
3o.quartf
2o.quartil
lo.quardt
NAOQUERA
OUTRO
CC.'JTET4JAR
MOTIVO
SD0tE4
ESTUDOS
TOTAL
2.90
48.98
15.90
32.22
100.00
1.59
3.85
2.71
5.68
45.33
47.54
51.81
64.95
17.12
15.82
16.12
5.68
35.96
32.79
29.37
k3.69
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
4.35
48.67
18.35
28.64
100.00
2.70
2.58
5.98
14.03
40.01
48.82
53.64
49.51
29.68
17.11
12.67
19.07
27.60
31.49
27.71
17.39
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
1.44
SS.81
24.45
18.30
100.00
1.47
1.12
2.47
0.00
50.08
59.18
65.64
72.93
27.45
24.04
14.43
21.89
21.D3
15.67
17.47
5.18.
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
SUL
NSE
4o.quartl
3o. quartll
2o. quarff
to. quardti
4.54
53.68
24.29
17.49
100.00
6.85
3.78
0Q.55
0.00
48.51.
56.40
65.02
69.28
26.01
23.61
20.66
30.72
20.64
18.22
13.77
0.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
CENTRO-OESTE
NSE
40. quartR.
3o. quart
2o.quarttl
1o.quartl-
2.15
51.42
25.17
21.26
100.00
2.89
1.9?1.26
7.50
44.97
51.44
57.99
59.23
l4.86
26.0926.02
15.59
27.58
20.87
14.73
17.68
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
2.47
53.93
23.32
20.29
100.00
2.58
48.29
1.86
56.54
2o. quardl
3.16
60.40
1o.quartil
7.60
59.57
PesquisaNaclonalpor Amostrade Domicilios- 1982
27.00
22.13
18.63
20.50
13.09
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
NORDESTE
NSE
40. quartil
30. quartf
2o.quartil
1o.qu,MtI
SUDESTE
NSE
4o.quartil
3o.quarbt
2o.quardti
lo.quartll.
BRASIL
NSE
4o.quartf
3o. quaral
fgntQ.
TRABALK%R
OA OU SERIE
.
22.96
15.94
19.74
-137-
Table 529 REASONS FOR DROPPING OUT OF SCHOOL, RURAL STUDENTS, 1982
MOTIVO PORQUE DEDCOUDE FREQUENTAR A ESCOLA
POPULACAO23 A 30 ANOS
COWPRIMEMOORAU CONCLUDO
.URAL
FALTADE V%-
TRABALHAR
OAOuseItE
NORTE
...
...
...
...
...
...
OUTRO
MAOQUUA
CONTINUAR
TOTAL
MOTIVO
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
NSE
4O. quartil
3O. quartil
2O. quartil
10. quartil
......
...
NQRDESTE
NSE
4O. quartft
3O.quartfl
2O. quarnl
10. quartl
- -
......
4.68
40.34
15.01
39.97
100.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
11.04
48.50
24.28
38.72
44.25
9.30
9.45
38.72
5.62
42.20
66.27
22.56
39.09
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
SUDESTE
NSE
40. quartit
3o. quartfl
- 20. quartl10. quartit
14.67
42.95
32.88
9.50
100.00
9.20
9.58
21.22
33.56
58.27.
39.64
24.03
66.44
27.95
39.2439.82
0;00
4.57
11.54
14.93
0.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
SUL
11.27
50.88
13.81
24.05
100.00
NSE
4O. quartit
3o-.quartif
2O.quarti-
6.14;
1 9:.47
8.91
43.31
55.8
54.18:
8.12:
5.08
1892
42.43.
19.56
17.92-
100.00
100.00
100.00
to. quartil
0.00
32.98-
67.04
0.00
100.00
7.67
48.35
35.41
8.58
100.00
0.011'
03
- 9.24
6.72
625
M.
46
62.43
44.53
0.00
75.2623.54
40.05
37.43
0.00'
4.80
8.7t
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
10.58
45.81
22.98
20.64
100.00
51.27
15.88
26.73
100.00
2510
20.22.
15.67
22.27
100.00
CENTRO-OESTE
NSE
40. quait30. quaardtif
2quartif
2-.
1o. quartt
;*.
BRASIL
NSE
4O.quartl-
-
6.12
12.4
422
11.07
44.46
1a. quartt
12.6
46.82
Posquisa iNacionalpar Amostra de Domicillos- 1982
3O. quartif
2o. quarti
EFt
...
...
28.80
18.22
100.00
100.00
-138-
Table
jQ
REASONSFOR DROPPING OUT OF SCHOOL, ALL STUDENTS, 1082
EQUENTARA ESOLA
MOTIVOPORQUEDEKOU DE
25A 30 AMOSCOM(PRDwUZRO
ORAUC0OMCLUIDO
POPULACAO
FALTADE VA-
TRABALXAR
NAOQUEA
OA OU S3RE
CONTlNUAR
sUouUnT
EflUDOS
OUTRO
TOTAL
MOTIVO
NORTE
NSE
40. quartll
3o. quartil
20. quardl
1o. quartil
2.90
48.98
15.90
32.22
100.00
1.59
3.85
2.71
5.68
45.33
47.54
51.81
64.95
17.12
.5.82
16.12
5.68
35.96
32.79
29.37
23.69
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
NORDESTE
NSE
40. quartl
30. quartfl
20. quartil
Io. quartil
4.38
47.77
17.99
29.86
100.00
2.48
2.45
5.53
12.41
40.72
47.58
52.52
46.66
27.97
16.72
14.63
11.78
28.83
33.24
27.32
29.15
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
2.03
55.24
24.83
17.90
100.00
1.69
1.44
4.31
16.01
50.29
58.43
61.56
69.84
27.46
24.62
16.91
1t.44
20.56
1S.5t
17.22
2.71
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
5.54
53.27
22.73
18.47
100.00
6.78
.71
3.04
0.00,
46.19
56.33
6t.82
56.04
24.26
21.33
20.15
43.98
22.77
16.63
t4.99
0.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
2.94
50.98
26.63
19.44
100.00
273
2.20
3.00
7.01
45.98
48.83
58.98
51.2
23.19
29.5g1
25.48
280S
28.13
19.39
12.57
12.83
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
23.29
20.31
100.00
26.48
23.08
17.65
19.00
22.34
18.72,
19.88
17.55
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.'*
SUDESTE
NSE
40. quartl
3o. quartt
2o.quartil
1o. quarthl
SUL
NSE
40. quartI
3*. quartl
20. quartf
Io. quauff
CENTRO-OESTE
NSE
40. quartl
3o. quaroit
2o. quartit
1o. quarthi
63.30
3.10
BRASIL
NSE
48.43
2.75
40. quartE
55.74
2.48
3o. quartEt
58.28
4.21
20. qua'ttn
53.38
f0.07
to. quardl
EqM~gg~ PesquisaNacionalpor Amoasrade Domicilioa- 1982
Table 61: BRAZIL:OVERALLPOPULATIONGROWrH AND PROJECTEDGROWTH
OF THE SECONDARYSCHOOL-AGEPOPULATION
(in thousands)
Total Population
Populationaged 15-19
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
2010
2015
135564
150190
165151
179804
193889
207192
219345
13914
14839
16288
17991
18589
19233
19306
2.05
1.g
1.7
1.51
1.3q
1.14
1.3
1.9
2.0
0.7
Annual Growth rate
(of total poputAbon)
Annual Growth rate
(of secondary-age populatioi)
Source: World Bank populationprojections
- 141 -
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