Country Report Immigrant and immigration policy making – A survey

1
Country Report
Immigrant and immigration policy making – A survey
of the literature
The Case of Austria
Paper prepared for the IMISCOE C9 State of the Art Report in view of the First
Annual Imiscoe Conference in Coimbra, Portugal, December 2004. Revised Version,
June 2005
Albert Kraler
ICMPD
Summary
Research on migration policy in Austria started in the early 1980s. As migration was mainly dealt with
as an issue of employment and labour market policy until the late 1980s, the focus of research was on
explaining the particular modes of regulation established in the framework of social-partnership – the
semi-formal corporatist structure comprising employers and trade unions and charged with the
regulation of economic, social and labour market policy. The dramatic changes in the late 1980s and
early 1990s, which among other things involved the redefinition of migration as a security issue, let to
a decline of the literature with a focus on the regulation of labour migration. At the same time, new
research questions and new methodological approaches became important: studies analyzed the
strategies and programs of political parties in regard to migration policy; others analyzed how
migration became to be seen as a security issue, while the role of xenophobic campaigning equally
received some attention. The shift of migration policy to an “integration paradigm” in the mid-1990s
and the adoption of integration policies by municipalities and subsequently, by the Austria government
at the national level, let to the first studies of policy making and policy implementation at lower levels
of government. The introduction of advisory bodies for third country nationals and the debate on the
introduction of the vote for foreigners on the local level, similarly let to a consideration of local level
policies, while so far, the European level has been hardly considered by research on migration policy
making and implementation. The existing research on policy making and implementation has several
limitations, including the relative absence of systematic empirical analysis, the lack of comparative and
theory guided research, and the descriptive nature of much of the literature.
Introduction
Patterns of Migration and Migration Policy
Although Austria has a long history of immigration, migration is largely associated
with “guest worker migration” that started in the early 1960s and the “new
immigration” of Eastern European, African and Asian migrants that began in the late
2
1980s. At the time of the 2001 census, Austria had a foreign population of about
711,000 or 8.9% of the total population, and a foreign born population of just over
1,000,000 or 12.5%. Immigrants from Turkey and the former Yugoslavia, which were
the major sources for labour recruitment, still form the majority of immigrants,
making up more than two thirds of the total foreign population at the time of the
census. However, as a result of the “new immigration” from other European, mostly
Eastern European countries as well as from Africa and South Eastern and Central
Asia, and, to some extent, Latin America and the Caribbean, the immigrant population
is increasingly diversifying. Since the mid-1990s, the number of naturalizations, in
particular of Turkish migrants, who have one of the highest naturalization rates
among individual immigrant groups, is rapidly rising, thus also rapidly increasing the
number of Austrian citizens with a migrant back-ground.
Until the early 1990s, Austria designed its migration policy exclusively on the basis
of economic considerations, while the government left the determination of migration
levels largely to the “social-partners”, comprising organized labour and
institutionalized business interests. The changing patterns of migration and the large
inflows that resulted from the break-up of Yugoslavia and the fall of the Iron Curtain,
as well as rising numbers of asylum applications from third world countries, the
transformation of the Austrian political system as a result of the erosion of the
dominance of the traditional ruling parties and the increasing politicisation of
immigration policy, however, led the government to adopt a major reform of
immigration legislation in the early 1990s whose major objective it was to restrict
immigration and to drastically reduce immigration levels. Among others, the reform
introduced annual immigration quotas, which have been applied ever since. The
reform also led to massive deterioration of the situation of long-term migrants. The
1997 reform of the Aliens Act addressed these deficiencies to some degree, by
introducing the principle of “consolidation of residence”, that is, increasing residential
security (protection from expulsion) for long-term third country nationals. Access to
the labour market, however, remained decoupled from immigration legislation until
the reform of immigration legislation in 2002. The latter introduced the so-called
residence certificate which gives unrestricted access to employment for long-term
third country nationals. The 2002 reform, however, also massively expanded the
scope for temporary labour migration. In contrast to “guest-workers” who were
equally regarded as temporary migrants, however, new temporary migrants are
permanently excluded from “denizenship”, the secure status long-term migrants
enjoy, as well as citizenship. In addition, mandatory integration courses were
introduced and labour immigration limited to highly skilled migrants.
…. and research
Austrian migration policy in general can hardly be said to be an under-researched
area of research. There is a large number of overviews1 over the general development
of migration policy in Austria since World War II; a smaller, but growing number of
studies analyse various aspects and/ or different periods of historical migration
policies,2 while a sizable body of literature focuses in more detail on more recent
1
See for example Bauböck 1996, 1997, 1999; Fassmann 1995, IOM 2004; Jandl/ Kraler 2003; Kraler/
Stacher 2002; Kraler 2005; Waldrauch 2003
2
see for particularly well-researched examples on 18th and 19th century Austria Komlosy 2000, Reiter
(2000, 2001) and Wendelin 2000. See Heiss/Rathkolb (1995) on refugee policy since 1914. The most
comprehensive analysis of historical migration policies from the 19th century up to the present is the as
3
changes of policy during the 1990s.3 In addition, there are numerous in depth-studies
analysing specific areas of migration policy, such as citizenship policy, refugee and
asylum policy, employment policy vis-à-vis non-nationals or anti-discrimination
policy.4 If the sizeable body of grey literature that has emerged (master theses5 and
doctoral dissertations, as well as research reports and other grey material) are added to
this, the amount written on migration policy in Austria in general is, to say the least,
not far behind what is written about migration policy in other European countries with
a comparable history of migration, and indeed, elsewhere. In addition, many studies
on other aspects of migration often contain well-researched sections on migration
policy in the specific field under study.
Clearly, the number of studies written on migration policy in Austria has greatly
increased since the first academic studies began to appear in the mid 1970s, but
particularly during the early 1990s. In recent years, the harmonisation of migration
policy on a European level, including the adoption of anti-discrimination and
integration policies, directly or indirectly acted as an additional incentive to analyse
and evaluate migration policies on a regular basis and in comparative perspective.6
Paradoxically, however, analyses of processes of decision making with regard to
migration policy and related policy areas as well as studies of implementation of
policy decisions are few and far between.7 On the whole, studies of migration policy
limit themselves to the analysis of the legal framework, and only occasionally refer to
the political debates leading to changes in policy. By far the best researched area in
terms of migration policy making is (labour) immigration policy, and in particular,
there is a relatively large number of studies on the classical periods of labour
recruitment (1962 to 1973) and the period of restricted, but continuing labour
migration up to about 1989, while other areas, such as refugee policy received little
attention before the 1990s.
yet unpublished study (three volumes) by Sensenig/John/ Hahn (1998). The last two studies also
explore policy decision-making and implementation of policy in some depth.
3
König/ Perchinig 2003; König/ Stadler 2004; Ludwig Boltzmann Institut für Menschenrechte 2003
4
See for example Dufour (2003) on employment policy, the country chapter on Austria in EUMC 2002
on anti-discrimination policy, Fassmann/Fenzl 2003 and Knapp/Langthaler on asylum and refugee
policy; Stacher 2000 on Austrian policy vis-à-vis conflict refugees; and Waldrauch/Çinar 2003 on
citizenship policy.
5
Master theses and doctoral dissertations are collected by university libraries of the university where
the thesis was written as well as by the National Library (Österreichische Nationalbibliothek). They are
also accessible through interlibrary loan schemes. The required format as well as the scope of master
theses is only loosely defined in Austria. Master theses thus can be quite substantial, similar to PhD
dissertations.
6
An important impetus for comparative research has come from EU institutions themselves. The first
study on Austrian migration developments and Austrian migration policy was written for the European
Commission’s RIMET network immediately after Austria’s accession to the EU (Perchinig 1996, see
also Juen/Perchinig/Volf 1996). See also the various comparative studies commissioned by DG Justice
and Home Affairs more recently, including Ecotect Research and Consulting (2000);
Gronendijk/Guild/Barzilay (2000); ICMPD (2000), as well as the studies commissioned by the
European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia in Vienna (EUMC 2002, Raxen Focal Point
Austria 2003a, b).
7
The best and most comprehensive general overview over migration policy making in Austria is
König/Perchinig (2003). The study analyzes debates on migration policy, the policy position of the
various stakeholders and actors involved as well as their institutional standing and role in regard to the
formulation of migration policy. Finally, it analyzes the channels through which different stakeholders
can exert influence on policy decisions.
4
In a sense, the interest in analysing the making of migration policies in Austria has
even declined during the last decade, even though there are a number of recent and
very promising studies (most of them master theses) on as yet little explored and
extremely interesting issues.8 Tellingly, if perhaps not entirely representative of the
state of research in this field, the authors of the standard book on legislation and
policy making in Austria, Emmerich Tálos’ and Bernhard Kittel’s Gesetzgebung in
Österreich, resort to quoting term papers by their undergraduate students as the main
sources for their summary of policy making in respect to immigration, residence, and
employment of third country nationals during the 1990s.9
The Institutional Context of Migration Policy Research
Two reasons help to explain the lack of research on policy making in the area of
migration, namely the history of political research in Austria, and in particular the
history of political science as a discipline and, secondly, the history of migration
research in Austria.
The history of political science and the focus of political research in Austria
Political science itself was only belatedly institutionalised in Austria: a postgraduate
institution for social sciences10 which – in addition to courses in sociology and
economics – offered a two year postgraduate course in political science was
established in 1963 with financial support from the Ford foundation, the first fully
fledged university department for political science in the early 1970s. Up to then,
empirical policy research, or, for that matter, on politics in general was virtually nonexistent, while the situation of empirical social science research in general was little
better.11 The institutionalisation of the discipline coincided with the Socialist Party’s
accession to government in 1970. For the implementation of its program of reform
and modernisation, the new government needed the expertise of social scientists and
commissioned numerous studies in diverse policy areas. Partly reflecting the funding
priorities of the government, the bulk of the work undertaken by political scientists
and other social scientists focused on actual or recommended policy outputs and, in
terms of policy inputs, on the prospects for democratisation, while the analysis of
processes of policy making remained a relatively neglected field, except in the
framework of “social partnership”, the largely informal neo-corporatist structure
erected after World War II and institutionalised in the early 1960s. By and large,
researchers scarcely ventured outside the analysis of the core policy fields of “social
partnership”. Thus, the focus of much of the research was on labour relations, labour
market policy, as well as economic and social policy. It was in this context that the
first studies of immigration policy making began to appear in mid-1980s12. However,
with the decline of social partnership in the second half of the 1990s, research on
(contemporary) migration policy making virtually disappeared, at least as far as
published studies and “established” researchers are concerned13 and compared to the
attention devoted to the analysis of labour migration policy up to the mid 1980s.
8
See for example the study of Pühretmayer (2000) on the issue of representation of migrants in work
councils, the study of Grasl (2002) on migrant-politicians (city/ district councillors in Vienna) and the
study of Bednarzek (2002) on the Law on the Reception of Asylum Seekers 1990.
9
See Tálos/ Kittel 2001: 141-149 (policy in regard to the employment of aliens), and 217-224
(immigration and residence).
10
Institut für Höhere Studien (IHS)/ Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna
11
See Pelinka 1996; Sickinger 2003.
12
Matuschek 1985; Wimmer 1986b; Bauböck/ Wimmer 1988
13
A notable recent exception is König/ Perchinig (2003). Also, König/Stadler (2003) undertake a
limited analysis of policy making in the framework of their study of the evolution of the political-legal
framework of migration policy in Austria
5
Research on policy making thus was largely left to students, writing their master
theses, and to a much lesser extent, their dissertations.
In general – due to the country’s federal structure – research on the interaction of
different levels of government, and in particular, between the national and provincial
government (departments) has some tradition in Austria, as has the study of the
implementation of policies by the municipalities (Gemeinden). However, to our
knowledge, there is only one study explicitly dealing with the implementation of
migration policy in the context of federalism.14 The implementation of migration
policy at lower level administrative entities has similarly received little attention,15
while most studies on migration policy (making) on the municipal level of
government concentrate on policies of municipalities without a deeper reflection on
the interaction between policy making on the national and local level, respectively
(see in more detail below).16 Finally, research on policy making in the framework of
the EU, and in particular the analysis of the interaction of different levels in policy
formulation, policy making and policy implementation (what is usually understood
under the term multilevel governance) really only started after Austria’s accession to
the European Union in 1995. In respect to migration policy, however, only two
studies dating from 1996 exist that analyse how patterns of policy making and the
strategies of the actors involved have changed, focusing, however on the
implementation of EU regulations immediately after accession and thus before the
substantial expansion of the Union’s competencies in regard to migration, integration
and asylum with the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) and the Tampere Summit (1999).17
Migration Studies – a precarious “discipline”
A second reason for the lack of research on migration policy making may be found in
the history of migration research in Austria, and in particularly, in the adverse
institutional context that leaves researchers dependent on commissioned research and
on the priorities of funding institutions.18 In general, the onset of academic studies on
migration in Austria can be dated to the early 1970s.19 The main impetus for
migration studies in Austria, however, came from a two-year study on foreign
workers, commissioned by the Ministry of Social Administration and the Ministry of
Economics and Research and carried out by a group of researchers at the Institute of
Advanced Studies (IHS) in Vienna between 1982 and 1984.20 Subsequently,
migration, and the politics of migration (migration policy, rights of foreign nationals,
citizenship) became one of the main research focuses of the IHS well up to the late
1990s. In addition to the strand of research going back to the IHS study, a less
political, more demographic and economic research tradition emerged at the same
time.21 However, overall migration studies, or, for that matter, the analysis of
migration policy remained in a rather marginal position, even though the number of
non-university institutions or specialised units within existing (non-university)
14
Bednarzek (2002)
But see Jawhari (2000) who analyzes the department of the Vienna City Council then responsible for
the implementation of residence regulations, for a notable exception.
16
See Koller (1998) for a study which explicitly analyses Viennese integration policy in relation to the
national political arena.
17
See Juen/Perchinig/Volf (1996); Perchinig (1996)
18
See Bauböck/ Perchinig (2004: 32) and Perchinig (forthcoming)
19
See for example the book edited by the Arbeitskreis für Ökonomische und Soziologische Studien
(1973) and Thränhardt (1975).
20
See Wimmer 1986a; Sickinger 2003: 33. It was in the framework of this study that one of the first
analyses of migration policy making in Austria was undertaken (Wimmer 1986b).
21
See Lichtenberger (1984)
15
6
institutions with a focus on migration research grew significantly during the 1990s.22
And at universities, migration studies never got a real foothold.23 A research
programme on xenophobia and racism, funded and designed by the Ministry of
Science between 1995 and 2001, certainly helped to strengthen the capacity of
migration research in Austria but changed little in institutional terms. Similarly, the
substantial growth of project funding available in the framework of EU programs
(FP6, Equal, INTI etc.) have also enlarged the funds available for migration research
and to some extent also the range of topics analysed, but they do not change the
overall dependency on project funding.24 As commissioned research, and particularly
research commissioned by stakeholders, makes up such a large proportion of research
done on migration in general, a government/ donor perspective, and as a consequence,
a focus on policy outputs prevails. In this context, the main “function” of migration
policy research remains to support policy decision making and policy development25
rather than to make policy making itself the subject of analysis.
Themes and Topics
The following review of the literature chronologically traces the development of
research in regard to policy making from the earliest beginnings of policy research in
this area in the mid-1980s up to the present. As research on migration policy cannot
be understood independently its object of analysis, the development of migration
policy and broader discourses on the subject is sketched as well. Following the
literature review, a brief concluding section attempts to characterize the research done
in this field in terms of methodology, theoretical approaches, level of analysis and
actor perspectives.
The analysis of policy making and the changing contexts of policy
making
Not unsurprisingly, research on policy making in the area of migration, asylum and
integration closely follows the history of migration in Austria and the political debate
on migration and migration policy. Thus, up to the 1990s, the almost exclusive focus
of much of the literature was on the regulation of labour migration. In particular,
research focused on the questions why and how labour migration was regulated in the
framework of social partnership – the corporatist structures comprising employers and
22
For example, within the European Centre for Welfare Policy and Research a department on
migration research was established in the mid-1990s. Two international organizations, the ICMPD and
the EUMC (who both also have political functions) were established in the early 1990s and second half
of the 1990s, respectively. A number of other, smaller institutions (e.g the Centre for Social Innovation,
the Centre for Conflict Research) as well as institutions within the Austrian Academy of Sciences (the
Institute of European Integration Research, the Institute for Urban and Regional research) also
developed a strong interest into migration research. Also, a commission on migration and integration
research, which mainly has a networking function, was recently established at the Austrian Academy of
Sciences.
23
At universities, there is a good number of individual scholars with a specialization in migration
studies, but no university department or centre as such with a specialization in the field, with the partial
exception of the Department of Social and Cultural Anthropology at the University of Vienna which
recently has established a focus on migration research.
24
Perchinig (forthcoming)
25
This statement has to be qualified – the impact of academic studies on policy decisions on the
national level has been extremely limited, if studies (even if commissioned by line ministries) had any
impact at all (See on this issue König/Perchinig 2003). On other levels, but especially in Vienna (which
is simultaneously a municipality and a province) academic studies on migration (and migration policy)
arguably had a greater impact.
7
employee interest groups erected after World War II and institutionalized in the late
1950s and early 1960s. 26
The political debate on migration, 1960-1990: migration policy as an issue of
employment27
When employers first demanded to be allowed to employ foreign workers in order to
address the severe shortages of labour in certain sectors of the economy, the trade
unions had strong reservations and opposed any legal changes. A draft proposal for a
new law that should replace the German Decree on Foreign Workers, in force since
1941 and taken over by the reinstated republic in 1945 was opposed by employers
who wanted an outright liberalisation of foreign employment. With no prospect of
reaching a compromise on a law, a compromise was nevertheless reached in 1961 in
the form of an agreement between employers and trade unions that allowed for a
maximum contingent of 48,000 aliens to be temporarily employed in Austria in 1962.
Initially meant as a temporary measure, the practice of setting contingents each year
continued in slightly modified form up to 1975. Even when a law on the employment
of foreign nationals was finally passed in 1975 and the state (the Ministry of Social
Administration which was in charge of labour market policy) henceforth played a
much more important role, the social partners remained in overall control of migration
policy. In a sense, therefore, the regulation of labour migration was a showcase
example for the working of social partnership, the “parastatal” system of government,
so characteristic for the postwar Austrian political system and was analysed as such.28
Mirroring the “employment paradigm” that governed the regulation of migration up to
the late 1980s, the main interest of research on migration policy making was to
explain how compromises between trade unions and employers, and to a much lesser
extent, between the main interest groups and the state, impacted the form and
outcome of the regulation of migration in Austria.29
The 1990s brought a major shift in migration policy, not only in terms of substance,
but also in terms of competencies and, most importantly perhaps, in terms of political
discourse. By the late 1980s, it had become clear that the existing legal framework
governing the entry, residence and employment of foreign nationals was inadequate to
deal with the long-term presence of foreign nationals. The 1985 decision by the
Constitutional Court to annul sections of the 1954 Policing of Aliens Act because they
were in contradiction with the European Convention of Human Rights was an
important trigger for reform – at least in retrospect – as it lead to a first consideration
of the rights of long term migrants. The political context had also changed
dramatically as the dominance of the two main parties successively eroded during the
1980s and 1990s. Both the Green Party, which had gained several seats in parliament
in the 1986 elections, and the FPÖ used migration to sharpen their profiles, albeit in
diametrically opposed directions. Mobilisation against immigration by the FPÖ, and
26
For contemporary analyses see Bauböck/Wimmer (1988); Gärtner (1990); Matuschek (1985);
Wimmer (1986b); For historical reconstructions of labour immigration policy see the studies of Enzi
(1997); Matuschek (1996) and Wollner (1996). See also the chapters on labour migration in post-war
Austria in the voluminous study by Sensenig/ John/ Jahn (1998) on migration and migration policy
since the 19th century. For an analysis of Trade Union policy in respect to labour immigration see
Bauböck (1990) and Gächter (2000).
27
See for general overviews over this period Bauböck (1996, 1997, 1999); König/ Perchinig (2003);
Kraler/Stacher (2002), Perchinig (forthcoming)
28
See Tálos/Leichsenring/Zeiner (1993), Tálos/Kittel (2001) and Wimmer (1986b)
29
See FN 26. For a study that analyzes the regulation of access to the labour market and the
implementation of legal regulations by the administration from an actor-centred perspective see
Härpfer/ Wammerl/ Bauböck /Palt (1992).
8
as a reaction, for tolerance and against xenophobia and the FPÖ campaign against
immigration, reached its height in 1992/1993, when the FPÖ organised a mass
campaign under the slogan “Austria first”, calling for a restriction of immigration and
tighter border and internal controls.30 Thus, since the latter half of the 1980s,
migration gradually moved to the centre of political discourse, and on a political level,
it stopped being an issue dealt with in a technocratic manner behind closed doors.
The mass influx of Romanian asylum seekers in 1990 also made asylum a contentious
issue and created the impression that the asylum system was in crisis. An increasing
number of actors called for a review of asylum legislation and for restricting
immigration, including the Trade Unions and the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ). The
rising number of immigrants from Eastern Europe since 1989 and the mass influx of
Bosnian war refugees in 1992 (between 1987 and 1997, the immigrant population
more than doubled from 326,000 to 713,000) additionally created a pressure for
reform of immigration policy.
At the same time, there was a shift of competencies on the level of government, with
the Ministry of Interior taking over the lead in regard to the formulation of overall
goals in migration policy from the Ministry of Social Affairs. Between 1989 and
1992, the Ministry of the Interior together with the Office of the Federal Chancellor
held several dialogue groups, comprising civil servants as well as migration
researchers and intellectuals, resulting in a draft proposal for an “immigration law”
(the title was subsequently dropped). The proposal suggested the introduction of a
quota system and the abolishment of labour market controls for immigrants.
Proponents of the law argued that the existing control mechanisms (essentially: the
control of the labour market) were ineffective. In addition, immigration was also
suggested as a means to address the problems posed by ageing societies.31
Broadening the field: research on migration policy 1990 to the present
The changes in government and policy - between 1990 and 1993 several important
new laws on immigration and residence were adopted and existing legislation
amended (Law on the Reception of Asylum Seekers 1990, Asylum Act 1991, Aliens
Act 1992, Residence Act 1992, Employment of Aliens Act 1990), as well as rising
tide of xenophobia and the electoral success of the populist FPÖ provided a range of
new topics for research and also led researchers to adopt new approaches to the study
of immigration policy making. For example, refugee policy now became a core
element of analyses of migration policy where previously only legal studies had
analysed the manifest content of Austrian refugee legislation.32 Different studies,
including discourse analytical studies looked at how the issue of migration came to be
framed as a security issue and how migrants were increasingly regarded as
synonymous with asylum seekers, based on the analysis of media reports,
parliamentary proceedings and other sources.33 Political parties, which previously had
30
The campaign used the constitutional mechanism of a Volksbegehren (literally: “popular
initiative”). If passing the threshold of 100,000 signatures, a Volksbegehren has the character of a
proposal for a law and has to be voted in Parliament.
31
See König/Perchinig 2003: 2
32
See the contributions in Heiss/Rathkolb 1995 for a collection of studies exclusively devoted to the
analyses of refugee policy. See Bauböck (1996, 1997, 1999), Kraler/Stacher (2002) for general
analyses of migration policy in conjunction with asylum, and Bednarzek (2002) for a theory guided
analysis of Austria’s reception policy.
33
See Matouschek/Wodak/Januschek 1995; See Rohrauer (1995) for an analysis of local media
discourse on migrants in Graz. For an intriguing analysis that shows that it was government itself rather
than the media or the populist FPÖ who put immigration on the public agenda in 1990 see Zuser
9
– for good reasons – been neglected in regard to migration policy now became the
focus of studies analysing actors in the policy process.34 Several empirical studies
analysed xenophobia as a factor in election and election campaigns35, while the
collection of signatures calling for a restriction of immigration and the tightening of
external and internal controls by the FPÖ (“Austria First”) was analysed by several
master thesis, mostly from a discourse-analytical perspective.36 In addition, several
overviews analysed the changing paradigms of migration policy (and to a much lesser
extent, the changing patterns of migration policy making) in a historical perspective.37
Migrants as (potential) actors – political representation and participation and
migrant activists
In regard to migration research in general, the study on foreign workers carried out at
IHS in the early 1980s had already brought a shift away from the fiction of temporary
labour and had moved to a focus on integration of migrants, whose long term
presence was acknowledged as a fact. Political research followed suit in the 1990s,
and increasingly began to discuss issues of political integration, both in theoretical
and empirical terms, the latter mainly in respect to representation of foreign nationals
in work councils38 and the establishment of advisory bodies for foreign nationals at
the municipal level.39 Only citizenship policy remained a rather neglected field.40
While migrant activists and advocacy groups had been calling for some form of
representation of immigrants at the local level, including the active and passive right
(1996). See Kuscheij/ Pilgram (2002) for an analysis of how xenophobia fuelled the debate on
organized crime and migration in turn was criminalized. Karin Sohler (1999) provides a thorough
analysis how migration policy became to be dominated by a security paradigm during the 1990s, based
on media reports and an analysis of parliamentary debates. See also Sohler (2000) for a short summary
of the results of her study.
34
See in particular Wolfgruber 1994. See also Tálos/Leichsenring/ Zeiner (1993) for a brief analysis of
how general migration policy became closely intertwined with the issue of asylum in the discussions
between social partners and political parties for the 1990s Employment of Aliens Act. On the FPÖ see
Höllinger (1999), Kreisky (2002) and Reinfeldt (2000).
35
See for example Plasser/Ulram (1991, 1992)
36
Höchstöger-Wittmann (1995); Rixner (1995); Schranzer (1995), Shertzer-Hofmann (1995); Vogl
(1994).
37
Bauböck (1996, 1997, 1999). See also Kraler/Stacher (2002)
38
Formal work councils (Betriebsrat) are provided for by the Employment Constitution Law
(Arbeitsverfassungsgesetz). Councillors are elected at the shop floor level. However, third-country
nationals are excluded from standing for elections. The most comprehensive analysis is provided by
Pühretmayer (2000) who shows that the Federation of Austrian Trade Union’s shift in policy (since
1991, the Trade Unions officially support the introduction of passive vote in Work Council elections)
did not lead to a change in the relevant law, due to resistance from individual trade unions and the then
junior coalition party ÖVP (Austrian People’s Party). For a contemporary analysis see Bauböck (1990)
and Gächter (2000) for an analysis that focuses on the policy position of Trade Unions with regard to
migration policy in general, including the question of migrant representation at the work place.
39
See Kodat (1996) and Sensenig (1994, 1997)
40
As in other areas, analyses of citizenship mainly dealt with the issue from a purely legal perspective.
Çinar (1994) contains some paragraphs on citizenship policy in Austria while Gächter (1994,
unpublished) provides a more thorough Analysis of the Austrian case. See also Çinar (1996) for a
discussion of citizenship policy in comparative perspective. See Bauböck (1999) for a brief analysis of
the discussion leading to the adoption of a new citizenship law in 1998. Waldrauch/ Çinar (2003)
mainly provide an overview over the content of citizenship policy. A comparative analysis of Austrian
and German citizenship reforms in the last decade, with special reference to the (non-)toleration of dual
nationality in Austria and Germany, respectively, is provided by Ludvig (2003, 2004) who also briefly
reflects on administrative practices of awarding citizenship. A FP 6 project (NATAC), coordinated by
the Austrian Academy of Social Sciences currently under way analyzes citizenship policies and
administrative practices in some depth. See also the excellent if very specialised (historical-legal) study
of citizenship policy vis-á-vis former Jewish citizens of Austria who were deprived of their citizenship
in the wake of the annexation of Austria by Nazi-Germany by Kolonivits/Burger/Wendelin (2004).
10
to vote in communal elections since the mid 1980s, the debate in the 1990s was at
least partly driven by the impending introduction of the vote on municipal level for
EU nationals.41 Importantly, the issue of the right to vote for immigrants also shifted
the attention to the hitherto rather neglected local level.
The perspective of migrants themselves, however, remained marginal – both in the
political debate and in studies on migrant representation – in work councils, in the
statutory student union, on municipal level and in civil society at large. Partly because
the number of trade union activists with a migrant background was (and remains) so
low, the role of migrant activists at the work place and within the Chamber of Labour
and/or the trade unions has received almost no attention from researchers.42 Only
recently, a study undertook to analyse the role of migrant politicians (city and district
councillors) in Vienna, focusing, however, on issues of political participation and less
on their role in policy making at the city level.43 In addition, there are a number of
recent studies of migrant associations, which mostly, however, limit their analysis to
the empirical description of migrant associations and their activities.44 To what extent
and in what form migrant association can exert any influence on policy making, and
in particular on the local level, remains an open question.
In general, studies on the administrative implementation of migration policy on the
provincial and local level or in the framework of Austria’s federal structure are
extremely scarce.45 In view of the (potential) influence of provincial governments on
national legislation, and in particular on asylum policy46, as well as their known
autonomy in respect to the implementation of certain aspects of migration policy (e.g.
citizenship47 policy, integration policy48) a more detailed analysis of the role of
provinces and municipalities in migration policy making is certainly warranted.
Equally desirable are more detailed studies of the implementation of national policies
41
See Schnedl (1995) who provides a detailed legal analysis of the law introducing the right to vote for
EU-nationals. He also summarizes the general debate on the right to vote on local level for noncitizens, as well as the decision making process leading to the adoption of the law.
42
See, however, an article on the history of the initiative “Sesam Öffne Dich”, a working group within
one trade union, and written by trade union activists (Grandperret/ Nagel 2000).
43
Grasl (2002)
44
See Bratic (2000, 2003), Kroisenbrunner (1996, 1997, 2003), Perchinig (2003), Reiser (2000) and
Waldrauch/ Sohler (2004). See Görg/Pührentmayer (2000) on (mixed) anti-racist organisations. For a
comprehensive literature review of research on civic participation see Kraler/Sohler 2005.
45
See Bednarzek for detailed study of the 1990 Reception of Asylum Seekers Act
(Bundesbetreuungsgesetz) whose implementation, the author finds, depends on the provincial
governments’ goodwill, and therefore often is not implemented at all. See also Jawhari (2000) on the
implementation of residence regulations (1992 Residence Act) by the responsible Viennese city
department (MA62). See also Koller’s (1998) and Perchinig’s (2001) studies of Viennese
migration/integration policies.
46
This is particularly evident in respect to the current debate on asylum which centres on the
distribution of asylum seekers among the 9 provinces (in terms of reception of asylum seekers), but
also involves a more far reaching debate on the principles of asylum policy (a review of the asylum law
is currently under way). The debate was at least partly triggered by the need to develop a
comprehensive reception policy following the EU directive on the reception of Asylum seekers.
47
For example, up to the 1990s Vienna had the highest naturalization rates of all the provinces in
Austria, mainly due to a decision by the City Council to make use of its discretionary power and to
award citizenship at the earliest possible date. The City Council regarded the facilitation of the
acquisition of citizenship as part of its overall integration policy (See König/ Perchinig 2003).
48
Media reports have highlighted the different approach taken by provinces in regard to the
implementation of the “integration agreement”, introduced by the ÖVP/FPÖ government in 2002 (in
force since 1st January 2003). The core of the “integration agreement” (in fact: a set of legal provisions
imposed on new immigrants) are obligatory language courses for third country nationals.
11
by administrative bodies such as the labour market board, aliens police, and other
relevant administrative entities.
A new paradigm in migration policy: integration
With the shift of discourse on migration policy to an integration paradigm in the
1990s, a relatively large body of literature emerged that analyzed the legal framework
for migrant integration, including political integration.49 A much smaller number of
empirical studies looked in more detail at integration measures adopted at lower levels
of government50 and the contradictions between the national framework of migration
policy and local initiatives set up to facilitate the integration of migrants.51 The
introduction of the so-called “integration agreements” in the course of the amendment
of the Aliens Law in 2002 by the ruling coalition between ÖVP and FPÖ, which, inter
alia, entails an obligatory language course for new immigrants has been analyzed by
two recent studies, one focusing on the understanding of “integration” underlying the
new regulation while the other analyzes the impact of the media on public policy
design.52
The change in government (2000) – new research questions?
The formation of the coalition government between the conservative People’s Party
(ÖVP) and the right-wing Freedom Party (FPÖ) in 2000 have certainly changed the
conditions for migration policy making, in particular since the influence of social
partners, but especially the influence of Trade Unions and the Chamber of Labour on
policy making has decreased considerably. However, apart from an excellent general
overview over migration policy (making)53 during the present government’s terms of
office, no systematic attempt has been made so far to analyse to what extent policy
making processes have changed since the change of government in 2000.
The peculiar context of the change of government, in particular the imposition of
(largely symbolical) sanctions by the leaders of the other 14 EU Member States to
express their concern over the FPÖ’s accession to government as well as the
improvised monitoring system established in the wake of the sanctions, has been
noted to have had some influence on the government’s plans on migration policy, and
especially, on the timing of the reforms (in 2002 rather than in the first two years of
office), but has not been studied in depth.54 Conversely, a recent study by a French
researcher noted the impact the formation of the ÖVP/FPÖ government had on the
surprisingly fast decision on the “race directive” at European level.55 This issue, has,
one of the few instances where the interaction between European and the national
level (in respect to Austria) has been studied to some extent, even if in a somewhat
exceptional context. Apart from that, there are only two important, but much older
49
See for example the project undertaken by Bauböck/ Çinar/ Gächter (1996).
See Mühlbachler (1996), Perchinig (2001), Pohoryles/ Scharinger (1993).
51
See Nußbaumer (1998). See also Koller (1998) who analyzes the Vienna Integration Fund, set up by
the Socialist ruled Vienna City Council in the early 1990s and its relation to the national framework for
migration policy.
52
Ćosić (2003), Rohsmann (2003). See also Georgi (n.d.). A comparative project studying the
implementation of „integration agreements“ and similar arrangements in Austria, France, Germany, the
Netherlands, and Switzerland is currently carried out by ICMPD together with partner institutions from
each of the countries under study. The project is funded by DG Justice and Home Affairs (funding line
INTI).
53
König/ Perchinig 2003
54
See Kraler (2003) and Wodak/Reisigl (2002) who both provide a very brief analysis of how the
“sanctions” let the government to postpone and modify its planned changes in regard to migration
policy.
55
Guiraudon (2003: 275)
50
12
studies, written shortly after Austria’s accession to the EU in 1995 which analyze the
strategies of Austrian policy makers in regard to Austrian legal regulation and
administrative practice that were obviously in contradiction with EU regulations.56
Much more research on the interaction of the European and national levels is certainly
needed.
Conclusions
The literature survey and especially the relatively large number of studies quoted
might well create the impression that migration policy making has been reasonably
well studied in Austria. However, several caveats on the existing literature need to be
borne in mind:
First, the majority of studies quoted in this survey do not focus on migration
policy making or the implementation of policy as such and analyse the causes for
policy decisions or the implementation of policy only in passing.
Secondly, even those studies explicitly focusing on processes of policy
formulation, policy making and implementation, hardly link their analysis to broader
theoretical questions and thus almost exclusively remain on a descriptive level.57
Partly, this may be due to the long-term focus of political research in Austria on
Austria itself and the almost complete absence of comparative analyses – from which
theoretical questions could have been derived. Most studies of migration policy
similarly approach their subject as a case study of Austrian migration policy which
they analyse in an ideographic and rather historiographic manner.58 To be sure, policy
analyses have become more sophisticated in the 1990s. But so far, instances of
theoretically stimulating or theory guided and, above all, comparative research on
migration policy making or the implementation of migration policy in Austria are
extremely rare.
To some degree, recent studies have given up the almost exclusive focus on the
national level so characteristic of much of the early research done in this field, partly
reflecting a shift of attention to issues that intrinsically involve the attention for the
local (municipal) or provincial level (e.g. integration policy, reception policy in regard
to asylum seekers …). Most studies of lower levels of government, however, still take
Vienna – the largest city and at the same time a province – as their case study, while
studies of other municipalities or provinces are few and far between. As has been
indicated above, the growing importance of the European level on policy making has
hardly been taken up by research on policy making and implementation.
The shift of attention to lower levels of government as well as the research done
on migrant associations and migrant politicians have somewhat broadened the scope
of research in terms of the actors under study. In general, however, more nuanced and
more detailed analyses of the actors involved both in policy making and in policy
implementation is needed, for example on the interaction of different ministries or
56
Perchinig (1996); Juen/Perchinig/Volf (1996). The relevant regulations concern the association
agreement with Turkey. In addition, the studies analyze the contradiction of Austrian migration policy
with (non-binding) Commission policy proposals at the time.
57
There are notable exceptions – see for example Bednarzek (2002), Sohler (1999) and the various
discourse-analytical studies, for example Matouschek/ Wodak/ Januschek (1995), Sedlak (2000) and
Wodak/Reisigl (2002). Studies on (labour) migration policy during the classical periods of Social
Partnership, implicitly or explicitly (e.g. Tálos/ Leichsenring/ Zeiner 1993) analyze the regulation of
migration by social partners as an instance of policy networks.
58
Perhaps, it is no coincidence that some of the best analyses of migration policy (making) in Austria
have been written by historians or on a historical subject.
13
different departments in the same ministries59 on the national level or between
different government bodies (e.g. labour market boards, municipalities, aliens police,
etc.) on the local and provincial level.
In terms of methodology, surprisingly few studies are based on systematic and
extensive empirical research. Many analyses of government policy, parties, trade
unions etc. rely on publicly and easily available sources (e.g. media reports and press
statements by political parties, ministries and other institutions), while the number of
studies using parliamentary records, archival sources or interviews with the actors
involved is relatively low. Partly, this is due to the fact that access to potential
interviewees, in particular government officials, officials in the police administration
etc., as well as access to archival sources, poses a major problem for researchers, not
least, since freedom of access to information is not regulated by law and to be granted
access is thus often left to the discretion of the relevant officials.60 Partly, however,
the paucity of empirical research also reflects the fact that the analysis of processes of
policy making as well as policy implementation is given an overall low priority, both
within the wider research community and among the main funding institutions. As a
study on the interaction of researchers and policy makers, conducted by ICMPD has
found, the collaboration of researchers and policy makers (if only in the course of a
study) is additionally hampered by mistrust policy makers harbour against evaluations
of “their” policies from third parties, but particularly social scientists, and vice versa,
by the suspicion migration researchers have that their findings are misused.61
Finally, access to research on migration policy (making and implementation) itself
poses a problem. The majority of studies quoted in this survey are unpublished and
thus accessible to researchers both in the country and elsewhere as well as the wider
public only with difficulty. In addition, not all government funded research is made
available to the public or is often shelved for years. While there is a good number of
excellent master theses on migration policy making (equally unpublished but more
easily accessible), only few of their author manage to turn their studies into more
widely disseminated articles in established journals and even fewer remain in research
after the completion of their studies.
In recent years, research programs at European level (FP6, ESF) as well as
research commissioned by various EU institutions (e.g. various Directorate Generals
within the Commission, EUMC) have had a positive impact on migration research
and on research on migration policy in Austria – indeed, several EU funded projects
analysing policy making and the implementation of policy are currently
underway.***valutazione/indicatori di integrazione, ma nesso tra i due manca sarebbe
iteressante saper quante ricerche di questo tipo sono state finanziate da UE*** The
partial institutionalisation of migration studies with the recent establishment of a
Commission for Migration and Integration Research at the Austrian Academy of
Sciences as well as the prospect of the introduction of a special funding line for
migration related research in the framework of the national science fund, equally
leaves some hope that the overall context for migration policy research will be more
favourable in the years to come.
59
For example, the different approaches taken by the departments in the Ministry of Interior,
responsible for the overall management of aliens administration and by department responsible for the
integration of refugees and migrants, respectively, is an open secret.
60
See Perchinig (forthcoming)
61
ICMPD (1998)
14
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