GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES Oktober . October 2007

Transcrição

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INHALT | CONTENTS
EDITORIAL
4
DIE WELT BESSER VERSTEHEN
5
OPINION | ANSICHT
Brazil: A Regional Player and an Emerging Global Power
By Paulo Roberto de Almeida
Indien im Sog der US-Außenpolitik
Von Praful Bidwai
The Slow March Towards Gender Balance in Politics By
Thomas Hammarberg
8
11
12
13
14
17
COVER STORY | TITELTHEMA
UN beschließt Recht auf Selbstbestimmung
Von Haider Rizvi
Morales Gets Boost from UN Declaration
By Franz Chávez
Aborigines Insist on Ancestors' Repatriation
By Stephen de Tarczynski
18
20
22
KONFLIKTGEBIETE | CONFLICT AREAS
Israel begeht Rechtsverletzungen an Beduinen in Negev
Von Nora Barrows-Friedman
UN kritisiert Irak für eilige Hinrichtungen
Von Thalif Deen
Neue Minen töten 860 zivile Opfer seit Jahresanfang
in Afghanistan von Ahmad Khalid Moahid
Neue Erkenntnisse zum Blutbad von 1985 in Kolumbien
Von Constanza Vieira in Bogotá
Brazil occupies a singular position,
not necessarily unique, but one
specific in its own way within the
contemporary system of international relations. "It is certainly a
country-continent that can be classified in the category of "monstercountries", as George Kennan once
referred to the other giants like the
US, Russia, and China, writes Paulo
Roberto de Almeida
24
25
26
27
The challenge of distributing and
managing aid is inevitably controversial. And with the EU the largest
aid donor in the world, the decisions it takes are hugely significant.
EU aid goes out through member
countries, and through the European Commission, the executive
arm of the EU. European Commission aid is managed by EuropeAid, which makes its managing
director Koos Richelle a key figure in the aid world. IPS correspondent Apostolis Fotiadis interviews him. Pages 14-16
Soil Erosion - A Silent Tsunami
For a large share of the world
population climate change projections point to more soil erosion and land degradation and to
less secure livelihoods, greater
vulnerability to hunger and poverty, worsening social inequalities, says Prof. Dr. Uwe Holtz.
Pages 28-29
Cover Photos:
www.IWGIA.de: International Workgroup for Indigenous
Affairs Denmark| www.pixelio.de | www.UNHCR.org |
www.PNUD.org.co
DEVELOPMENT DEADLINE
by Uwe Holtz
Pages 8-10
Who Should Europe Aid - And How?
Interview with Koos Richelle
WINDOW ON EUROPE
A Few Greeks Discover Neighbouring Albania
By Apostolis Fotiadis
Interview with Koos Richelle of EuropeAid
Russia Holds on to its Satellite Moldova
By Claudia Ciobanu
Brazil: A Regional Player
and an Emerging Global Power
Deutsche Redaktion
28
NEWS ANALYSIS
Hollywood Spotlights Growing Trade in Humans
By Thalif Deen
Scramble for Resources Driving Sudan Conflicts
By Mithre J. Sandasagra
30
32
BUCHTIPP
Heike
Nasdala
Grit MoskauPorsch
Layout & Graphik: Birgit Weisenburger
Der Weg zur Weltregierung
Eine Rezension von Bettina Gutierrez
34
IMPRESSUM
35
GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES | OCTOBER 2007
Karina
Böckmann
www.ipsnew.net
www.ipseuropa.org
www.ipsnews.de
3
EDITORIAL
Dear Reader,
The UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
adopted by the General Assembly on September 13 has not been
given adequate attention by the mainstream media, though it
marks an historic achievement for the more than 370 million
indigenous peoples worldwide. The declaration is the result of
more than two decades of consultation and dialogue among
governments and indigenous peoples from all regions. For this
reason we are making the declaration and its impact the subject of our cover story.
Mainstreaming issues that are mostly sidelined by the mainstream media is sine qua non of our editorial policy. Whether under Opinion or Window
on Europe, Conflict Areas or Development Deadline or News Analysis: in all these rubrics
you will find articles that focus on themes you have not come across in the mainstream
media. Read these. Convince yourself.
Vigilant readers will notice that the series Revisiting Human Development Reports
begun with the previous issue under the rubric Development Deadline has not been continued. We will resume it in the next issue. Meanwhile the report by Prof. Dr. Uwe Holtz
titled Soil Erosion - A Silent Tsunami (pages 28-29) offers a critical perspective on the
disastrous potential of creeping desertification that is often ignored in discussions on climate change. With this in view, we have focussed on desertification in several previous
issues over the years.
Some of you have been asking us about the 'mission' of this magazine for international cooperation. We are delighted to explain our mission briefly.
We focus on global affairs that include issues related to development cooperation but
go farther.
We offer the perspectives of the global South - the South in both the developed and
developing countries.
We give voice to the voiceless.
We are open to all arguments and examine these carefully.
We offer in-depth perspectives based on facts.
GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES (with the German title KOMMUNIKATION GLOBAL) is published
by IPS-INTER PRESS SERVICE EUROPE (IPS EUROPE), regional office of the international
Inter Press Service. IPS is the only independent global news and communication agency
of its kind that operates from Europe, Africa, Asia, North America, the Caribbean and
Latin America.
IPS directly reaches 504 newspapers and magazines, with a combined circulation of
56 million copies and an estimated readership of 200 million people. IPS news is distributed indirectly to 2,000 additional print media, through news agency agreements. IPS
news is provided to more than 1,000 radio stations with a combined potential audience
of 15 million people.
Some of you would ask: Why is this magazine published in German and English and
not in German or English alone? The reason is simple. IPS EUROPE has a German language service with a selection of critical stories from the world service in English and
Spanish. We are keen to offer you some of those stories in German. At the same time we
offer you in-depth stories and views from the IPS world service and other independent
sources. We also believe that English is a language that is read and written by all interested in international cooperation.
Enjoy reading! Give us your feedback by way of Letters to the Editor.
Ramesh Jaura
Chief Editor
4
KOMMUNIKATION GLOBAL | OKTOBER 2007
USAID stoppt Terror-Screening
lig, aufwendig und gefährlich itisiert. PVS sei für
US-amerikanische Helfer im Ausland lebensgefährlich, warnte etwa Samuel Worthington, der Leiter
der Organisation 'InterAction'. Ihr gehören über 160
US-amerikanische Nichtregierungsorganisationen
an, die in Ländern des Südens aktiv sind.
Würden Hilfsorganisationen als verlängerter
Arm der US-amerikanischen Geheimdienste wahrgenommen, müsse verstärkt mit Terroranschlägen
gerechnet werden, heißt es in einem Schreiben an
USAID von Worthington. Zudem hätten einige
Organisationen an die 20.000 Mitarbeiter und arbeiteten mit vielen lokalen Partnern in Ländern,
die den USA verdächtig erschienen. Ganz abgesehen davon, könne USAID die Notwendigkeit scharfer Kontrollen nicht begründen, hieß es. Es gebe
keinerlei Hinweis darauf, dass Gelder der Behörde
je durch NGOs bis zu Terrorgruppen gelangt seien.
Auch Alan Chvotkin, Vizepräsident des 'Professional Services Council' (PSC), der über 225
Unternehmer mit USAID-Verträgen vertritt, kann
dem Kontrollsystem nichts abgewinnen. Wie er
unterstreicht, ist das nun gestoppte Screening
absolut überflüssig. Wer sich um einen Kontrakt
mit USAID bewerbe. müsse schon lange garantieren, dass Gelder der Behörde in keiner Weise dem
Terrorismus zuflössen.

Weltbank will 250 Millionen
Menschen Licht bringen
Washington (IPS) - Die Weltbank und ihr
Privatsektorförderer, die Internationale Finanzkorporation (IFC), haben ein neues Projekt aufgelegt, das bis 2030 ein Viertel der schwarzafrikanischen Bevölkerung oder 250 Millionen Menschen
mit Licht versorgen soll. Zurzeit geben Afrikaner
im Jahr 17 Milliarden US-Dollar für Lampen aus, die
etwa mit Kerosin betrieben werden. Die überalterten Modelle sind nicht nur teuer im Betrieb, sie liefern auch miserables Licht, belasten die Atemluft
und stellen eine beachtliche Brandgefahr dar. Viele
afrikanische Haushalte verwenden zehn bis 15
Prozent ihres Einkommens auf Beleuchtung.
Bislang haben rund 350 Unternehmen Interesse
an einer Teilnahme des Anfang September gestarteten Weltbankprojekts angemeldet. Seine erste
Phase steht im Zeichen einer Ausschreibung. Gesucht werden innovative Beleuchtungsideen für
den einkommensschwachen Markt, die etwa auf
Leuchtdioden (LEDs) und fluoreszierende Lampen
setzen. Zwischen zehn und 20 der Wettbewerbsgewinner können mit einem finanziellen Zuschuss
der Welt-bank von bis zu 200.000 Dollar rechnen.
Zur Teilnahme eingeladen sind private Firmen,
Nichtregie-rungsorganisationen, Universitäten,
staatliche Stellen aber auch Privatpersonen. Einreichen müssen sie ihre Vorschläge bis zum 31.
Oktober. Ferner ist eine Marktanalyse geplant. Sie
soll in Ghana, Kenia, Sambia und Tansania durchgeführt werden.
In einer Stellungnahme der Weltbank heißt es:
Es gebe im Afrika südlich der Sahara höchst wahrGLOBAL PERSPECTIVES | OCTOBER 2007
scheinlich "einen großen
Markt für moderne Beleuchtungsprodukte, die
sicher und verlässlich sind,
qualitativ gutes Licht erzeugen, preislich mit Kerosinlampen mithalten
können und auf erneuerbare Energien oder mechanische Quellen setzen".
Der afrikanische Kontinent leidet massiv unter
Stromausfällen. Ein Großteil seiner Energieinfrastruktur stammt aus den
50er und 60er Jahren.
Schon in den 70ern machten sich ausbleibende
Investitionen in die Instandhaltung der aftwerke
und Leitungssysteme bemerkbar. Nach Angaben
der Vereinten Nationen lebt ein Staat wie Nigeria
- das bevölkerungsreichste Land im subsaharischen Afrika,mit einem Drittel der installierten
Energiekapazität. Seit den 80er Jahren sind etliche ambitionierte Projekte angelaufen, um die
afrikanische Energieversorgung zu verbessern,
darunter viele große Infrastrukturvorhaben, die
unter anderem von der Weltbank und der IFC
finanziert und von internationalen und lokalen
Firmen ins Werk gesetzt wurden. Die Erträge sind
offenkundig minimal: In Afrika lebt heute jeder
sechste Mensch, aber der Kontinent generiert nur
vier Prozent der global erzeugten Elektrizität.
Photo: www.weltbank.org “The Hydro Power Projekt”
Washington (IPS) - Die US-amerikanische
Entwicklungshilfebehörde (USAID) hat das im Juli
angekündigte 'Partner Vetting System' (PVS), das
in diesen Tagen starten sollte, kurzfristig
gestoppt. Das rigide und leicht zu missbrauchende
Kontrollsystem für alle Organisationen und Unternehmen, die sich um USAID-Gelder bewerben,
ist auf massive itik der Betroffenen gestoßen.
Vorgesehen war, dass alle Bewerber bei USAID
detaillierte Informationen über wichtige Mitarbeiter abliefern, auch Daten zu Geburtsort- und
datum, Telefonnummern und E-Mail-Adressen. Zugang zu den Angaben hätten auch die US-Geheimdienste und die US-amerikanischen Vollzugsbehörden erhalten. Erklärt wurde die Maßnahme mit
der Notwendigkeit, Verbindungen zu Terrororganisationen aufzudecken. Diese sollten nicht von USStaatsgeldern profitieren. Wer durch das Raster
gefallen wäre, hätte von USAID keine nähere Erklärung erhalten.
"Wir machen mit der Umsetzung des Programms nicht weiter", ließ USAID-Sprecher David
Snider die Öffentlichkeit jetzt wissen. Vor einer
definitiven Entscheidung über PVS soll nun zunächst mit den Betroffenen beraten werden. Zuvor
hatten Hilfsorganisation, Unternehmen und einige
Abgeordnete den Kontrollmechanismus als überfül-
5
Lernen aus alten Beziehungen zu Asien
Dar es Salaam (IPS) - Vor einigen Jahrhunderten blühte der Handel zwischen Afrika und den
Gebieten auf der anderen Seite des Indischen
Ozeans. Swahili-Händler importierten Porzellan
aus China, Schmuck und Perlen aus Indien und
Töpferwaren aus Persien. Exportiert wurden im
Gegenzug Gold und Elfenbein. Die Menschen handelten miteinander, ohne dass religiöse und kulturelle Unterschiede eine Rolle gespielt hätten.
"Davon können wir heute lernen", betont Abdalla
Sheriff, der Exekutivdirektor des For-schungszentrums 'Zanzibar Indian Ocean Research Institute'
(ZIORI) mit Sitz in Stone Town, dem kulturellen
und wirtschaftlichen Zentrums des tansianischen
Teilstaates Sansibar.
Schwerpunkte des Instituts bilden Länder wie
Kenia, Madagaskar, Mosambik, Somalia, Tansania
und die Inselstaaten Komoren und Seychellen.
Angeschlossen werden soll ihm eine Bibliothek zur
Swahili-Zivilisation mit einigen sehr seltenen
Publikationen aus Privatsammlungen. Sie soll lokale Wissen-schaftler bei ihren Forschungen zur afrikanischen Geschichte unterstützen und sie animieren, sie mit Blick auf die Zukunft auszuwerten.
"Wir müssen unser Erbe bewahren", sagt zu diesem Vorhaben Issa Shiviji von der Universität in
der tansanischen Metropole Dar es Salaam.
Viel verspricht sich von der Arbeit des Zentrums auch Abdalla Bujra, Leiter des 'Development
Policy Management Forum' (DPMF) in der keniani-
schen Hauptstadt Nairobi. "Im 16. Jahrhundert
hatte China die militärischen und technischen
Mittel zur Dominanz des Handels über den Indischen Ozean und war eine relativ friedliche
Macht", unterstrich er in einem Gespräch mit IPS.
Es sei wichtig, dieses Modell für die heutige Zeit zu
studieren.
Es blühen die Handelsbeziehungen zwischen
den mit Bodenschätzen reich gesegneten afrikanischen Staaten und den boomenden Wirtschaften in
Ländern wie Indien und China, die dringend auf
Rohstoffe angewiesen sind und zugleiche neue Absatzmärkte suchen. Zudem investieren die reicheren asiatischen Staaten auf dem schwarzen Kontinent in marode Bereiche wie den Straßenbau,
die Eisenbahn- und Telekommunikationsnetze,
aber auch in die Entwicklungshilfe.
Zwischen den frühen 90er Jahren und 2005 hat
der gemeinsame Handel zwischen China und Afrika
seinen Wert von fünf Milliarden auf 40 Milliarden
US-Dollar erhöht. Nach den Plänen des chinesischen Regierungschefs Wen Jiabao soll sich das
Handelsvolumen bis 2010 weiter auf 100 Milliarden
Dollar vergrößern. Wachsen soll auch die chinesische Hilfe für den afrikanischen Kontinent. Peking
hat eine Verdoppelung der Hilfe auf eine Milliarde
Dollar bis 2009 versprochen und einen mit fünf
Milliarden Dollar ausgestatteten Fonds zum Anreiz
für Investitionen des Privatsektors und den Bau von
ankenhäusern und Schulen eingerichtet.

Große Chance für kleine Händler in Senegal
Photo: www.pixelio.de
Dakar (IPS) - Allées du
Centenaire im Herzen von
Dakar entwickelt sich in rasantem Tempo zum Chinatown der
senegalesischen Hauptstadt.
Die typischen Laternen fehlen
dem Viertel zwar noch, nicht
aber die unzähligen Läden, in
denen chinesische Einwanderer preiswerte Importe aus
der Heimat feilbieten. Von
ihrem Angebot profitieren
viele junge Senegalesen, aus
denen die Arbeitslosigkeit
informelle Händler gemacht
hat. Mame Sane, eine junge
Frau in den 20ern, hat das
Leben als fliegende Händlerin
erst vor zwei Monaten für sich
entdeckt. "Es ist besser als
herumzusitzen und abzuwarten", sagt sie gegenüber mit
IPS. Mit nicht mehr als umgerechnet 100 US-Dollar Startkapital hat sie ihr kleines
Handelsimperium begründet.
Jetzt kauft sie in Allées du Centenaire alles, was ihr attraktiv
6
erscheint, schlägt die Hälfte des Einkaufspreises auf
und versucht, unter Freunden und Bekannten in
Parcelles Assainies, einem weiteren Viertel von Dakar, Abnehmer zu finden. Ihr mobiler Laden besteht
aus nichts anderem als einer großen blauen Plastiktüte.
Der informelle Handel mit Produkten 'Made in
China' ist seit der Wiederaufnahme der diplomatischen Beziehungen zwischen Peking und Dakar im
Oktober 2005 ins Rollen gekommen. Nach Angaben
des senegalesischen Handelsministeriums machten
Importe aus China im letzten Jahr 94 Prozent des
ge-samten bilateralen Handels aus. Die unausgewogene Bilanz ist immer wieder Anlass zur Forderung nach einem ausgeglicheneren Verhältnis.
Mittlerweile ist China nach Angaben der offiziellen
chinesischen Nachrichtenagentur 'Xinhua' für Senegal der viert größte Lieferant ausländischer Produkte. Soumboul Sylla, ein Mitglied des einflussreichen senegalesischen Handels- und Industrieverbandes U-NACOIS, missfällt der chinesische Vorteil.
Die Organisation setzt sich bei der senegalesischen
Regierung dafür ein, dass sie in den Gesprächen mit
China auf Reziprozität drängt. Wie sein Verband so
will auch Sylla zumindest erreichen, dass senegalesische Händler in der Volksrepublik so leicht Fuss
fassen können, wie umgekehrt chinesische Händler
in Senegal.

Billigkredite für private Aufforstungsprojekte
Penang (IPS) - Mit besonders zinsgünstigen editen unterstützt die malaysische Regierung in den
bei-den auf Borneo gelegenen ostmalaysischen
Bundesstaaten Sarawak und Sabah die Wiederaufforstung abgeholzter Regenwaldflächen mit
Akazien- und Gummibaumplantagen. Die großzügigen Subventionen haben zahlreiche itiker auf den
Plan gerufen. Wissenschaftler und Aktivisten klagen, das Programm belohne die Holzwirtschaft für
ihren Raubbau am tropischen Regenwald, an dem
sie gut verdient hat. Aus Sarawak kommen sechs
der mehr als zwölf Holzfirmen, die bislang im
Rahmen der Aufforstungsprojekte die günstigen
Staatsedite beantragt haben. Zunächst will die
Regierung in Kuala Lumpur den Konzernen 200 Millionen malaysische Ringgit, etwa 57 Millionen USDollar, an editen zur Verfü-gung stellen. Mit diesem
Geld sollten 2006 Nutzholzplantagen mit einer
Gesamtfläche von bis zu 12.000 Hektar 2007angelegt
werden. Weitere 24.000 Hektar sollen in diesem und
im nächsten Jahr aufgeforstet werden.
Bis 2011 werden umgerechnet 300 Millionen
Dollar für das Baumprojekt ausgewiesen. Malaysias
für Plantagenwirtschaft und Rohstoffe zuständiger
Minister Peter Chin kündigte an, allein Sarawak wolle
seine Aufforstungsvorhaben bis 2020 auf eine Million
Hektar erweitern. Nach seinen Angaben werden private Unternehmen jährlich 70.000 Hektar aufforsten,
der Staat übernimmt eine Fläche von 2.400 Hektar.
Die neuen Plantagen sollen das Rohmaterial für die
Holz verarbeitenden Betriebe des Bundesstaates
beliefern, deren Abhängigkeit vom Naturwald sich
dadurch verringern ließe. "Ich hoffe, diejenigen, die
sich mit Erfolg um einen edit bewerben, gehen bei
ihrer gesamten Aufforstungs- und Plantagenarbeit
korrekt vor und beachten die bestehenden Vorschriften und Gesetze", sagte der Minister.
Das staatliche editprogramm sieht umgerechnet
920 Dollar pro Hektar Akazienplantage vor. Für die
Anlage einer Gummibaumpflanzung werden pro
Hektar 1.550 Dollar ausgezahlt. Die dafür zu zahlen-den Zinsen sind mit 3,5 Prozent äußerst günstig
und ersparen den Gläubigern Millionen Ringgits,
denn nach Angaben eines von IPS in Kuala Lumpur
befragten Bankmanagers würden private editgeber
von finanziell soliden Holzfirmen zwischen 8,25 bis
8,75 Prozent verlangen. "Dafür sollte man mein Ministerium und das Finanzministerium loben, denn
bei der Vergabe von zinsgünstigen editen für
Nutzholzplantagen legen Privatbanken wesentlich
strengere Maßstäbe an", betonte Minister Chin. itiker argwöhnen, dass hinter den als editen getarnten Aufforstungssubventionen für profitable Konzerne der Holzindustrie eine politische Günstlingswirtschaft steckt. "Einige dieser Firmen haben die Wälder zerstört und dadurch riesige Gewinne gemacht,
die sie größtenteils im Ausland investiert haben",
stellte der Politologe Andrew Aeria fest.

Land für die 'Quilombolas'
Rio de Janeiro (IPS) - Über ein Jahrhundert
nach der Abschaffung der Sklaverei leben in
Brasilien die Nachkommen entlaufener Sklaven
noch immer in den Siedlungen, die ihre Ahnen nach
ihrer Flucht in schwer zugänglichen Dschungel- und
Bergregionen gegründet haben. Diese Menschen,
die zu den Ärmsten der Armen zählen, sollen nun in
den Genuss von Entwicklungsprojekten kommen. Die
'Quilombos' oder 'Palenques', wie die Rückzugsgebiete der flüchtigen Sklaven auch genannt werden,
gibt es in ganz Lateinamerika. Bis heute leben die
sogenannten 'Quilombolas' in den wilden Siedlungen
ihrer Vorväter. In Brasilien finden sich die meisten
Quilombos in den Bundesstaaten Bahía im Osten,
Mato Grosso im Westen, in Goiás im Zentrum, Minas
Gerais im Südosten und Pará im Norden des Landes.
Einige Gemeinschaften haben sich auch in Städten
wie Río de Janeiro und São Paulo nie-dergelassen.
Nach einer Untersuchung der staatlichen Stiftung
'Palmares' gibt es 1.170 Quilombo-Gemeinschaften.
Doch SEPPIR, die Sonderbehörde zur Förderung von
Maßnahmen zur ethnischen Gleichbehandlung, hält
3.000 Siedlungen für realistischer. Leben sollen in
ihnen 1,7 Millionen Menschen. Der letzten Volkszählung von 2002 zufolge sind 48 Prozent der 189
Millionen Einwohner Brasiliens Schwarze und
Mulatten.Wie die stellvertretende Leiterin der SEPPIR-Abteilung für traditionelle Gemeinschaften,
Givânia Silva betonte, sind die Nachfahren der
Photo Quilombolas: Ministério do Planejamento Brasilia
Sklaven nicht bereit, sich mit den gegebenen Verhältnissen abzufinden. Auch heute noch kämpfen sie
ums Überleben. Nach offiziellen Angaben sind 70
Prozent der ärmsten Brasilianer afrikanischer Herkunft. Ein Programm der Regierung soll nun die soziale Not dieser Afrobrasilianer lindern. Vorgesehen
ist, die Bewohner der Quilombos mit Landtiteln auszustatten - ein Prozess, der bereits unter der Regierung von Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2003)
angestoßen wurde. Darüber hinaus soll in die örtlichen Infrastrukturen, in Zufahrtsstraßen, das
Wasser- und Abwassersystem und in den Bildungsund Gesundheitssektor investiert werden.Die Pläne
sind Teil eines 2004 von der Regierung von Luiz Inácio
Lula da Silva gestarteten Projekts, das darauf abzielt, die Lebensverhältnisse der Sklavennachfahren
zu verbessern und die kulturelle Identität der Minderheit zu schützen. Profitieren sollen zunächst 525
Gemeinden in 22 Bundesstaaten. Zentrales Anliegen
ist, die Gemeinden mit Kollektivland auszustatten ein komplexes und langwieriges Vorhaben.

7
Brazil: A Regional Player
and an Emerging Global Power*
By Paulo Roberto de Almeida
S
* This is an excerpt from
a Briefing Paper by the
Friedrich-Ebert Stiftung
(FES) Bureau in Sao
Paulo. It was distributed
by FES Berlin.
8
AU PAULO - Brazil occupies a singular position, not necessarily unique, but one specific in its own way within the contemporary
system of international relations. It is certainly
a country-continent that can be classified in the
category of "monstercountries", as George
Kennan once referred to the other giants like
the US, Russia, and China. This type of political
characterization is certainly ambiguous, since
the primary dimension of the country's population data and the physical size of its territory do
not always correspond with its proportional
importance at the international political level
or in the world economy, as was the case with
China during a specific period of the 20th
Century, or at the end of that century with
Russia.
Together with these emerging global players,
Brazil is presumably destined to play a future
role of prominence in the evolutionary scenarios
of global governance, but probably on the side
of the economy rather than on the strategicmilitary road. As a large commodities producer,
the world's first producer of a long list of raw
materials, generally agricultural in nature,
Brazil is gifted with immense reserves of natural
resources and biodiversity products.
For a long time, Brazil, in its first three or
four centuries as a nation, basically efficiently
offered up "dessert products": sugar, coffee,
cocoa, and a few others. Currently this line of
raw materials is complemented by a wide range
of other raw goods, besides some man ufactured
goods of low technological intensity. Today,
Brazil continues to be a competitive commodities supplier, but is also on the front line of
state-of-the-art technology, like civil aircraft. In
the future Brazil will become a relevant supplier
of renewable energies, from sugarcane ethanol
to biofuels in general, and this goes not only for
the product itself but equally for its technological and scientific dimension.
Christusstaue in Rio de Janeiro, Photo: Pixelio
OPINION | ANSICHT
Punished in the past
Brazil was punished, in its economic history,
for its lack of abundant sources of energy - coal
and petroleum in the first and second industrial
revolution, and this, together with the population's low educational level, has hampered its
entry in-to the modern industrial economy. The
low economic growth rates Brazil has recorded
in the last two decades, following an impressive
effort to add value to GNP during the first eighty years of the 20th Century, are likely to persist
through the predictable future, due largely to
Brazil's elevated fiscal burden compared to the
rest of the emerging countries: Public costs
account for around 38% of GNP, a figure similar
to the OECD average, compared with the average of 28% for emerging countries and an even
lower rate for the most dynamic among of them
(17 and 18% for China and Chile, for example).
Least dynamic among BRICs?
In effect, the analysis of the BRICs by
Goldman Sachs confirmed that Brazil is the least
dynamic country relative to this group. But even
maintaining just the average, fairly moderate
rate of 3.5% of GNP growth coming up on 2050,
this would be enough to place Brazil into the
new G-6 of the world economy predicted in this
study.
Of all the BRICs, Brazil is the country with the
best market structures, the fruit of capitalism
that has developed in a relatively "orthodox" manner throughout the 20th Century. Despite the dysfunction generated by an intrusive government
and by the heavy tax burden, in large part responsible for the high costs of transactions and the
high rate of general informality, modern Brazil
has relatively developed and functional government and corporate institutions for entry into the
circuits of the globalized economy.
OPINION | ANSICHT
"Brazil still has not received a permanent seat
on the Security Council, but is considered as a global player."
If the country is able to go towards a new
social pact that would reduce the weight of
taxation and excessive regulation, the conditions for Brazil to enter into the virtuous circle
of sustainable growth could come about, preserving macro-economic stability. Brazil will still
maintain, for one or two still maintain, for one
or two generations, an unequal profile in the
distribution of income, with a high Gini coefficient compared to the world average, but the
trend seems to be a slow but safe reduction
based on maintaining macroeconomic stability,
educational investments, and governmental
transfers.
Regarding its international presence, Brazil,
along with other large players like Indonesia and
South Africa, does not seem to have become
"satellite-able" the way the other emerging
countries on the periphery have. The clear
notion of national political independence and of
economic expression in a global context seem to
be commonly shared feelings among the different elites that have succeeded to political
power in Brazil during the modern period. Even
though there were times of illusion of a "special
relation" with the US, there did not seem to be
any vocation which would help Brazil to enter into the "great liberal West" or into the international system exclusively dominated by the USA.
Seeking diverse alliances
The general orientation of Brazil's elite is to
seek out diverse alliances of a more pragmatic
than ideological character and to develop the
country's potential based on evident comparati-
ve advantages, in order to allow for the full
sovereign affirmation of Brazil on the international scene. Obviously, the desired larger presence in the world depends on the country successfully carrying out domestic reforms to allow for
faster economic growth and consolidation of
structural transformation that would definitively
take the country out the category of "developing
countries".
There is as yet no guarantee for this optimist
itinerary. Prospective scenarios drawn up by the
former Secretary of Strategic Affairs of the
Presidency at the end of the 1990s showed three
possible evolutions for Brazil coming up on the
year 2020. According to a more optimist exploratory scenario, "in 2020 Brazil is a solid and
modern economic power, but still shows levels
of social imbalance." It is marked by accelerated
economic growth, but "serious social and regional problems are still apparent, because of the
persistence of bad income distribution and the
special concentration of the economy."
In an intermediate scenario, in compensation, the Brazil of 2020 "is a more fair society.
The role of government is concentrated on the
reduction of absolute poverty and the rift between the rich and the poor (but) the country's
participation in foreign trade remains at less
than 1%." In another exploratory, and more pessimistic, scenario, in 2020 "Brazil faces crises of
political and economic instability, whose prolongation leads to the worsening of social problems. The situation of instability is, in large
part, due to the deconcentration of structural
reforms. The country's vulnerability is aggravated by the prevalence of an international scena-
Skylines von Florianapolis, Brasilien, Photo: Pixelio
9
OPINION | ANSICHT
"The Southern alliances, especially those in the South American
region, will continue to be emphasized in its foreign policy."
Markthändler in Rio de Janeiro, Photo: Pixelio
rio of fragmentation, with protectionism worsening. Brazil loses space in the world market, closing in on itself, without the possibility of counting on external factors capable of driving economic growth."
mism in its economy. Even after 20 years, the efforts to put vital reforms into place in Brazilian
institutions are still in progress. Although the
situation will tend to show some improvement,
the so-called 'Brazil cost,' a problem of governance, will continue to make efforts to entirely
modernize its economy difficult. Taking advantage of the hunger in Asia and of its reinforced ties
with Europe, Brazil will be able to make up for its
structural weaknesses thanks to its robust agribusiness sector.'16
Prohect 2020
This more pessimistic scenario is reflected in
a study by the National Intelligence Council,
which saw in "Project 2020" perspectives for
Brazil and Latin America, attempting to visualize
some trends of Brazilian and regional evolution.
According to this study, Brazil will probably fail in
its attempt to lead South America, due just as
much to skepticism from its neighbors as to its
frequently determinant emphasis on its own
interests. But it will continue, in the meantime,
to be the dominant voice in the continent and
the principal market of its partners in Mercosur.
Brazil will still not have received a permanent seat on the Security Council, but will continue to be considered as a global player. Despite
Paulo Roberto de
the fact that Brazil's economic performance will
Almeida is a career diplo- not be spectacular, the dimensions of its economat, professor of Law at my along with its vibrant democracy will contithe Brasilia University
nue to play a stabilizing role in the region. Trade
Center and special coun- schemes with Europe, the United States and
sel in the President of
large developing economies, namely China and
Brazil's Strategic Matters India, will help to maintain growth of its exports
Nucleus.
enough to make up for the general fault of dyna10
In summary, Brazil will continue to advance,
but apparently not in a rhythm that will put it at
the head of the world economy in the near future, assuming, of course, that no big economic or
social problem disturbs the relatively optimistic
prospective scenario laid out in the Goldman
Sachs study. It is predictable that Brazil will continue to show features relatively similar to those
recently seen in its cautious and at the same
time participative diplomacy: a leading position
in trade fora, a larger presence in financial and
technological areas, a certain continuity in its
active engagement in multilateral organizations.
The Southern alliances, especially those in the
South American region, will continue to be
emphasized quite a bit in its foreign policy, with
the dialogue with the chief economic, political
and military powers at the same time continuing
to intensify, not excluding entry in the middle
term into the OECD and an expanded G-8.
The preferred scenario of action will continue to be South America and possibly the closest
African countries, but the quality of diplomatic
interaction with developing partners will also
presumably be improved. The great European
countries that have a strong corporate and cultural presence in Brazil, like Germany, will continue to have an outstanding role to play in this
complex web of economic, financial and technological relationships. Brazil is opening, in 2007, a
highlevel dialogue with the European Union
which should have effects in Mercosur and South
America, balancing out the always important
presence of the US in the region.
In conclusion, it may be said that the emergence of Brazil as a major regional and global
player depends much more on continuity in its
internal process of economic reforms and policymaking than its ability to project itself abroad.
FES | GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES

OPINION | ANSICHT
Indien im Sog
der US-Außenpolitik
Von Praful Bidwai | Deutsche Bearbeitung: Karina Böckmann
N
EU-DELHI - In Indien haben die letzten
Militärübungen mit den USA, Australien,
Japan und Singapur der Sorge neue Nahrung
gegeben, das südasiatische Land könnte sich
außenpolitisch zu sehr von Washington vereinnahmen lassen. Nach Ansicht der itiker steht die Annäherung Neu-Delhis an die USA in assem
Widerspruch zur bewährten Außenpolitik des ehemaligen indischen Ministerpräsident Jawaharlal
Nehru und droht die Welt erneut in einen kalten
ieg zu stürzen.
Die gemeinsamen Seemanöver, die vom 4. bis
9. September in der Bucht von Bengalen gegenüber der Hafenstadt Visakhapatnam stattfanden, waren mit 20.000 Mann und 25 iegsschiffen
- darunter zwei US-amerikanische und ein indischer Flugzeugträger, ein atomar gesteuertes UBoot sowie mehrere Zerstörer - die bisher größten und umfangreichsten Militärübungen, an
denen Indien je teilgenommen hat. Die Einsätze
'Malabar 07-2' waren die siebten einer Reihe von
Seemanövern, die Indien und die USA gemeinsam durchführen. Sie veranlassten Indiens kommunistische Parteien zu zwei Protestmärschen
von Kolkata (dem ehemaligen Kalkutta) and
Chennai bis in die Hafenstadt Visakhapatnam.
Die Bündnispartner der Regierungskoalition warnen, dass eine stärkere Annäherung Indiens an
die USA das südasiatische Land stärker in die
internationale und Sicherheitspolitik der USA
einbinden könnte.
Die Marineübungen verfolgten sowohl politische als auch militärische Ziele, meint auch
Qamar Agha, Sicherheitsexperte an der JamiaMillia-Islamia-Universität in der indischen Hauptstadt Neu-Delhi. Zum einen gehe es darum, die
Mannschaften der beteiligten Staaten zur Durchführung gemeinsamer Manöver zu befähigen.
Zum anderen signalisierten die Übungen, dass
Neu-Delhi bereit sei, strategisch enger als bisher
mit den USA zu kooperieren.
Sorge vor asiatischer NATO
Die Botschaft dürfte in China angekommen
sein. Dort wird de militärische Zusammenarbeit
Indiens mit den USA und pro-amerikanischen
Ländern wie Australien, Japan und Singapur als
Versuch betrachtet, eine "asiatische NATO" aufzubauen und sie möglicherweise dazu zu nutzen, um
die Volksrepublik einzueisen.
Indien hat vergeblich mehrere Anläufe unternommen, Peking davon zu überzeugen, dass es bei
den iegsspielen nicht um den Aufbau eines neuen
Sicherheitsbündnisses geht. Im Mai protestierte
China gegen ein Treffen der USA, Australien, Japan
und Singapur in Manila. Die Volksrepublik beunruhigt die zunehmende strategische Nähe zwischen
Neu-Delhi und Washington, die sich nicht zuletzt
in dem indisch-US-amerikanischen Atomkooperationsabkommen widerspiegelt, das sich
bereits in einem vorgerückten Stadium befindet.
Regionaler kalter Krieg befürchtet
Es ist zu befürchten, dass damit der
Grundstein für eine größere politische Instabilität
und gar für einen neuen kalten ieg in der Region
gelegt ist. Indiens militärische Zusammenarbeit
mit einem Hegemonialstaat widerspreche dem
Geist der Politik Nehrus, dem Wegbereiter der
Blockfreienpolitik. "Selbst als Indien mit der
ehemaligen Sowjetunion 1971 einen Friedensund Freundschaftsvertrag abschloss, kam
Indien nicht auf die Idee, groß angelegte
gemeinsame militärische Manöver durchzuführen."
Die Militärübungen sind Teil der zunehmend
enger werdenden indisch-US-amerikanischen
strategischen Zusammenarbeit, die auch Waffenkäufe, Gespräche und Treffen zwischen den
Militärs beider Länder sowie gemeinsame Geheimdienstaktivitäten beinhalten. Im Juni 2005,
nur drei Wochen vor dem Abschluss des Nuklearabkommens, unterzeichneten die beiden Staaten in Washington ein Verteidigungsabkommen,
das 'New Framework for the India-U.S. Defence
Relationship'. Die Übereinkunft ist eine Ausweitung des Partnerschaftsabkommens 'Next Steps
in Strategic Partnership', das noch die rechtsgerichtete Bharatiya-Janata-Partei unterschrieben
hatte. Darin heißt es, dass sich die US-indischen
Verteidigungsbeziehungen aus dem gemeinsamen Glauben an Freiheit, Demoatie und
Rechtsstaatlichkeit herleiten und darauf abzielen, gemeinsame Sicherheitsinteressen voranzubringen.
Die Regierung unter Ministerpräsident Manmohan Singh handelt derzeit mit den USA ein
Logistik- und Dienstleistungsabkommen aus. Solche weithin als 'Acquisition and Cross-Servicing
Agreements'
bekannten
Abkommen
hat
Washington mit einer Reihe von Ländern, vornehmlich NATO-Mitgliedern, unterzeichnet. Sie
erlauben das Auftanken und den vollständigen
Zugang zu allen US-Schiffen und Flugzeugen.
IPS EUROPA | KOMMUNIKATION GLOBAL
Praful Bidwai war
Chefredakteur der der
‘The Times of India’, und
arbeitet heute als freiberuflicher Journalist für
führende Zeitungen in
Indien. Er ist Mitglied des
‘International Network of
Engineers and Scientists
against Proliferation
(INESAP)’ und Mitbegründer von ‘Movement in
India for Nuclear
Disarmament (MIND)’.
11
OPINION | ANSICHT
Photo: Pixelio
The Slow March
Towards Gender Balance in Politics
By Thomas Hammarberg
S
TRASBOURG - The distribution of power
between men and women is still very unequal. This was the underlying motivation
for a milestone recommendation by the Council
of Europe four years ago. The Committee of
Ministers agreed on action for "balanced participation of women and men in political and
public decision-making". The idea was to open
the door for women into positions of power. The
time has come to start assessing the results.
Interestingly, the Committee defined a precise
benchmark. It stated that balanced participation in decision-making bodies meant that the
representation of either women or men should
not fall below 40 %.
Only two countries, Sweden and Finland, have
gone above that level in the national parliament,
while other Scandinavian countries, Austria,
Belgium, Germany, the Netherlands and Spain are
very much behind. In half of Europe, the representation of women is below 20 % and eight countries
have less than 10 % (Albania, Armenia, Georgia,
Malta, Monaco, Russia, Turkey and Uaine).
Three achieve fifty-fifty
Thomas Hammarberg
is the Council for Europe's
Commissioner for Human
Rights. This column is also
available at the Commissioner's website:
www.commissioner.coe.int
12
The situation is similar in governments. Three
countries have in recent years reached a complete balance of fifty-fifty - Austria, Spain and
Sweden - while several governments have had no
female representation at all and the average have
stayed below 20 %. The Council of Europe itself is
no exception. In the Parliamentary Assembly no
more than 26% of the members are women and in
the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities the
figure is 27%. Among the Ambassadors in Strasbourg
only 13% are women and among the 46 current
Foreign Ministers not more than five (11%) are female. The conclusion is obvious: progress towards gender balance is too slow. What ought to be done?
The Committee of Ministers in its 2003 recommendation asked for special measures to stimulate and support women's will to participate in political and public decision-making. Such efforts are
needed, especially in regions where patriarchal
attitudes remain and women are kept on the sidelines. Social and family policies which help women
to return to work after having children, ensure
that women remain in active employment and feel
able to join in on the political debate.
There has been indeed some progress in this
regard. For instance, recent reports from Turkey
indicate that some women are themselves seeking
political positions. These are encouraging signs.
However, the Committee of Ministers went further
and raised the issue of quotas. It recommended
that member states "consider setting targets linked to a time scale with a view of reaching balanced participation of women and men in political
and public decision-making." This approach is controversial. It has been said that quotas imply a form
of discrimination against those not qualifying.
Another argument has been that those favored
through such target-setting might not be respected
as fully competent as they got "help". It has also
been proposed that a target can merely preserve
the status quo if it is not sufficiently ambitious.
Admittedly, positive discrimination can have
negative consequences and should therefore only
be used when there is an objective and reasonable justification for such measures. The underlying
idea is however important: to compensate for a
deep-rooted negative discrimination in order to
break habits and perceptions which perpetuate
the inequality. Indeed, gender quotas can, in my
opinion, contribute to attitude change and thereby further progress. Obligatory legal quotas are
still unusual in Europe, while it is more common
that countries try various forms of voluntary targets. In some cases the mere threat of a binding
regulation has spurred political parties to rethink
their nomination procedures.
In Spain and some other countries, the breakthrough started inside one or some of the political
parties - for instance through a decision that every
second candidate on the party list for the election
should be a women. The list of nominations for the
post of judge to the European Court of Human
Rights, should also now contain candidates of both
sexes to ensure a better gender balance. In these
countries it is now rather an electoral disadvantage
not to be able to bring forward a gender balanced
list. In fact, gender targets are no longer necessary; the nomination process has become self-correcting. This is what should become the normalcy.
Is this important? Yes, very.
- It is a matter of the full enjoyment of human
rights and social justice for everyone.
- It is about genuine democracy. A society where
half of the population is more or less excluded from
political participation is not fully democratic.
- It is a necessity in order to avoid the waste of
intellectual and other human resources.
- It would - as the Committee of Ministers put it
"lead to better and more efficient policy making
through the redefinition of political priorities and
the placing of new issues on the political agenda as
well as to the improvement of quality of life for all".
COUNCIL OF EUROPE | GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES
WINDOW ON EUROPE
A Few Greeks
Discover Neighbouring Albania
By Apostolis Fotiadis in Athens
S
ome years ago most Greeks knew Albania
only as an unknown frontier. It was a country from which impoverished migrants crossed into Greece in search of a job and a better
life; a place that people were leaving, where
nobody wanted to go. A gradual if limited integration of the newcomers and the opening of a
newborn market for Greek business in Albania
has created an opportunity for a few in the
Greek public to learn more about their neighbour. Historical links have been rediscovered.
The flow of people has started becoming reciprocal even if marginally.
Stefanos Hatzimanolis is the one travel
agent to have sensed this change. The last two
years he has been organising holiday packages
to Albania. "People who buy packages for
Albania are either experienced passengers who
want to add this destination to the list of places they have been to, or they are motivated by
curiosity," he told IPS. "They are well educated,
and they are usually informed about their
destination."
His customers come mostly from northern
Greece, and are interested in four or five-day
excursions which include transportation, hotels,
meals and a tourist guide. "It makes it easier for
the visitor since these services do not work perfectly all along the country. Currently we move
more than 800 people annually by airplane or
bus." The trip that the agency offers covers
many sights and cities in central and south
Albania. "Visitors are usually impressed with
the castle at Berat, the city of Durres, and the
city centre in Tirana. The cost of the trip is
between 295 and 340 euro, depending on the
services someone wants to buy, plus any personal expenses. It is very difficult to convince
someone to travel to Albania for more than
that at the moment," Hatzimanolis said.
stories. I am interested in the Byzantine and
post-Byzantine monuments."
Andrea Litis, a pensioner, says he goes for
personal reasons. "My parents came from a
small village outside Gjirokaster, but they
never managed to return after the Second
World War. Indirectly, through their stories, I
became nostalgic about these places. I felt
strong emotions during my trip."
Despite the country's natural beauty and the
attractiveness of its cultural wealth, Albania's
tourism development is widely challenged by
lack of infrastructure. "It is obvious that they
need a new road circulation network," said
Natassa Siniori, a journalist who has travelled
extensively around Albania. "Distances are not
calculated by kilometres but by minutes or
hours. Narrow streets with bad quality tarmac
make an otherwise pleasant journey tiring and
difficult."
But problems with infrastructure do not
deter all. Hatzimanolis says cultural and other
attractions more than compensate.
"Perhaps the tourist sector and basic infrastructure still need a lot of advancement. But
the will of people to improve things, and their
limitless interest in opening up this market creates good conditions for cooperation. And local
cuisine and Albanian culture are likely to grab
the attention of the tourist from Greece and the
broader Mediterranean."
IPS | GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES

Focus on ancient heritage
The trip focuses on the ancient heritage and
the ethnic Greek element of the country.
Specific emphasis is given to the archaeological
site Butrinti, 290km south of Tirana, and other
southern cities with an ethnic Greek population
like Gjirokaster, Himara and Sarande.
Greek tourists say they are attracted largely
by ethnic ties and feelings. Nikos Petalotis, a
33-year-old dentist, said his visit to Albania was
a dream come true. "It is important for me to
visit this region of Hellenic culture about which
I have read many books and heard innumerable
Obsolete bunkers in Albanias border region (Photo: Klaus Friedl, www.offroad-reisen.com)
13
WINDOW ON EUROPE
Interview with Koos Richelle, Managing Director of EuropeAid by Apostolis Fotiadis
An earthquake in the mid1990s ravaged parts of
the Philippines, devastating lands, wrecking roads
and hampering agriculture. The European Commission financed a programme running from 1997 to
2004, negotiated with the
Philippines government
centred on developing
infrastructures, such as
roads or water systems, to
support long-term economic regeneration after the
earthquake.
(Photo: EuropeAid)
T
he challenge of distributing and managing
aid is inevitably controversial. And with the
EU the largest aid donor in the world, the
decisions it takes are hugely significant.
EU aid goes out through member countries,
and through the European Commission, the executive arm of the EU. European Commission aid
is managed by EuropeAid, which makes its managing director a key figure in the aid world. IPS
correspondent Apostolis Fotiadis interviews him.
IPS: What are
EuropeAid faces?
the
major
fantasy and then you have the money to realise
this in a poor country, so you do it, without looking at what others are doing and without even
in a number of cases consulting the recipient
government if what you do really is their priority as well.
IPS: How necessary is the reconfiguration of
institutional structures and the external cooperation policy of Europe in order to stand up to
those tasks?
challenges
Koos Richelle: The first challenge is to live
up to all the policy papers in place. It has been
decided that there will be on average a few
hundred million (euros) per year more to be
spent for the ACP (African Caribbean Pacific)
countries and the neighbourhood countries. Now
we have to spend this in an efficient and effective way.
The second big challenge is to do this in a
modern way. Meaning, move out of small individual projects and turn in the direction of sector
support and budget support. We don't do this by
opening a window and throwing out the money
to the governments. We talk to them and look to
important indicators. The quality of public finance management, their policy on addressing the
problems of the country, and whether they operate in a democratic way and respecting human
rights. Then we move on making concrete arrangements on what they should do with the money.
The last challenge is that we can't work any
more in an isolated way. We need a change of
culture, so to say. In the past every donor was
proud of what he did himself but not inclined to
communicate with other donors. This was
making donorland disneyland, you have a kind of
Koos Richelle: Since 2000 we have put in
place a massive form of de-concentration of our
activity to delegations in our partner countries.
Still there is always the question, could we deconcentrate more? Moving from projects to sector
and budget support makes impossible what was
done in the past, when a delegation of ten people
flew to a country and stayed there for two weeks,
organised everything, and flew back to headquarters; and then whether the follow-up was delivered or not they returned there a year later.
A second important point is that Europe is
known as a reliable but slow donor. We do what
we promise but it might take some time. We
have to become quicker, and one way is by simplifying our regulations. We had already three
waves of simplification making things easier to
pass, and threw 115 pages of internal legislation
in the dustbin. Until 2009 it will be simplification
and de-concentration that will govern change.
IPS: How will competition between Europe
and other global political rivals, traditional and
emerging, affect its external co-operation policies?
Koos Richelle: I don't think that relations
with other powers influence development co-
"In the past every donor was proud of what he did himself but not inclined to communicate with other donors."
14
WINDOW ON EUROPE
"The good thing is that debts are gone.
The bad thing is that taking away the loans
was done with a book-keeping trick."
operation. The biggest influence on development co-operation in recent years was the MDG
(Millennium Development Goals) declaration.
This declaration was not only about targets, it
contained what I would call a code of conduct
for donors and recipients. Those declarations
really govern policies nowadays. The policies are
perfect, you can practically not add to them any
more. The whole focus should be on the implementation now.
IPS: In what way?
recent past we have seen large-scale debt forgiveness.
The good thing is that debts are gone, the
bad thing is that taking away the loans from the
book was done with a book-keeping trick by
counting them in as fresh official development
assistance. That of course has artificially blown
up the figures of assistance. You see an enormous rise but for the future since there are not
many debts to forgive the donors will need to
put real money on the table to keep up to their
promises of aid.
Koos Richelle: That is, put your money were
your mouth is. Our European development cooperation, and we are proud of it and we advocate it, doesn't only consist of transferring
money. It also includes the transfer of European
values we want to provide alongside the money,
and I think we will continue to do this and try to
influence other donors. Certainly the new
donors coming on the screen have to learn lessons from the past. China now has given signals
that it has understood the message by appointing a special rapporteur for Darfur, which they
have done under international pressure.
IPS: Does direct budget support strengthen
dependency on EU money and create a masterslave relation between Europe and recipient
countries?
IPS: Many NGOs and individuals object to the
commitments you express. There are many cases
someone could draw examples from. A report
from Co-operation for Relief and Development
said that 30 percent of aid actually returns indirectly to the donor countries, and concluded
that a lot of money is spent in order to strengthen European commercial interests. How would
you respond to these objections?
IPS: What about complications that might
occur? For example a recipient will be able to
show a higher GDP (gross domestic product) and
thus attract better funding from the IMF
(International Monetary Fund). What happens if
you later decide to withdraw budget support
but this other money keeps pouring in the country? Are you concerned about complications you
haven't predicted?
Koos Richelle: Budget support is looked on
with some anxiety by some circles. NGOs don't
like it too much because they prefer individual
projects, which are developed by them. That is
one way of looking at things but it is a rather
simple one. Others say budget support is easy to
corrupt, and you throw away money. I explained
already that it is not sending out a blank cheque.
Koos Richelle: It would be besides the truth
if I would say that 100 percent of what is given
by European member states is purely altruistic.
In development co-operation there has always
been the notion of self-interest. In the old days
there was an old fashion of self-interest, meaning we used the money to force them to buy
products that are made in our member state
countries.
IPS: Tied aid?
Koos Richelle: Yes. Also, use our consultants
or our firms. I think we have moved on the path
of untying aid; certainly for the least developed
countries all aid is untied. We are also in a transitional period. In the past lots of loans were
offered to developing countries, and not always
on the most preferable conditions. Poor countries are still paying back these loans. In the
One of the EuropeAid-Projects: Support for urban waste collectors, living in the Favelas of Belo Horizonte, Brasil
15
WINDOW ON EUROPE
"’Be strong in your case but be lenient in your way to reach your
goals.’ This is what we have to apply as well."
Koos Richelle: Of course we learn by applying new methodology. But we don't want to
learn only after a mistake has been made. We
are in constant contact with the IMF and the
World Bank to discuss macroeconomic consequences of this budget support. One of the factors that is being discussed in this respect is
the phenomenon of fiscal space. How much
fiscal revenues can a government really expect
and how can this be distributed in a realistic
way. This is the reason that the IMF insists on
having multi-annual contributions from donors
committed to stay for a number of years.
Still, most donors are limited to a one-year
budgetary approach. Now when we have to
stop support, this has tremendous impact on
the day-to-day life of citizens of a poor country. We never do that overnight, we firstly send
signals and try to discuss. We are very careful
not to disturb macro-equilibria too much just
for becoming the good guy.
IPS: There is a rather normative approach
in Europe about how aid should arrive in developing countries. Do corporate and national interests, or practical difficulties in burdened
areas like Africa and the Balkans, create obstacles that this approach cannot surpass?
Koos Richelle: We have to work by contact
with 160 countries and regions in overseas territories in the Commission. That is enormous,
and every area is different. What we have developed in the international community is a logical
mainframe of thinking. Putting out priorities and
setting out directions.
I don't know if there was a Greek equivalent
before the Romans invented their saying -- be
strong in your case but be lenient in your way to
reach your goals. This is what we have to apply
as well. The world is not following models. In
countries that were developing very well you
might have a setback, and need to start all over
again.
There are always people who are in favour
of, and against certain policies. We don't want to
order the world around, we have a much softer
approach than the U.S. has. We have more
patience with our partners, we respect as far as
possible their decisions on how to move forward,
meaning that every day brings its own surprises,
and you have to adjust. It is not a question of
pushing everything through a matrix and then
coming to one final solution for so many countries.
Koos Richelle: Don't forget that we have
been operating in development cooperation for
60 years. Dozens of billions of euros have been
given in support. It is only right that taxpayers
ask what exactly were they used for. That is an
answer that donors never have concentrated
on. It was important to give money and it was
more important to give more money. What
exactly was it used for was not a popular subject. The focus now is shifting to results, to
impact.
The population will be generally more
interested if we show results instead of showing people that have to run again from home
because there is a war or crisis. One wants to
see light at the end of the tunnel. This is only
possible if we change our attitudes and our
way of working.

How much does each region get from the EU?
The EU, including Member States' individual disbursements, contributes approximately €30 billion
per year in external assistance. This accounts for
over half of global development aid.
In 2005, external assistance amounted to €10.4
billion. Of this, EuropeAid managed €7.5 billion.
The geographical split of the aid managed by
EuropeAid is as follows:
49% Africa, Caribbean and Pacific: €3660 Mio.
21% Mediterranean and Middle East: €1080 Mio
13% Asia: €830 Mio
9% Eastern Europe, Central Asia and Caucasus:
€520 Mio
8% Latin America: €330 million
Horizontal programmes: €1090 million
Source: European Commission, EuropeAid website
Koos Richelle, born
1946 in Indonesia,
Director General of
EuropeAid Cooperation
Office at the European
Commission. Formerly
Ministry of Social Affairs
and Labour (NL, 20002002), Minister of
Foreign Affairs (NL,
IPS: Do you think that there is a huge deficit
1995 - 2000), Minister
of Welfare and Health of public interest in the member states on issues
(NL, 1985-1995). related to development aid?
16
WINDOW ON EUROPE
Russia Holds On
to its Satellite Moldova
By Claudia Ciobanu
M
oldova's Communist President has been trying to make the country more independent
from both Russia and Romania. But
Moscow's grip on the former Soviet republic
remains strong.Moldova is a country of 4.3 million
people, sandwiched between Romania and
Ukraine. Two-thirds of the population is ethnically
Romanian. Russians and Ukrainians each represent
roughly 13 percent. The official language, Moldovan, is virtually identical with Romanian. Most
people speak Russian, which is the language of
communication between the different ethnic
groups.
The country was a part of Romania between
1918 and 1939, when it was incorporated into the
Soviet Union as a result of a Hitler-Stalin pact.
Moldova became independent in 1991. In 2001,
the Communist Party won a sweeping victory in
general elections, caused mainly by people's frustration with a decade of ineffectual governing
from "democratic forces". President Vladimir Voronin and his party were re-elected in 2005.
While the opposition argued that the Communists would want to increase Moldova's dependency on Russia, Voronin actually embraced a proWestern discourse and tried to distance the country from Moscow. In 2003, encouraged by Western
powers, Voronin said no to a Russian plan of federalising Moldova, aimed at awarding a high level of
autonomy to separatist Transdniester. Transdniester, a narrow stretch of land east of river Dniester, mainly inhabited by Ukraineans and Russian
speakers, has been trying to assert its independence since 1990, but the self-proclaimed republic
was never recognised internationally. Russia maintains peacekeeping troops in the region.
Worsening relations
Since 2003, relationships between Moldova
and Russia have been worsening. In March 2006,
Russia imposed an embargo on wine imports from
Moldova. While product safety reasons were invoked, Russia has a reputation for using economic
embargos in order to bring satellite countries to
order. "There is no doubt Russia has been making
use of political blackmail," Iulian Chifu from the
Centre for Conflict Resolution in Bucharest told
IPS.
Wines are Moldova's main export article, and
the ban caused a 6 percent shrinking of the country's industrial production. Approximately 80 percent of Moldovan wine exports go to Russia.
"Moldova is highly dependent on Russia," says
Stefan Uratu, president of the Helsinki Committee
Moldavian farmers (Photo: www.pixelio.de)
for Human Rights in Moldova. "The country uses
Russian gas and electricity, and Russia represents
the most important market for Moldovan
exports."
While relations between Chisinau and Moscow
have been cooling, Moldova has not been getting
any closer to the European Union (EU), which
Voronin was counting on. The EU never made any
clear statement of interest in Moldovan membership. However, this has not prevented politicians in
Bucharest from unrealistically claiming they could
help Moldova enter the EU just like Romania. In
reality, since Romania joined the EU Jan. 1, 2007,
Moldovans are finding it more difficult to move
westward. The border between Romania and Moldova has become an external border of the EU,
which brought about its increased securitisation.
Visas for Moldovans wanting to travel to Romania
have been introduced.
The visas are supposed to be free. But the online programming system does not function, and
people complain that the only way to get a visa
application in is by paying bribes. "The first to
blame are the corrupted employees of the consulate. I know what I am saying, I have been through
this, I lost 400 euro this way," says Cezar Salahor
from Moldovan capital Chisinau.
On Aug. 17, Moldova's deputy minister for
internal affairs, Valentin Zubic, accused a Romanian official at the consulate in Chisinau of being
involved in a criminal scheme for fast-tracking visa
applications. Romanian President Traian Basescu
retorted that the accusation was a "provocation"
from Chisinau.
17
TITELTHEMA | COVER STORY
UN beschließen Recht
auf Selbstbestimmung
Von Haider Rizvi in New York | Deutsche Übersetzung: Silke Graefinghoff
N
ach mehr als 20 Jahren zäher Verhandlungen
hat die UN-Vollversammlung das Recht auf
Selbstbestimmung indigener Völker anerkannt. 143 der insgesamt 192 Mitgliedstaaten inklusive Deutschland sagten 'ja' zu einer Resolution, welche die 370 Millionen Ureinwohner weltweit vor
Diskriminierung und Ausbeutung ihrer Bodenschätze
schützen soll. "Es ist ein Triumph für indigene
Gruppen überall auf der Welt", sagte UN-Generalsekretär Ban Ki-moon nach dem Votum am 13. September. "Dies ist ein historischer Moment. Er steht
für die Aussöhnung zwischen Mitgliedstaaten und
Ureinwohnern über ihre schmerzvolle Vergangenheit". Die Vorsitzende der UN-Vollversammlung,
Haya Al Khalifa, wertete das Ergebnis als einen 'großen Schritt nach vorne' in der Verteidigung der
Menschenrechte und der Grundfreiheiten für alle
Menschen.
Die Vertreter indigener Gemeinschaften äußerten sich zufrieden über das Votum. Allerdings hatten
viele von ihnen auf eine einstimmige Annahme der
Deklaration gehofft. Die Vereinigten Staaten, Kanada, Australien und Neuseeland stimmten erwartungsgemäß mit 'nein'. Elf Staaten enthielten sich
der Stimme. Vor der Abstimmung waren die USA und
Kanada beschuldigt worden, Druck auf ärmere Staaten auszuüben, damit diese die Resolution ablehnen. Auch einige afrikanische Staaten übten sich
zunächst in Zurückhaltung, stimmten aber nach der
Aufnahme eines Zusatzes in die Erklärung zu. Dieser
besagt, dass die territoriale Integrität und die politische Einheit unabhängiger Staaten durch die Rechte
der Ureinwohner nicht untergraben werden dürfen.
Zu den durch die UN-Resolution verbrieften Rechten
gehört das Recht der Ureinwohner, über die Nutzung
ihres Land und der darin liegenden Bodenschätze
selbst bestimmen zu können. Für Landstriche, aus
denen sie einst vertrieben wurden, können sie nun
Ersatzansprüche geltend machen.
Ureinwohner feiern Resolution
als großen Erfolg
"Manches lässt noch Raum für Interpretationen, aber wir können damit leben", erklärte Les
Malezer, Vorsitzender des 'Global Indigenious
18
Historic Milestone for
Indigenous Peoples Worldwide
Press Release of the UN Permanent Forum
on Indigenous Issues
M
arking an historic achievement for the more than
370 million indigenous peoples worldwide, the
General Assembly today adopted the Declaration on
the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the result of more
than two decades of consultation and dialogue
among governments and indigenous peoples from all
regions. "Today, by adopting the Declaration on the
Rights of Indigenous Peoples we are making further
progress to improve
the situation of indigenous
peoples
around the world,"
stated General Assembly President
Haya Al Khalifa. "We
are also taking another major step forward towards the
promotion and protection of human
rights and fundamental freedoms for
Haya Al Khalifa
all."
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon warmly welcomed the adoption, calling it "a triumph for indigenous
peoples around the world." He further noted that
"this marks a historic moment when UN Member
States and indigenous peoples reconciled with their
painful histories and resolved to move forward together on the path of human rights, justice and development for all."
Adopted by the Human Rights Council in June
2006, the Declaration emphasizes the rights of indigenous peoples to maintain and strengthen their own
institutions, cultures and traditions and to pursue their
development in keeping with their own needs and
aspirations. It establishes an important standard for
eliminating human rights violations against indigeKOMMUNIKATION GLOBAL | OKTOBER 2007
Photo: www.pnud.org.co - UNPD Columbia
Zu den durch die UN-Resolution verbrieften Rechten gehört das
Recht der Ureinwohner, über die Nutzung ihres Land und der
darin liegenden Bodenschätze selbst bestimmen zu können.
Caucus', gegenüber IPS. Der langjährige Kämpfer
für die Rechte der Ureinwohner hatte - wie viele
andere Vertreter indigener Gruppen auch - die
Änderungsvorschläge des Deklarationsentwurfs zunächst abgelehnt. Man habe die Änderungen nicht
gewollt, doch angesichts der Tatsache, dass sich
nun über 140 Staaten zu einem Kompromiss zusammen gefunden haben, könne man von einem "sehr
nous peoples worldwide and for combating discrimination and marginalization. "The 13th of September
2007 will be remembered as an international
human rights day for the Indigenous Peoples of the
world, a day that the United Nations and its Member
States, together with Indigenous Peoples, reconciled with past painful histories and decided to march
into the future on the path of human rights," said Ms.
Vicky Tauli-C
Corpuz, Chairperson of the UN Permanent
Forum on Indigenous Issues. The Declaration addresses both individual and collective rights, cultural rights
and identity, rights to education, health, employment,
language
and
others. The Declaration explicitly encourages harmonious
and
cooperative
relations between
States and Indigenous Peoples. It prohibits discrimination
against indigenous
peoples and promotes their full and
effective participation in all matters
Vicky Tauli-Corpuz
that concern them.
Calling the Declaration "tangible proof of the increasing cooperation of States, Indigenous Peoples and
the international community as a whole for the promotion and protection of the human rights of indigenous
peoples", Under-Secretary-General for Economic and
Social Affairs, Mr. Sha Zukang said that the UN "has
fulfilled its role as the world's parliament and has
responded to the trust that Indigenous Peoples
around the world placed in it, that it will stand for dignity and justice, development and peace for all,
without discrimination."
The Declaration was adopted by an overwhelming
majority of the General Assembly, with 143 countries
voting in support, 4 voting against (Australia, Canada,
New Zealand and the United States) and 11 abstaining (Azerbaijan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Burundi,
Colombia, Georgia, Kenya, Nigeria, Russian Federation, Samoa, Ukraine).

guten Ergebnis" sprechen. Das Votum der Vollversammlung sei ein "großer Sieg" für die Ureinwohner, erklärte Les Malezer nach der Abstimmung am
Hauptsitz der UN in New York.
"Der 13. September 2007 wird als ein Tag der
internationalen Menschenrechte für Ureinwohner
auf der ganzen Welt in Erinnerung bleiben", kommentierte Victoria Tauli Corpuz, Vorsitzende des
Ständigen Forums für indigene Angelegenheiten
die Entscheidung. Dieses Forum wurde 2002 als
UN-Gremium für indigene Völker geschaffen.
Auf die Umsetzung kommt es an
Nun aber komme es darauf an, dass die Deklaration auch in wirksamer Weise umgesetzt werde,
sagte Tauli Corpuz. Denn an der Umsetzung
werde die Bereitschaft der Mitgliedsaaten und
der internationalen Gemeinschaft, die individuellen und kollektiven Rechte von Ureinwohnern zu respektieren und zu schützen, am Ende
gemessen, sagte die Philippinin. "Wird sind sehr
glücklich über die Annahme der Deklaration",
erklärte Jumanda Gakelebone von der Gruppe
'First People of the Kalahari’ aus Botswana. "Sie
besagt, dass uns die Regierungen nicht länger
als Bürger zweiter Klasse behandeln dürfen, und
sie schützt die Stammesbewohner davor, dass
sie einfach von ihrem Land vertrieben werden
dürfen, wie es bei uns einst der Fall war."
Unterdessen werden das Land und die Bodenschätze indigener Gemeinschaften weltweit
auch weiterhin durch den Bergbau, Umweltverschmutzung und giftige Abfälle, Privatisierung,
den Einsatz von genverändertem Saatgut und
nicht zuletzt durch den Klimawandel bedroht.
Durch seine Ablehnung habe Kanada sein wahres
Gesicht in Sachen Menschenrechte offenbart,
meint Arthur Manuel, Vertreter der kanadischen
Ureinwohner.
"Der ganze Reichtum der Vereinigten Staaten, Kanadas und anderer so genannter moderner Staaten basiert auf der Armut und der Missachtung der Menschenrechte der dortigen Ureinwohner. Die internationale Gemeinschaft muss
endlich begreifen, wie scheinheilig Kanada, Australien, Neuseeland und die USA sind", so
Manuel. Neue wissenschaftliche Studien haben
wiederholt aufgezeigt, welch verheerende Folgen die Erderwärmung durch Überflutungen, Hurrikans, Erdbeben und das Schmelzen der Pole
gerade für die Ureinwohner überall auf der Welt
voraussichtlich haben werden.
IPS EUROPA | KOMMUNIKATION GLOBAL
19
Bolivia's first indigenous president, Evo Morales (left),
receives a traditional ceremonial staff from an Indian wise
man at the sacred place of
Tiwanaku (Photo: http://www.
presidencia.gov.bo)
Morales Gets Boost
from UN Declaration
By Franz Chávez in La Paz
P
resident Evo Morales' dream of creating a "plurinational" state in Bolivia, with territorial and
administrative autonomy for indigenous peoples, has just received an international boost that is
as welcome as it is unexpected, arising as it did from
what seemed like a never-ending debate.
The Universal Declaration on the Rights of
Indigenous Peoples, approved by the United Nations after two decades of to-ing and fro-ing,
came just as the Aymara indigenous president is
seeing his legitimacy questioned by a new rightwing opposition movement, led by civilian groups
backed by members of the business community
and large landowners. The main targets of the opposition movement's complaints are the reforms
that the left-wing Morales describes as a "cultural
and democratic revolution."
These groups, which were partially displaced
from power when Morales took office, have derived new strength and vitality through organisations known as civic committees, which oppose
the political progress of Bolivia's 36 native ethnic
groups, who are struggling to achieve autonomous
governments, land and financial resources.
The scene of the conflict is the Constituent
Assembly, which began to rewrite the constitution
in Sucre in August 2006, but whose work has been
brought to a halt by a deep crisis. It has fallen
hostage to pressure exerted by the residents of
Sucre, who want the executive and legislative
branches of government, which moved to La Paz in
1899, to return to the city.
Global support
In this context, the UN declaration approved
on Sept. 13 has in fact brought international support to indigenous peoples' centuries-long struggle
to recover their forms of government, their lands,
their rights, and their own development capability. Until the Declaration was approved, indigenous
peoples' demands were seen by many as an isolated aspiration, and they were criticised by the
influential business sectors and landowners with
vast properties in the eastern regions of Bolivia,
where agribusiness thrives on non-traditional
exports. The most pessimistic observers feared a
violent outcome to the conflict, but the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples will no
doubt cool things down, and may oblige the opposition sectors and rightwing parties to a greater
degree of openness to discussing the complex
demands of communities that are impoverished,
isolated and largely excluded from political decision-making.
Sharp contrast
In the latest national census, carried out in
2001, which included a question on whether
respondents identified themselves as indigenous,
60 percent of Bolivia's 9.3 million people declared
that they were members of an indigenous culture.
But the opposition movement questions that figure and says a majority of Bolivians are "mestizos"
The main targets of the opposition movement's complaints
are the reforms that the left-wing Morales describes as a
"cultural and democratic revolution."
20
Indigenous peoples have the right to the lands, territories
and resources which they have traditionally owned,
occupied or otherwise used or acquired.
or of mixed-race heritage, in order to downplay
the numerical strength of indigenous people in
this country.
The conditions faced by indigenous people in
rural areas of Bolivia stand in sharp contrast to the
human rights and principles enshrined in the UN
Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. In
the Amazon jungle region in northern Bolivia,
along the Brazilian border, and in the Chaco, southeast of La Paz, many indigenous people still live
in conditions of slavery. They do not own any land
and they are not paid for their work. It is in these
areas where the worst poverty in this country,
South America's poorest, is concentrated.
As intense debates are waged in the Constituent Assembly about the viability of autonomous indigenous territories, Article 4 of the
Declaration affirms their "right to autonomy or
self-government in matters relating to their
internal and local affairs, as well as ways and
means for financing their autonomous functions."
Original peoples' claims, now supported by an
international resolution, face resistance because
36 autonomous patches of territory would not fit
in with the provincial autonomy sought by four of
the country's nine departments (provinces), which
voted in a referendum for autonomy. The wealthy,
fertile natural gas-rich departments of Santa Cruz,
Beni, Pando and Tarija, keen on gaining greater
local control over the administration of natural
resources and the taxies levied on them, are
demanding a form of autonomy that would exclude indigenous governments.
Tension over Natural resources
The tension in the debate between autonomous provinces or autonomous indigenous territories rises when indigenous people demand political power and control over the natural resources
in their territories, as supported by Article 26 of
the Declaration. "Indigenous peoples have the
right to the lands, territories and resources which
they have traditionally owned, occupied or otherwise used or acquired," the text says.
Conservative sectors claim that this would
mean dividing the country into 36 segments, while
indigenous peoples' representatives favour a combination of indigenous autonomy and departmental
autonomy. The "plurinational state," understood as
a united federation of nations which would each
have land, territory and self-government, proposed
by President Morales, is opposed by the supporters
of provincial autonomy, who want the Constituent
Assembly to describe Bolivia as a "democratic and
intercultural state."
The latter definition only recognises traditions
and culture, but would deny indigenous peoples
self-government. But self-government is the end
that indigenous people have been pursuing with
increasing vigour ever since the September-October 2003 popular uprisings
against the administration of rightwing
president Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada.
Sánchez de Lozada called out the army
to clamp down on the demonstrations,
which left at least 60 protesters dead
and dozens wounded, before stepping
down and fleeing to the United States.
Although the UN declaration appears tailor-made to Morales' aspirations,
and overall implicitly backs a government fighting for a package of social
and political reforms, Article 34 could
be difficult for the governing
Movement to Socialism (MAS) party to
fulfil. It says "Indigenous peoples have
the right to promote, develop and
maintain their institutional structures
and their distinctive customs, spirituality, traditions, procedures, practices and, in
the cases where they exist, juridical systems or
customs, in accordance with international human
rights standards."
Reorganisation of the state
Taken to extremes, an indigenous point of
view might call for the reorganisation of the
Bolivian state and a reversion to the scheme of selfgoverning productive communities ("ayllus") and
regions, which was in operation before the arrival of
the Spaniards. This form of government only
remains today among newly strengthened groups of
Aymara and Quechua Indians. The model is not fully
supported by the MAS, which is instead inclined
towards adapting indigenous autonomy to the present subdivision of the country into departments,
cantons and municipalities.
The UN Declaration will be on trial in Bolivia
and its Constituent Assembly, to find out whether
its goals are realistic and viable in practice.
Meanwhile, the country's social unrest is a sign
that cultural diversity is the one constant, as
Bolivia tries to reinvent itself in something closer
to its own image.

21
Aborigines Insist
on Ancestors' Repatriation
By Stephen de Tarczynski in Melbourne
S
uccessful negotiations with the renowned
Natural History Museum (NHM) in London,
for the repatriation of human remains
against claims made by indigenous Australian
communities, have extended the hope that more
institutions will follow suit.
''It's our cultural belief that the remains have
got to return back to the country. Our beliefs
are that the old people, their spirits won't lay to
rest until their remains are back in country. And
we have an obligation to ensure that happens,"
says Greg Brown, a member of the Tasmanian
Aboriginal Centre (TAC) delegation which clinched an agreement with NMH in April to repatriate the remains of 17 Tasmanian aborigines.
The remains held by the NMH -- thought to
date to the 19th century -- included bones,
teeth and hair. Their repatriation ended a 20
year struggle with the NMH and facilitated the
return of the remains of six Torres Strait
Islanders in June. The remains of five people
were returned by Glasgow Museum - identified
as being from Mer Island - while London's
University College returned the remains of another Torres Strait Islander. These institutions took
possession of the remains in the 1890s.
Jesse Sagaukaz from the Torres Strait Regional Authority says that for Torres Strait
Islanders - who refer to the returnees as "historical ancestors" rather than "remains" - it is very
important that their ancestors are returned. "It's
like a part of Torres Strait was taken from
Torres Strait," says Sagaukaz.
Not at rest while overseas
He explains that the spirits of these historical ancestors were not at rest while they were
being held overseas. "If a part of your family,
which was also very much a part of the land, was
taken from you, their spirits are taken also…Both
in the spiritual and cultural respects it is very
important to lay them down on their home soil.
It's very important. They have to be returned
back to their people," Sagaukaz told IPS.
22
Revered British institutions such as Oxford
and Cambridge universities and National Museums Scotland (NMS) still hold Tasmanian aboriginal remains, as does Chicago's National Field
Museum. Vienna's Museum of Natural History
also holds aboriginal remains. Brown says that
the TAC continues to lobby for the return of
aboriginal remains from Oxford, Cambridge and
NMS. "We've been encouraged by (National Museums) Scotland, particularly. But it will be a
hard slog with Cambridge and I think eventually we'll get the remains back from Oxford," says
Brown.
TAC representatives met with the NMS Director of Collections, Jane Carmichael, in May to
discuss the repatriation of seven skulls of Australian aborigines. In a response to enquiries
made by IPS, a spokesperson for National Museums Scotland says that the TAC request for the
return of remains was still under consideration
by the museum's Board of Trustees.
"NMS has taken due note of the recent changes in British legislation and practice affecting
this sensitive area," the spokesperson says.
Britain's Department for Culture, Media and
Sport released a publication in 2005 titled 'Guidance for the Care of Human Remains in Museums'. The document supports the Human Tissue Act (2004), which for the first time allowed
nine British museums to move human remains
under 1,000 years old. But while the measures
are now in place to repatriate remains, these
institutions continue to hold onto them.
Oxford - believed to possess four hair samples of aborigines - told IPS that there was "no
one available for interview". Instead, Oxford
released a statement which says: "The University recognises both the sensitive nature of
some of the items and the concerns over cultural heritage which often lie behind requests for
repatriation."
Whether Oxford deems hair to constitute
human remains or not, the university will be
able to consider a repatriation claim from the
TAC once the Australian government confirms
The spirits of these historical ancestors were not at rest
while they were being held overseas.
that the TAC is "the appropriate community
representative to negotiate about the return of
the Tasmanian human remains."
Representatives of Tasmania's aboriginal
community met with University of Cambridge
officials early this month to discuss repatriation
possibilities. A spokesman for Cambridge says
that the university has been working to implement the recommendations contained in the
'Guidance for the Care of Human Remains in
Museums' alongside its own regulations.
The Cambridge spokesman says that the human remains collections held by the university
are among the most important in the world.
Cambridge reportedly holds four Aboriginal
skulls and two jawbones, although these are not
confirmed. "These collections have made major
contributions to our current understanding of
human diversity and evolution, as well as to
forensic science and the knowledge about
health and life in the past," says the spokesman,
adding that there is a wealth of information still
to be gained from them.
In May, Cambridge researchers used DNA
tests on aboriginal remains which they say
"almost confirms that all modern humans have a
common ancestry". The results supported the
'Out of Africa' theory, which says that all modern
humans originated in Africa, spreading throughout Eurasia and replacing other early humans
rather than interbreeding with them.
Brown acknowledges that the TAC has one
perspective while the institutions have another.
However, he discounts science as a valid reason
why the remains should remain with the institutions. "We do understand that they have a view
on it, but our obligation is to have the remains
returned. We don't see how their arguments
about scientific value stack up," says Brown,
who argues that the same information can be
acquired through other means. While Brown
says that he would like the remains returned
immediately, the TAC acknowledges the complexities of the situation. "The remains have been
held in institutions for a long time but we'll
continue the fight to get the remains back. It
doesn't matter how long it will take, we won't
give up.''

Related Websites:
Cultural Survival: promoting the rights, voices, and
visions of indigenous peoples: http://www.cs.org/
Indigenous Peoples of Africa Coordinating
Committee: http://www.ipacc.org.za
Tebtebba Foundation: http://www.tebtebba.org
Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact:
http://aipp.womenweb.org.tw
International Indian Treaty Council:
http://www.treatycouncil.org
Inuit Circumpolar Conference:
http://www.inuitcircumpolar.com
Quechua Network:
http://www.quechuanetwork.org
Saami Council: http://www.saamicouncil.net
The Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
Commission: http://www.atsic.gov.au
United Nations and Indigenous People:
http://www.unhchr.ch
UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues:
http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/unpfii/
UN Draft Declaration on the Human Rights of
Indigenous Peoples:
http://www.unhchr.ch/huridocda/huridoca.nsf
Draft American Declaration on the Rights of
Indigenous Peoples:
http://www.cidh.org/Indigenous.htm
World Bank:
http://www.worldbank.org/indigenous
The International Work Group for Indigenous
Affairs: http://www.iwgia.org
Forest Peoples Programme:
http://forestpeoples.gn.apc.org
Development Gateway:
http://topics.developmentgateway.org/indigenous
23
Israel begeht Rechtsverletzungen
an Beduinen im Negev
Von Nora Barrows-Friedman in Ama (Israel) | Deutsche Bearbeitung: Heike Nasdala
I
sraelische Sicherheitskräfte haben
im kleinen Beduinendorf Taweel abu
Jabral im Norden der Negev-Wüste
etliche Wellblechhütten dem Erdboden
gleich gemacht, das Eigentum ihrer
Besitzer konfisziert und die betroffenen
Familien bei Tagestemperaturen von
über 40 Grad Celsius sich selbst überlassen. Nach Angaben lokaler Beobachter
war die jüngste Attacke Ende August die
elfte in den letzten zwei Jahren.
Offenkundig sollen sie gezwungen werden, das Land ihrer Väter und Großväter
aufzugeben.
Übergriffe auf Dörfer wie Taweel abu
Jabral sind nicht das einzige illegale Mittel, dass der Staat Israel gegen die arabischen Beduinen im Negev einsetzt. So
erhalten die Menschen, die das Nomadenleben im Wesentlichen aufgegeben
haben, keine Genehmigung zum Bau fester Häuser. Die israelischen Siedlungen in
der Wüste aber expandieren. Auch ist es
den Beduinen kaum möglich, Land zu
erwerben.
Diese Erfahrung hat auch Sheikh
Abed al-Menm, ein Anwohner des Dorfes
Amra in der Nähe von Taweel abu Jabral,
gemacht. Die israelischen Eigner des
Grundstückes, für das er sich interessierte, erklärten dem Beduinen, dass sie an
Araber kein Land verkauften. "Ein Mann
sagte mir ohne Umschweife, dass die
Araber aus dem Negev getrieben werden
sollten, aus dem Land, das sie seit ewigen Zeiten bewohnen", so al Menm.
zahlen Steuern, wir wählen, aber wir
haben keinen Zugang zum Strom- und
Wassernetz, keine Schulen und sind auch
sonst von den öffentlichen Dienstleistungen abgeschnitten", klagt al-Menm.
Die Beduinen im Negev leben seit der
Gründung des Staates Israel im Jahre
1948 mit Belagerung, Missachtung und
groben Rechtsverletzungen, ohne dass
dies in die Schlagzeilen geraten wäre.
Viele der Betroffenen halten ihr Los für
ähnlich dramatisch, bisweilen sogar für
dramatischer, als das der Palästinenser in
den besetzten Gebieten.
76.000 Menschen betroffen
Faizal Sawalha vom Regionalrat der
nicht-anerkannten Dörfer im Negev
(RCUV) schätzt, dass gegenwärtig rund
76.000 Beduinen in 45 nicht-anerkannten
Dörfern in der israelischen Wüstenregion
leben. Auch er kritisiert die grobe Vernachlässigung durch den israelischen
Staat. Es fehlten Schulen, Kliniken und
befestigte Straßen, und kein einziges
Dorf verfüge über Strom, Gas oder fließendes Wasser.
Erst unlängst hat die Regierung in Tel
Aviv den Gemeinden im Negev eine
"Lösung" für das, was sie als "BeduinenProblem" bezeichne, angeboten.
"Herzstück des Plans ist die Übernahme des gesamten Landes durch den Staat,
obwohl die Beduinen im Negev ohnehin
auf nur zwei Prozent der Landfläche
leben. Als Lösung bietet die Regierung
eine Umsiedlung in urbane Regionen an",
erklärt Sawalha.
Doch ein Leben in der Stadt ist für
die Beduinen unmöglich. Sie brauchen
das offene Land und ihre Herden. Hinzu
kommen die schlechten Erfahrungen mit
den sieben bereits existierenden Städten, die im Negev eigens für Beduinen
errichtet worden sind. Dort leben zwar
Menschen, aber fast alle von ihnen sind
arbeitslos. Um Arbeitsplätze hat sich die
Regierung nicht gekümmert.
Wadi Niyam, östlich von Beersheba,
ist eines dieser nichtanerkannten Dörfer.
Es besteht aus notdürftig zusammengehauenen Buden aus Wellblech und
Brettern und liegt unter einer übel riechenden Dunstwolke. Verantwortlich dafür sind die 17 Chemiefabriken, die der
israelische Staat in den 70er Jahren in
dem westlich des Dorfes gelegenen Gebiet Ramat Hovav bauen ließ. Nördlich
der Siedlung befindet sich ein gigantisches Elektrizitätswerk, südlich etliche
vom Militär genutzte Industrieparks.
IPS EUROPA| KOMMUNIKATION GLOBAL
Blockade und Vernachlässigung
Amra liegt unweit von Beersheba,
der größten Stadt in der Negev-Wüste,
und ist von der Satellitenstadt Omer im
direkten Umkreis der Wüsten-Hauptstadt
durch einen Zaun getrennt. Wie al-Menm
berichtet, sperren israelische Soldaten
den Zugang zum Dorf jede Nacht um
22.30 Uhr und öffnen ihn erst zum Morgen wieder.
4.000 Menschen leben in Amra und
haben sich diesem Diktat zu fügen. Sie
werten die Abriegelung und andere massive Diskriminierungen als Kollektivstrafe
für die Weigerung, ihr Land zu verlassen.
"Wir sind Bürger des Staates Israel. Wir
24
Ihr natürlicher Lebensraum schwindet: Beduinen mit Schafherde (Photo: www.pixelio.de)
UN kritisiert Irak für eilige Hinrichtungen
Von Thalif Deen in New York | Deutsche Bearbeitung: Grit Moskau-Porsch
D
ie Vereinten Nationen üben scharfe Kritik an der Eile, mit der im
Irak trotz eindringlicher UNAppelle Todesurteile vollstreckt werden. Ein aktueller UN-Bericht für die
62. Vollversammlung der Weltorganisation verweist darauf, dass mit
einem der Gehängten der letzte wichtige Zeuge beseitigt wurde, der zur
Aufklärung des Bombenanschlags vom
August 2003 gegen das UN-Hauptquartier in Bagdad hätte beitragen können.
Der unter Federführung von Leandro
Despouy,
des
UN-Sonderberichterstatters für die Unabhängigkeit von
Richtern und Anwälten, erarbeitete
Bericht kritisiert, mit der schnellen
Hinrichtung von zum Tode Verurteilten
verweigere man den Opfern das Recht
auf wahrheitsgemäße Aufklärung des
Verbrechens.
Despouy erklärte: "Für besonders
bedenklich halte ich die Umstände, die
der Exekution von Awraz Abdel Aziz
Mahmoud Sa'eed vorausgingen." Dieser
hatte seine Beteiligung an dem verheerenden Attentat auf die UN-Büros in
Bagdad zugegeben und wurde am 3. Juli
dieses Jahres gehängt.
Die UN baten den Irak um die Aufschiebung der Hinrichtung, weil sie sich
von dem letzten noch lebenden Zeugen
wichtige Informationen über die
Hintergründe des Anschlags erhofften.
Bei dem Terroranschlag waren am 19.
August 2003 der UN-Kommissar für
Menschenrechte und Irak-Sonderbeauftragte des UN-Generalsekretärs, Sergio
Vieira de Mello, und weitere 21 UNMitarbeiter ums Leben gekommen.
Mehr als 100 Todesurteile
vollstreckt
Vergeblich appellierte auch die UNMenschenrechtskommissarin
Louise
Arbour im Januar an Iraks Staatspräsident Jalal Talabani, zwei zum Tode verurteilte ehemalige hochrangige Gefolgsleute von Saddam Hussein nicht
aufs Schafott zu schicken. Zwei Tage
später, am 17. Januar, wurde beide Awad Hamad al-Bandar, ehemaliger
Alltag im Irak - Photo: www.UN.org
Vorsitzender des Revolutionsgerichts,
und Barzan Ibrahim al-Hassan, Saddams
Berater und Halbbruder - hingerichtet.
In ihrem Appell hatte Arbour Talabani
auch darauf verwiesen, dass die
Todesstrafe nach derzeitigem internationalem Recht nur nach strengen gesetzlichen Richtlinien ausgesprochen
werden darf.
Todesstrafe brutalisiert die
Gesellschaft
Im Irak war nach der Besetzung
durch die US-Truppen und Saddams
Sturz die Todesstrafe aufgehoben worden. Doch die Interimsregierung führte
sie im August 2004 wieder ein. Seitdem
wurden nach Angaben der internationalen Menschenrechtsorganisation 'Amnesty International' (AI) mindestens 270
Menschen zum Tode verurteilt, häufig
"in unfairen Prozessen". Unter den
mehr als 100 Todeskandidaten, die bereits hingerichtet wurden, waren etliche hochrangige Vertreter des ehemaligen Saddam-Regimes.
Nach einem im vergangenen April
von AI veröffentlichten Bericht rangiert
der Irak bei der Verhängung der
Todesstrafe weltweit an vierter Stelle
hinter China, Iran und Pakistan. Die
Berufung der irakischen Regierung auf
eine vermeintlich abschreckende Wirkung der Todesstrafe in unsicheren Zeiten lässt AI nicht gelten. Die Gewalt im
Irak habe weiter zugenommen, und die
Todesstrafe habe möglicherweise zur
Brutalisierung der irakischen Gesellschaft beigetragen.
Der neue UN-Generalsekretär Ban
Ki-moon hatte an seinem ersten Amtstag weltweit für Aufsehen gesorgt, als
er Saddams Hinrichtung praktisch
rechtfertigte. Später korrigierte Ban
seine umstrittene Äußerung und sprach
sich für die allmähliche weltweite
Abschaffung der Todesstrafe aus. "Das
Leben ist ein hohes Gut, das geschützt
und respektiert werden muss. Ich glaube, dass alle Menschen das Recht
haben, in Würde zu leben", erklärte er.
Er unterstütze den im internationalen
Recht und in der nationalen Praxis
wachsenden Trend zur Abschaffung der
Todesstrafe.
25
Neue Minen töten 860 zivile Opfer
seit Jahresanfang in Afghanistan
Von Ahmad Khalid Moahid | Deutsche Bearbeitung: Heike Nasdala
S
eit fast sechs Jahren laufen in
Afghanistan fieberhafte Bemühungen darum, das seit 1978 in diversen Kriegen massiv verminte Land von
den tödlichen Waffen zu befreien. Zugleich aber werden neue Minen und
improvisierte Sprengsätze ausgelegt.
Vor allem im Süden setzen sich die
Taliban verstärkt mit Sprengfallen zur
Wehr.
Ihre Opfer sind vor allem Zivilisten.
Nach Angaben des afghanischen Innenministers Zmaray Bashari sind in der
Zeit zwischen Januar und Anfang
ausrichten können. Der Vertrag verbietet den Einsatz, die Produktion, die
Lagerung und den Weiterverkauf dieser
Waffen. Noch aber scheinen sie in
Afghanistan außer Kontrolle.
Süden besonders betroffen
Die größte Zahl der Opfer hat die
südafghanische Provinz Helmand zu
beklagen, wo es immer wieder zu
schweren Auseinandersetzungen zwischen ISAF-Soldaten und den radikalislamischen Taliban kommt und einige
wandten wollten wegen der heftigen
Kämpfe nach Greshk ausweichen", sagt
Khan. Auf dem Weg dahin sei das Unglück geschehen.
Auch Haji Abdul Rahman aus
Haiderabad in Sangin hat zwei Angehörige durch Landminen verloren. "Ich
konnte nicht an ihrer Beerdigung teilnehmen, alle Straßen in der näheren
Umgebung sind vermint", berichtet er.
Wie hoch die Zahl der Landminenopfer in der Provinz Helmand ist, vermag niemand zu sagen. Verantwortlich
für die neuen Felder werden die Taliban gemacht. Ihr 'Sprecher' Qari Yousaf Ahmadi
wollte zu diesem Thema
allerdings keine Auskunft
geben.
Zurzeit
durchlaufen
600 afghanische Polizisten
eine Schulung, die sie auf
die Minenräumung vorbereiten soll. Nach Angaben
von Major Anthony sollen
sich die Sicherheitskräfte
den Räumtrupps anschließen, sobald die Ausbildung
beendet ist.
Opfer auch unter
Soldaten
Zerstörtes Kabul - Photo von www.medico.de
September 860 Zivilisten durch Minen
getötet oder verletzt worden. Allein
seit der vorletzten Augustwoche hätten
78 Menschen durch Landminen den Tod
gefunden, bekräftigt der stellvertretende Sprecher der internationalen
Schutztruppe ISAF, Major Charles Anthony. Er schätzt die Zahl der im letzten Jahr ausgelegten Minen auf 1.600.
Somit hat der Beitritt Afghanistans zur
Ottawa-Konvention gegen Antipersonenminen im September 2002 nichts
26
Gebiete fest in der Hand der Gotteskrieger sind. Zu den Kampfschauplätzen der letzten Monate gehören die
Distrikte Nawzad, Musa Qala, Sangin,
Kajaki und Greshk.
Der 27-jährige Noor Khan aus dem
Distrikt Sangin hat unlängst seinen
Cousin durch eine Landmine verloren.
Mit ihm starben eine Frau und ein Kind.
Das Wrack des Wagens, mit dem die
Familie unterwegs war, liegt noch immer am Straßenrand. "Meine Ver-
Auch in der Hauptstadt
Kabul sind Minen bis heute
ein tödliches Risiko. Gelegt
wurden sie in den 90er
Jahren von rivalisierenden
Mudschaheddin-Fraktionen. Erst Mitte August riss
eine Explosion drei deutsche Polizisten
im Bagrami-Distrikt östlich von Kabul in
den Tod.
Ende August starb ein weiterer
Soldat im umkämpften Süden durch
eine Sprengfalle, und in der Provinz
Kunar an der Grenze zu Pakistan fanden
kurz darauf mindestens sechs afghanische Soldaten den Tod, als ihr Wagen
explodierte. Auch er war auf eine
Landmine gefahren.
Bogota Kolumbien, Photo: www.pixelio.de
Neue Erkenntnisse zum Blutbad
von 1985 in Kolumbien
Von Constanza Vieira in Bogotá | Deutsche Bearbeitung: Karina Böckmann
I
n Kolumbien hat die Veröffentlichung
dreier Videobänder neue Erkenntnisse
über
die
Hintergründe
einer
Militäraktion vom November 1985 zur
Befreiung von rund 300 Geiseln aus der
Hand von Rebellen der 'Bewegung 19.
April' (M-19) gebracht. Die Aufnahmen
legen nahe, dass die Sicherheitskräfte die
Gelegenheit nutzten, um unbequeme
Ermittlungsbeamte aus dem Weg zu räumen.
So zeigt eine Sequenz des Bildmaterials, das am 26. August vom Nachrichtensender 'Noticias Uno' verbreitet
wurde, dass Richter Carlos Horacio
Urán den Justizpalast kurz vor der
Stürmung zu Fuß verlassen hatte, um in
ein für bereitstehendes Auto zu steigen. Nach der Befreiungsaktion aber
wurde er tot neben den anderen
Leichen aufgefunden.
Die Geiselnahme und die Erstürmung des Gerichtsgebäudes, in dem
sich zahlreiche Mitglieder des Obersten
Gerichtshofes und des Staatsrates,
Kolumbiens höchsten Verwaltungsgerichtes, befanden, spielte sich innerhalb von 27 Stunden ab. Die Streitkräfte reagierten prompt, ohne die
über das Radio verbreitete Anordnung
des damaligen Vorsitzenden des
Obersten Gerichtshofes, Alfonso Reyes
Richters, zu befolgen, das Feuer einzustellen. Die Militärintervention kostete
zwischen 89 und 115 Personen das
Leben, unter den Toten waren alle
Rebellen, 33 Richter und elf Beschäftigte und Besucher der Gerichtscafeteria.
Richter auf der Abschussliste
Die Obduktion von Urán ergab, dass
er aus nächster Nähe durch einen
Kopfschuss getötet worden war. Bei
einer von der GeneralstaatsanwaltGLOBAL PERSPECTIVES | OCTOBER 2007
schaft angeordneten Archivdurchsuchung beim militärischen Geheimdienstes B-2 einen Monat nach dem
Drama wurde eine Liste gefunden, auf
der der Richter und sein ebenfalls bei
der Befreiungsaktion ums Leben gekommener Kollege Manuel Gaona Cruz
als Mitglieder der M-19 aufgeführt waren. Nach Angaben von Noticias Uno
enthielt die Akte eine Kopie des Ausweises von Urán und ein von einer Kugel durchlöchertes Familienfoto.
Urán hatte sich vor seinem Tod mit
Foltervorwürfen gegen das Militär im
Fall der Ärztin und M-19-Rebellin Olga
López beschäftigt. Außerdem engagierte
er sich in der Anapo-Partei, durch die er
den späteren Rebellenkommandanten
und Anführer der Geiselnehmer, Andrés
Almarales, kennenlernte. Gaona hatte
gegen eine von der Regierung unter Julio
César Turbay (1978-1982) geplante
Rechtsreform gestimmt, die Militärgerichten den Zugriff auf Zivilpersonen
ermöglicht hätte.
Sowohl der Oberste Gerichtshof als
auch der Staatsrat hatten damals damit
begonnen, Mitglieder der Streitkräfte
wegen extralegaler Hinrichtungen und
der Misshandlung von Zivilisten vor Gericht zu stellen. Im Juni 1985 ordneten
sie die Festnahme des ehemaligen Verteidigungsministers Luis Carlos Camacho
Leyva, die des ehemaligen Präsidenten
Turbay und die seines Verteidigungsministers Miguel Vega Uribe an.
Neuerliche Morddrohungen
Richter Nilson Pinilla, Mitglied der
2005 vom Obersten Gerichtshof eingerichteten Wahrheitskommission, hat
inzwischen angekündigt, die durch die
Videoaufnahmen erhaltenen neuen Erkenntnisse in den Abschlussbericht der
Kommission aufzunehmen. Dass der Fall
Urán in dem im vergangenen November
veröffentlichen provisorischen Bericht
keine Erwähnung fand, begründete er
mit einem Mangel an konkreten Beweisen.
Etlichen Juristen zufolge gibt es sie
deshalb nicht, weil sie von den Militärs
beseitigt worden sind. Nicht nur, dass
Beweismittel im Anschluss an die
Befreiungsaktion in Flammen aufgingen, auch wurden Angehörige der Geiseln in den fünf Jahren nach dem Blutbad bedroht und eingeschüchtert. Dann
Mario Iguarán, Photo: IPS
herrschte 15 Jahre Ruhe - bis
Kolumbiens Generalstaatsanwalt Mario
Iguarán vor zwei Jahren beschloss, den
Fall gerichtlich weiterzuverfolgen.
Seit im Juli ein weiteres Video beschlagnahmt wurde, das den Einsatz
unter der Leitung des inzwischen inhaftierten Obersten Alfonso Plazas Vegas
in der Cafeteria des Justizpalastes festhält, erhält René Guarín Morddrohungen. Guarín ist der Bruder von Cristina del Pilar Guarín, die als Kassiererin
in der Cafeteria des Justizpalastes gearbeitet hatte. Auch sie gehörte nachweislich zu den Überlebenden der Befreiungsaktion von 1985, blieb jedoch
verschwunden.
27
Achievements and Challenges of the Combat
against Desertification
By Uwe Holtz in Bonn
F
or a large share of the world population climate change projections point to more soil
erosion and land degradation and to less secure livelihoods, greater vulnerability to hunger and
poverty, worsening social inequalities. Soil erosion
generally threatens not a one-time catastrophe but
a slowly unfolding disaster - a silent tsunami. The
United
Nations
Convention
to
Combat
Desertification (UNCCD) is the centrepiece in the
international community's efforts to combat soil
erosion, land degradation and desertification in
the drylands. The UNCCD - with its five regional
implementation annexes for Africa, Asia, Latin
America and the Caribbean, the Northern Mediterranean as well as for Central and Eastern Europe
- has made a real difference in the international
legal architecture by bringing forward the issue of
desertification as a full-fledged item in the global
sustainable development agenda.
According to the Convention desertification
means land degradation in arid, semi-arid and dry
sub-humid areas resulting from various factors,
including climatic variations and human activities.
And combating desertification includes activities
which are aimed at prevention and/or reduction of
land degradation, rehabilitation of partly degraded
land, and reclamation of desertified land.
The assessment after the impact of the UNCCD
- a decade after its entry into force - is proving to
be mixed. UNCCD has achieved wide political recognition and enjoys a truly universal membership
of 191 Parties, i.e. 190 countries and the European
Community. Some hundred national and (sub)regional action programmes were adopted. However, desertification trends show no signs of abatement, and there is a lack of more demonstrable
progresses on the ground. The performance of many affected countries in giving high priority to land
degradation in their development plans and efforts, of many developed countries in promoting
the mobilization of new and additional funding,
and of the UNCCD Secretariat in facilitating and
stimulating implementation activities, had been
less than optimal. The role of parliaments in the
UNCCD implementation process has been weak.
Madrid Declaration
Some 60 parliamentarians from 40 countries
and the European Parliament met in Madrid on
September 12 and 13 for the seventh Parliamentary Forum at the invitation of the secretariat
of the UNCCD, with support of the Inter28
Parliamentary Union (IPU) and the Parliament of
Spain. It took place alongside the eighth session of
the UNCCD Conference of the Parties which approved a ten-year strategic plan and framework to
enhance the implementation of the Convention.
The 'Declaration of Madrid' adopted by the
Parliamentarians deserves a strong follow-up. The
MPs were alarmed by the continuous trends and
perils of land degradation, soil erosion, drought
and impoverishment; recommended that the
UNCCD implementation processes be much better
linked with climate targets attainment, migration
issues, conflict prevention, good governance and
desertification mainstreaming; and committed
themselves to transform parliaments into real
actors of sustainable human development and
desertification control.
The MPs deplored that whereas it is widely
accepted that humankind has to protect the
ozone layer and biodiversity, the relevance of
saving land from degradation and erosion is not
adequately recognized as yet. They acknowledged that inadequate political will, the trans-sectoral nature of the UNCCD, its prevalent location
within weak structures of the departments in the
participating administrations, the unwieldiness of
its international structures, and deficient mainstreaming of combating desertification very often
led to the modest implementation performance,
due to a lack of coordination between the executing agencies and the Secretariat, and influenced
negatively on UNCCD's capacity to compete for
official development assistance.
No high priority for land degradation
In the Madrid Declaration the parliamentarians
stress that the slow progress in the implementation
of the Convention at the national, sub-regional and
regional levels is due to various factors: Many
affected parties do not give high priority to land
degradation in their development plans and efforts; many developed countries do not promote
sufficiently the mobilization of new and additional
funding; a general policy neglect of rural areas.
They deplore unfair trade and unregulated capitalism, a very often unenabling national and international environment, and imbalances in the current
international economic order which requires the
frame of an international social and ecological
market economy.
The Declaration asks for more weight to desertification, land degradation and water policies,
The UNCCD is the first convention to recognize
the causal linkages between environment degradation,
increasing poverty and migration.
and for better visibility - by sharpening UNCCD's
profile and institutions, making desertification a
cornerstone in the general architecture of global
environmental governance, making a priority on
the agenda of decision-makers, involving more actively the stakeholders at all levels, improving land
management and regional cooperation, enhancing
institutional and people's capacities, raising much
greater awareness, and pursuing an advocacy and
mediating role in other international processes of
relevance to UNCCD concerns, and - last but not
least - by providing the necessary financial means
to affected country parties. The parliaments of the
industrialized countries are requested do their
utmost in increasing the official development assistance and to reach the 0.7% target until 2015.
Soil protection award
Some further proposals are made: The recognition of the topsoil as a global public good, the
establishment of an International Panel on
Desertification and of a UNCCD peer review
mechanism, regular 'green accounting' government reports on the state of combating poverty,
on land and natural resource degradation and on
the progress achieved, and a 'Soil Protection Prize'
Since combating land degradation and adapting to climate changes are mutually reinforcing,
the MPs call on their governments and parliaments to do all they can: to reinforce climate
change policy and legislation, to enhance international cooperation on the basis of common but
differentiated responsibilities, to effectively
combine sustainable development and water
access to the deployment of renewable energies,
to improve energy efficiency, to use the mitigation options in the promotion of biofuels in a
sustainable way, and to promote income-generating activities in rural areas. They support the
German idea to create a Global Agency on
Renewable Energies.
The UNCCD is the first convention to recognize the causal linkages between environment
degradation, increasing poverty and migration. Its
timely, successful implementation and enhanced
regional coordination are also important to prevent conflicts both in the migrant's countries of
origin and destinations. Desertification, climate
adaptation, migration and conflict prevention are
closely connected to questions of governance.
Good governance within each country and at the
international level is essential for sustainable
development. Bad governance, political repression and corruption in the affected developing
countries are hastening desertification.
The MPs emphasize that parliaments can contribute decisively to good governance grounded on
democratic institutions responsive to the needs of
the people, anti corruption measures, gender
equality and a favorable atmosphere and environment for investment. In its implementation the
UNCCD based on the principles of participation,
partnership and decentralization should lay more
emphasis on the quality of governance. They stress
the critical role of local institutions and communities, the private sector, civil society and other stakeholders in national development efforts, as well
as in the promotion of the global partnership in the
context of the UNCCD implementation process.
Parliaments and MPs must show a stronger
commitment and political will. According to the
Madrid Declaration they should:
(I) undertake the streamlining of land degrada
tion and desertification issues into all national
efforts and development programs supported
by the donor community;
(II) work for the pursuit of better coordinated
policies and the enhancement of synergies
between the Rio conventions;
(III) create specific budget lines for combating
land degradation and the observance of consistent budget strategies appropriately integrating foreign assistance into a country's own
development plans;
(IV) build partnerships between policy-makers, the academic community, the business
sector, and non-governmental and community-based organizations;
(V) work for the strengthening of regional and
continental cooperation in the field of combating desertification and promote forms of
international, regional and subregional cooperation, including - if necessary - parliamentary diplomatic activities.
In Madrid, parliamentarians agreed upon a
stronger political will to fight soil erosion and
land degradation and upon a better parliamentary networking assisted by the UNCCD secretariat
and the IPU. The Madrid Forum was encouraging;
the words must now be followed by relevant
actions.
GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES

Prof. Dr. Uwe Holtz was
facilitator of the Parliamentarians Forum, held on
Sep. 12-13 in Madrid, on
The Role of Parliamentarians in the Efforts to Combat Desertification - Implementation of the UNCCD
and Challenges Ahead.
He is Senior Fellow of the
Center for Development
Research at the University
of Bonn and chaired the
parliamentary committee
for development cooperation of the German
Bundestag, 1974-1994.
29
NEWS ANALYSIS
Hollywood Spotlights
Growing Trade in Humans
By Thalif Deen in New York
K
Antonio Maria Costa (Photo: UN)
evin Kline, an Academy Award winning
movie star, is outraged at the impunity
with which human traffickers ply their
trade in one of the world's growing multi-billion
dollar businesses: the global sex industry. "We
are trying to put a human face to the problem,"
says Kline, who plays the role of a police officer in the movie "Trade", which premiered in
the UN Trusteeship Council chamber Sep. 18.
He said the movie, which is to be commercially
released shortly, will probe the inner workings
of the global human trafficking network.
The primary objective, Kline told reporters,
is to raise the awareness of a problem "which is
in plain sight - whether in the state of New
Jersey or in Mexico."
Antonio Maria Costa, executive director of
the Vienna-based UN Office on Drugs and Crime
(UNODC), said human trafficking is a 32 billion
dollar-a-year business, "whose profits are
second only to drugs and arms."
"Most of its victims (about 80 percent) are
women and girls, many of whom are forced
into prostitution or otherwise exploited sexually," he told reporters. After seeing an advance screening of "Trade", another Academy
30
Award-winning Hollywood star, Meryl Streep,
was quoted as saying that the movie provides
"an unflinching peek at the secret world of sex
trafficking."
"Anyone who fails to have their insides roiled by this film has commenced rigor mortis,"
she added.
Art - a powerful tool
Kline said the movie also focuses on the
plight of a young Polish girl who is abducted and
smuggled into the United States, through neighbouring Mexico, and who is drugged, raped and
made to work under conditions bordering slavery. "We are trying to spotlight the problem
without sensationalising it," he added.
The movie is based on a 2004 New York
Times Magazine article by Peter Landesman titled "The Girls Next Door".
Taina Bien-Aime, executive director of the
New York-based women's advocacy group Equality Now, said that art "is a powerful advocacy
tool to raise awareness." "We hope this dramatic and true-to-life film will move people to
take action against the scourge of sex traffikking," she said.
She said that New York city Mayor Mike
Bloomberg had declared September 2007 an
"anti-trafficking month" in order to raise "critical awareness of the cruel and disturbing practice of human trafficking."
In a statement released Sep. 18, Equality
Now said that every year, millions of women
and girls around the world suffer unimaginable
human rights violations at the hands of those
who profit from the trade in human lives.
"Some are abducted; some are deceived by
offers of legitimate work in another country;
some are sold by their own poverty-stricken
parents or are themselves driven by poverty
into the lure of traffickers who prey on their
desperation."
Photos: www.cinemablend.com
NEWS ANALYSIS
More and more countries are coming to see human trafficking
for what it is: a modern-day form of slavery.
Modern-day slavery
Trafficking, it said, is a scourge that affects
every country in the world. "It is one of the
fastest growing criminal industries, the third
largest, after the drugs and arms trade."
In June, the United States released its
seventh annual "Trafficking in Persons Report"
which focuses on the trade in humans.
At a press conference in Washington, U.S.
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice told reporters that human traffickers prey on the most
vulnerable members of society, most often
innocent women and children, exploiting and
abusing them and profiting from their suffering.
"In my travels," she said, "I have noticed a
greater desire by our partners to fight this
crime and protect its victims. We are helping
to lead a global movement, not just to confront this crime, but to abolish it."
More and more countries are coming to see
human trafficking for what it is - a modern-day
form of slavery that devastates families and
communities around the world, Rice added.
Still, Rice said there is disturbing evidence that
prosecutions have leveled off everywhere. In
some cases, there are countries with major
human trafficking problems, but only a couple
of traffickers have been brought to justice. This
year's report covered more countries than ever
before - 164 in total.
"This cannot and must not be tolerated.
Despite these serious concerns, much in this
year's report should give us hope," she added.
For example, she said, Georgia, Hungary
Slovenia and Israel have all made major improvements, as have Taiwan and countries like
Indonesia, Brazil, Bolivia, Peru and Jamaica.
Ambassador Mark Lagon, director of the
Office to Monitor and Combat Human Trafficking in Persons, said the structure of this
year's report and the purpose are focused largely on "drawing the world's attention on the existence of modern-day slavery and the desperate need to eliminate it in the same way that
the world ended the African slave trade more
than a century ago."
"Human trafficking plagues every country in
one way or another, including the United
States," he added. The U.S. list also includes
political allies such as Saudi Arabia, India,
Kuwait, Oman, Bahrain, Qatar and Algeria,
while others in the list include Equatorial
Guinea, Malaysia, Mexico, Russia, Armenia,
China, and South Africa.
Asked about the Middle East, Lagon said:
"What we found as a general pattern in this
report is an endemic problem of the way
foreign workers are treated in the Persian
Gulf, in Middle Eastern states." He pointed out
that there is a recruitment pattern of people,
unsuspecting people who are offered jobs as
secretaries, as maids; but they end up being
sex slaves or put into domestic servitude in an
involuntary way. "That's seen throughout the
region and it seems to be an increasingly acute
problem," he added.

31
Scramble for Resources
Driving Sudan Conflicts
By Mithre J. Sandrasagra in New York
Agroforestry:
Gum arabic farmer from
the Jawama'a tribe in El
Darota, Northern
Kordofan
32
A
UN Environment Programme (UNEP) report
emphasises strong linkages between environmental stresses and the ongoing conflict in Sudan. The new assessment of the country, including the troubled region of Darfur, indicates that among the root causes of decades of
social strife and conflict are the rapidly eroding
environmental conditions in several parts of the
country.
"We must address the root causes of the conflict, which are poverty and environmental degradation," Abdalmahmood Abdalhaleem Mohamad,
Sudan's Ambassador to the UN, told IPS. "Unless this
is tackled they will relapse to conflict," Mohamad
said. "It is not people killing each other for no reason. Political reasons came later. The conflict has
been there for a long time. Gradual
degradation of the environment
competing over dwindling resources,"
he continued.
The 354-page "Sudan: PostConflict Environmental Assessment"
points to environmental impacts of
population displacement and underinvestment in sustainable development, plus competition over oil and
gas reserves, Nile water, timber, and
agricultural land as root causes in the
"instigation and perpetuation of conflict in Sudan."
"Seventy-five percent of the
country is at peace, there are stable
oil revenues coming in and there is
good recognition of environment
issues at the local level," said Andrew
Morton of UNEP's Post-Conflict and
Disaster Management Branch. "This is
an excellent opportunity to integrate
concepts of sustainable development
in Sudan," he stressed.
The assessment, which was requested and carried out in cooperation with the new Government of
National Unity and the Government of Southern
Sudan, and sponsored by Sweden and Britain, makes
several recommendations. These include climate
adaptation measures, capacity building of national
and local government in environmental affairs and
the integration of environmental factors in all UN
peacekeeping, relief and development projects.
The total cost of this report's recommendations
is estimated at 120 million dollars over three to five
years. UNEP stressed that all these funds could
come through various Sudanese ministries. "Since
the price of oil fluctuates, we would like the door
for international assistance to be open," a Sudanese
delegate told delegates, UN staff and journalists at
the UNEP presentation here. Sudan's boom in oil and
gas exports pushed its GDP in 2005 to 85.5 billion
dollars. During his presentation, Morton was quick to
point out that though the report is called a "postconflict" assessment, "it is a picture of Sudan in
2006".
African tribes took up arms
The conflict is ongoing. Since it began in
February 2003, when members of the region's ethnic African tribes took up arms against what they
saw as decades of neglect and discrimination by
the Arab-dominated government in Khartoum, the
people of Darfur, Sudan have been subject to
government-sponsored displacement, rape and
murder.
The violence sponsored by the Sudanese
government and perpetrated by its Janjaweed
militias has claimed at least 400,000 lives, displaced 2.5 million people and left more than 3.5 million men, women and children struggling to surviKOMMUNIKATION GLOBAL | OKTOBER 2007
(All photos: UNEP-Website: http://sudanreport.unep.ch/sudan_website)
NEWS ANALYSIS
NEWS ANALYSIS
More than 3.5 million men, women and children
struggling to survive amid violence and starvation.
ve amid violence and starvation, according to the
UN On Jul. 31, the UN Security Council, with
Khartoum's consent, agreed to deploy a peacekeeping force of up to 26,000 military and police personnel in Darfur known by the acronym UNAMID.
UNAMID will be equipped with resources to protect civilians and humanitarian workers, and to
oversee implementation of a peace agreement. In
July and August, Khartoum told international aid
agency staffers that Darfur's 2.2 million internally
displaced persons (IDPs) were beginning to return
home voluntarily. However, the land where many
IDPs' villages are has degraded, according to UNEP.
So what is the solution for the long-tern return
of IDPs? "The UN will be committing a big mistake
if the UN continues to feed them endlessly. End
the conflict, integrate them," Mohamad said.
"Don't give them a fish to eat, teach them how to
fish." "We don't want to take them and give them
everything, because they will develop a syndrome
of dependency," Mohamad stressed.
According to Human Rights Watch (HRW), the
situation in Darfur is transforming from a highly
destructive armed conflict between rebels and the
government into a violent scramble for power and
resources involving government forces, progovernment militia, various rebel and former rebel
factions, and bandits. The scramble for resources
is a historic problem in Sudan, stresses the UNEP
report.
Long-term regional climate changes
There is mounting evidence of long-term regional climate change in several parts of the country.
This is marked by decline in rainfall in the states of
Kordofan and Darfur states. In northern Darfur, for
example, precipitation has fallen by a third in the
past 80 years, according to UNEP figures.
The scale of climate change recorded in
Northern Darfur is almost unprecedented, and its
impacts are closely linked to conflict in the region,
as desertification has added significantly to the
stress on traditional agricultural and pastoral livelihoods. In addition, "forecast climate change is
expected to further reduce food production due to
declining rainfall and increased variability, particularly in the Sahel belt. A drop in crop yields of
up to 70 percent is forecast for the most vulnerable
areas," says the report.
The Sahel belt is home to several million Sudanese. "There is a migration which involves millions
of people gradually moving south which leads to
conflict," Morton said, stressing that "this had
nothing to do with Darfur."
While the tensions and conflicts in Darfur are
currently in the headlines, the report warns that
other parts of the Sudan could see resumptions of
historical clashes driven in part by declines in environmental services. The most serious concerns to
UNEP are land degradation, desertification and the
spread of deserts southwards by an average of 100
kms over the past four decades. These are linked
with factors including overgrazing of fragile soils by
a livestock population that has exploded from close
to 27 million animals to around 135 million in 2006.
In the Nuba mountains region in Southern
Kordofan, for example, the indigenous Nuba tribe
expressed concern over the damaging of trees and
other vegetation due to the recent presence of the
camel-herding Shanabla tribe. Like many pastoralist communities, the Shanabla have been forced
to migrate south in search of adequate grazing
land lost in the north to agricultural expansion and
drought. Some Nuba warned of "restarting the war"
if this damage did not cease, according to UNEP.
Many sensitive areas are also experiencing a
"deforestation crisis" which has led to a loss of
almost 12 percent of Sudan's forest cover in just 15
years. Some areas are expected to undergo a total
loss of forest cover within the next decade.
Sudan, however, has natural resources that it
needs to exploit, Morton told IPS. "There are very
valuable hardwood timbers in Sudan, particularly
mahogany. At the moment they are being burnt to
clear land for agriculture, they are being lost
without getting any economic gain out of them
because there are no roads to the market. If
sold, one tree could create five years' income,"
Morton said. "There are substantive water resources through the Nile," he added, "yet there
is little irrigation done in central and southern
Sudan, so there are options there for agricultural development."
The Gezira scheme main
canal and the Managil
extension are used by
farmers for drinking
water and fishing

33
BUCHTIPP
Photo: UN - Vereinte Nationen
Der Weg zur Weltregierung
Eine Rezension von Bettina Gutierrez
D
Photo: Robert A. Lisak
ie UNO ist gerade in einer zunehmend globalisierten Welt
wichtig und unverzichtbar", lautet die Grundthese des an der Yale University lehrenden britischen Historikers
Paul Kennedy, die er mit seiner jüngsten
Studie anhand von zahlreichen Beispielen untermauert. Schon der Titel seines
Buches, "Parlament der Menschheit. Die
Vereinten Nationen und der Weg zur
Weltregierung" deutet auf sein Plädoyer für eine sachliche und wohlwollende Betrachtung einer Institution hin,
die allzu oft in der Kritik steht. Ausgewogen und differenziert ist daher seine
Antwort, fragt man ihn, welcher Aspekt
seiner Meinung nach die größte Rolle in
der öffentlichen Wahrnehmung der UNO
spiele:
"Es gibt viele öffentliche Wahrnehmungen, eine Verallgemeinerung ist
nicht möglich. Viele Menschen scheinen
die humanitären und umweltbezogenen
Maßnahmen der UNO zu schätzen, sind
aber skeptisch was die Politik der
Großmächte im Sicherheitsrat betreffen." Diese Antwort spiegelt in erster
Linie seine eigene Haltung gegenüber
den Vereinten Nationen wider, die überwiegend positiv geprägt ist. So zählt er
in seiner Studie nicht nur die sich auf die
Resolutionen des Sicherheitsrates gründenden Erfolge wie die Beendigung des
Krieges zwischen dem Iran und Irak, den
Rückzug der Sowjets aus Afghanistan
Der Autor Paul Kennedy
34
und die von dem Weltsicherheitsrat
"beobachtete" Unabhängigkeit Namibias
auf, sondern wirbt für eine verständnisvollere Beurteilung der friedensstiftenden Missionen.
Die meisten humanitären Katastrophen hätten, so Kennedy, die UNO vor
unlösbare Aufgaben gestellt, da es fast
unmöglich gewesen sei, schnell und direkt auf diese zu reagieren. Hierbei bezieht er sich auf organisatorische und
strukturelle Hindernisse, die in der
schwierigen Abstimmung der einzelnen
Mitgliedsländer untereinander und der
daraus resultierenden schleppenden
oder mangelnden Bereitstellung von
Soldaten, Nahrungsmitteln oder anderen
Hilfeleistungen begründet sind.
Blauhelmsoldaten
Es ist ihm vor allem ein besonderes
Anliegen, das öffentliche Bild von den
Einsätzen der Blauhelmsoldaten in Krisengebieten und die damit verbundenen Erwartungen zurechtzurücken. Bei
ihren Einsätzen mussten die Friedenssoldaten meist neutral bleiben und hatten daher, wie im Fall des Konflikts zwischen Israel und Palästina, nur eine symbolische Funktion. Oder sie mussten sich
politischen Entscheidungen beugen.
Als das amerikanische Fernsehen im
Oktober 1993 die Bilder des Leichnams
eines US-Soldaten zeigte, der durch die
Straßen einer kriegsverwüsteten somalischen Stadt geschleppt wurde, war die
Empörung der Bevölkerung und des Kongresses groß. Innerhalb kürzester Zeit sah
sich der damalige Präsident Bill Clinton
gezwungen, seine Truppen aus Somalia
abzuziehen. Eine Aktion, die nach Ansicht
von Kennedy dem Ansehen der künftigen
UNO-Friedensmissionen geschadet und zur
Folge gehabt habe, dass bei dem Konflikt
in Ruanda nur kleine, gering bewaffnete
Truppen als Beobachter entsendet wurden.
Als einen der größten Erfolge der
Arbeit der Vereinten Nationen wertet der
Wissenschafter die Schaffung eines öffentlichen Bewusstseins für die Menschenrechte und ökologische Zukunftsfragen.
Für ihn sind es die Interventionen der
UNO, die die Aufmerksamkeit der Weltbevölkerung und Politiker auf die Problematik der Menschenrechtsverletzungen
gelenkt haben. Und der Einberufung der
Stockholmer Konferenz von 1972 für Umwelt und Menschen sei es zu verdanken,
dass seitdem internationale Umweltrechte und Standards berücksichtigt würden. Einhelliges Lob erhält auch Kofi
Annan für seine ruhige, besonnene Amtsführung und sein strategisches Geschick
bei den Verhandlungen mit amerikanischen Politikern.
Nur in einem Punkt äußert er deutliche Kritik an der Struktur und Beschaffenheit der Vereinten Nationen: Die Tatsache, dass sich das wichtigste Organ der
UNO, der Sicherheitsrat, gemäß der Verfassung von 1945 aus fünf Mitgliedern zusammensetzt, empfindet er als anachronistisch und, betrachtet man es in Relation zu den191 Mitgliedsstaaten, als
unangemessen: "Die Großmächte - nicht
nur die USA, auch China und Russland suchen sich das aus, was Ihnen passt. Die
UNO ist ihnen nur dann nützlich, wenn
sie ihren nationalen Interessen dient,
aber nicht, wenn sie ihnen entgegensteht oder sie kritisiert."
KOMMUNIKATION GLOBAL
Paul Kennedy: Parlament der Menschheit. Die Vereinten Nationen und der
Weg zur Weltregierung, Beck Verlag
München 2007, Euro 24,90
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