5. Negotiating Islam - DGV

5. Negotiating Islam: Between Culture and Religion
Katja Rieck, Goethe-Universität Frankfurt/Main, [email protected]
With the collaboration of:
Dominik Müller, Goethe-Universität Frankfurt/Main,
[email protected]
The growing saliency of culture, which stands in contrast to anthropology’s critical
view of the concept, has gone hand in hand with the resurgence of religion. The
Muslim world in particular has been an important site where the cultural and the
religious have both come to figure prominently in political discourse, as well as in
everyday life.
The cultivation of an Islamic “culture” – embodied in shared material goods as well
as practices and experiences – is thus central to the formation of pious believers, the
constitution of an Islamic esprit de corps, as well as to the material realization of
Muslim life-worlds. However, culture has also been brought into play in counterhegemonic projects by Muslims who critique particular practices or doctrines for
being (merely) “cultural”, as opposed to being (truly) “Islamic”. The panel examines
the role of culture in (re)negotiating the faith, identities, experiences and life-worlds
of Muslims in different ethnographic contexts.
15. September, 12.00 – 13.30 / Raum 204
Islam for Sale: Muslim Youth, Identity and Consumption
Anjoom Mukadam, Institute for Ismaili Studies, London
Sharmina Mawani, Institute for Ismaili Studies, London
What Happens after Class? Islamic concepts and values in the Indonesian Pesantren
Claudia Seise, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin
Indonesian-Muslim Identities in a Globalizing World: Defining the ‘Self’ Culturally in
Light of ‘Western’ and ‘Arabic’ Influences
Melanie V. Nertz, Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg
15. September, 15.00 – 16.30 / Raum 204
Die Rituale und Mythen in der traditionellen kasachischen Kultur und Islam
Saniya Edelbay, Universität Zürich
Ambiguous Negotiations: Islamic Debates and Cultural Representations in Ethiopia
Patrick Desplat, Universität Köln
Culture as Leverage in Negotiating Women’s Roles in Islamic Aceh
Kristina Grossmann, Goethe-Universität Frankfurt/Main
Abstracts:
Session 1, Islamic Culture:
Islam
for
Sale:
Muslim
youth,
identity
and
consumption
Anjoom Mukadam & Sharmina Mawani, Institute of Ismaili Studies
Post 9/11 and 7/7 there has been a more visible presence of modern Muslim culture
in the marketplace. Some retailers are catering for the needs of young Muslims who
are utilizing these commodities to express their identities, not in traditional ways but
in a manner that is more in line with popular youth culture. Others are producing
anti-Islamic goods in order to propagate their views fuelled by a media onslaught as
to the rising threat of Islamic Terrorism. There is a third group who have simply
realised a growing market and its potential for wealth creation. The commodities in
all three groups include art, fashion, clothing, halal goods, music, books, toys, new
technology and magazines, amongst others. Forms of cultural commodification in the
West were largely introduced by mainstream retailers, for example the wave of
Indian artefacts that appeared in 2002 during an ‘Indian Summer’ in London.
However, religious commodification, especially where Islam is concerned, appears to
be led by the adherents themselves as a vehicle for expressing and promoting their
faith by way of cultural production and creating new modes of expression that open
up spaces for new subject positions, new views on faith and practice and fresh
understandings of religious experience. For Muslim youth these new modes of
expression create a space within which to engage with their faith and to assert their
Muslim identities in an ever increasing Islamaphobic environment. These cultural
expressions allow for a visible recognition of their faith as modern and fluid as
opposed to being traditional and archaic – a tool that many need in order to engage
with their faith in today’s consumer society. They are not forsaking din (the spiritual)
for duniya (the material), but are finding innovative ways in which to live according
to the principles of the faith in their own contemporary period. One question that
needs to be answered is whether these commodities are fulfilling a need or simply
creating one?
What Happens after Class? Islamic Concepts and Values in the Indonesian
Pesantren
Claudia Seise, Humboldt University of Berlin
Islamic primary and secondary schools in Indonesia called Pesantren are part of
Indonesian Islam and culture. They form a considerable part of the modern
Indonesian education system and for many Muslim families an alternative choice to
the secular Pancasila orientated public schools. Besides the formal curriculum made
obligatory by the national government of Indonesia, modern Pesantren education
offers various religious courses on a formal basis. Furthermore, the Indonesian
Pesantren is a place where normative Islamic values are transferred to everyday life.
Essential and normative Islamic values and concepts are derived from the Holy
Qur’an, the Teachings of the Prophet Muhammad and other Islamic sources. Islamic
values and concepts that are being analyzed include iman, ibadah, imam, umma, ilm,
jihad fil-sabililah, ikhlas, sedekah, al-haya and simplicity. The central question of the
paper is: How are core Islamic values and concepts reflected and practiced in
everyday Pesantren life?
It was ascertained that Islamic values and concepts and their implementation in the
Pesantren mainly resemble part of the informal setting of after class activities.
Connected to knowledge passed on after class is the question whether normative
and idealized versions of Islam, as forms of cultural production correspond with
everyday life experiences as forms of cultural and religious performance.
In order to present the variety of Indonesian Pesantren field study was conducted in
three different types of Pesantren, namely: a Gontor Pesantren, a traditional type of
Pesantren and an asrama- boardinghouse Pesantren for female santri.
It was found that Islamic values and concepts play a considerable role in actively
shaping and influencing everyday life of santri in different ways in all three Pesantren
and form part of the formal and informal education environment in Pesantren.
Indonesian-Muslim Identities in a Globalizing World: Defining the ‘self’
culturally in light of ‘Western’ and ‘Arabic’ influences
Melanie V. Nertz , Albert-Ludwigs-Universität, Freiburg i. Br.
Against the backdrop of globalization, Muslims in Indonesia face multi-directional
influences from outside that demand the repositioning of the `Self´ in opposition to
a variety of `Others´, namely the `West´ or the `Arabic world´. As there are
undoubtedly inflows of the two latter in Indonesian society, conceptualizations of the
`West´ and the `Arabic world´ are negotiated and examined for being an
appropriate point of reference for the `Self´ or not. Based on an anthropological
fieldwork in Makassar, South Sulawesi and Yogyakarta, Central Java, data shows that
on the one hand defining an Indonesian-Muslim identity goes along with
reconsidering and referring to local conditions and culture as means of displaying
commonalities and differences in comparison with so called `Western´ and `Arabic´
culture and leads to demarcation as well as new approaches to the `Other´.On the
other hand material culture functions to express the own Islamic faith and affiliation
to a broader Muslim community.
Session 2, Culture in Islam:
Rituale und Mythen in der kasachischen traditionellen Kultur und Islam 1
Saniya Edelbay, Ethnologisches Seminar der Universität Zürich
Die Traditionen, Rituale und Bräuche der nomadischen Kasachen sind erhalten
geblieben und existieren heute neben dem Islam.
Für die traditionelle kasachische Kultur ist der einzigartige Fall der Koexistenz von
Mythen und Ritual charakteristisch. Von den Initiierungsritualen kommt in der
kasachischen Kultur die entscheidende Bedeutung des mythologischen Sujets dem
Ritual "Schylan kays" ("die Schlangenhaut») zu. Dieses Ritual stellt das
unentbehrliche Element der altertümlichen Militärdemokratie des kasachischen Volkes
dar und gibt die kosmogonischen Mythen wieder.
Die kasachischen Epen, als die Mythen über die Erschaffung der Welt, haben eine
rituelle-magische Funktion.
Die Feiern, die der Geburt des Kleinkindes gewidmet sind (Schildekana), dem
Einbetten des Kindes in die Wiege (Besyk toy), zum vierzigsten Tag nach der Geburt
des Kindes (kyrkynan schygaru), existieren neben dem islamischen Ritual der
Beschneidung der Jungen im Alter von drei bis zu zehn Jahren (Sundet toy).
Das Ritual des kollektiven Mahles wie die Opferungen des Totems ist bei den
Kasachen wie das kollektive Mahl (As) erhalten geblieben.
Der Brauch «sieben Fladen» bleibt mit den mohammedanischen Traditionen erhalten.
Einer der höchsten Feiertage ist Naurys (das Neue Jahr), gefeiert am Tag der
Frühlings-Tagundnachtgleiche, am 22. März. Die Quellen und die Rituale des Naurys,
einschließlich der Spuren der Verehrung der Natur, gehen auf das Neue Jahr des
Zoroastrismus zurück. Der Islam hat es im Verlaufe der Jahrhunderte nicht geschafft,
Naurys zu überlagern oder zu verdrängen.
"Der Weg des Lebens" ist eine Pilgerfahrt zu den Heiligtümern (oder den Gräbern der
Heiligen). In Kasachstan gibt es sehr viele heilige Stätten. "Bes Ata" - fünf Großväter
- gibt es in jedem Gebiet. In Turkestan befindet sich das Mausoleum Kozha Achmeds
Jassaui, in Otyrar das Arystan-Baba, das weltweit den Ruf eines "zweites Mekka"
genießt. Im Almatinski-Gebiet befindet sich das Mausoleum Almerek-Baba, dem
Gelden - Batyr gewidmet. An den heiligen Stätten bitten die Menschen um
Verzeihung und denken sich ihre Wünsche. Die Menschen glauben, dass sich
Wünsche, die tatsächlich reinen Herzens vorgebracht werden, auch tatsächlich
erfüllen werden und dass die Seele geläutert wird.
Ayscha-Bibi ist das Symbol der Liebe. Rayimbek-Ata schenkt den Frauen Kinder. Viele
wünschen aus verschiedenen Gründen, diese Stätten zu besuchen, und sie glauben,
dass dies Leib und Seele heilt.
English translation:
Rituals and Myths
1
in
the
Traditional
Kazakh
Culture
and
Islam
The paper is in German. However, we have made arrangements so that non-German speakers will be able to follow the
paper and participate in the discussion. All other papers are in English.
The traditions, rituals and customs of the nomadic Kazakhs have been preserved and
today exist besides Islam.
For the traditional Kazakh culture the unique case of the coexistence of myths and
ritual is typical. Amongst the initiation rituals in the Kazakh culture, the ritual
"Schylan kays" has an essential meaning ("the snake skin»). This ritual shows the
indispensable element of the ancient military democracy of the Kazakh people and
represents the cosmogonic myths.
The Kazakh epics, as the myths about the creation of the world, have a ritual-magic
function.
The celebrations which are dedicated to the birth of the toddler (Schildekana) to
embedding the child in the cradle (Besyk toy), to the fortieth day after the birth of
the child (kyrkynan schygaru), exist beside the Islamic ritual of the curtailment of the
boys at the age of three up to ten years (Sundet toy).
The ritual of the collective meal like the sacrifices of the totem has been preserved
with the Kazakhs like the collective meal (ac).
The custom «seven flatcakes» intertwines with Muslim traditions.
One of the highest holidays is Naurys (the new year), celebrated on the day of the
spring equinox, on the 22nd of March. The origins and the rituals of Naurys,
including traces of the admiration of nature, have their origin in the New year of the
Zoroastrism. In the course of the centuries, Islam has not succeeded to supplant
Naurys or to replace it.
"The way of the life" is a pilgrim's journey to the sanctuaries (or the graves of the
saints). In Kazakhstan there are a lot of holy sites. There is "Bes Ata" - five
grandfathers - in every area. The mausoleum Kozha Achmeds Jassaui in Turkestan
and the Arystan-Baba in Otyrar is reputed worldwide as the "second Mecca". In the
Almatinski area there is the mausoleum Almerek-Baba, dedicated to the enlightened
hero Batyr. In the holy sites people ask for forgiveness and think of their wishes.
They believe that wishes put forward with pure heart will really be fulfilled and that
the soul thus be purified.
Ayscha-Bibi is the symbol of love. Rayimbek-Ata fulfills woman’s wish for children.
Many wish for different reasons to visit these sites, and they think that this will heal
body and soul.
Ambiguous negotiations. Islamic debates and cultural representations in
Ethiopia
Patrick Desplat, University of Cologne
Since the 1990s, Islamic reform movements triggered new debates Ethiopia-wide, in
which local variations of saint venerations were accused of being an out-dated
“cultural” practice. Against this background the middle class in Harar, an Ethiopian
town, hold more ambiguous views: They defend saint veneration as being an Islamic
practice. However, additionally they define shrines and their saints as part of their
“culture”. These ambiguities have to be understood as being related to local identity
politics and the application as World Cultural Heritage. Reverting to extensive
fieldwork done between 2003 and 2006, the paper will take up these ambiguities of
the Harari middle class to explain the reorganisation of the city according to their
specific memory, vision of “culture” and “Islamic rationality”. Discussing heritage as
mode of cultural production, I would like to show, the increasing commercialisation
of Harar before the background of Islamic debates.
Culture as Leverage in Negotiating Women’s Roles in Islamic Aceh
Kristina Grossmann, Goethe University, Frankfurt/Main
Aceh, Indonesia’s westernmost province is undergoing a process of cultural and
political transformation, which has been brought about by the tsunami calamity and
the end of the secessionist war. Acehnese Islam, which is tightly interwoven with
adat (tradition/customs), is therefore highly contested and renegotiated amongst
religious authorities, intellectuals, members of the political elite and women’s rights
activists.
Acehnese women are depicted as having a strong and respected role in the public
realm, referring to the successive reign of four Sultanas in the 17th century and Cut
Njak Dhien who fought against the Dutch colonial power and is still called the “Jihad
Heroine of Aceh”. In contrast to this romanticized image, the role of women in the
public realm today is tremendously restricted by the revival of an orthodox
interpretation of Islam after the implementation of the Syariat Islam since 1999.
However, the reference to this image and therefore the play of the “cultural card” is
a powerful leverage used by orthodox and progressive Muslims alike. On the one
side, progressive opponents of an, in their eyes, Arabization of the Acehnese Islam
refer to Aceh’s moderate and syncretistic Islam in the past as a justification for their
transgression of orthodox norms. On the other side, orthodox Muslims reject
women’s rights campaigns as needless, as the existence of female heroines in the
past proof, that Acehnese women immanently have a strong role within the
Acehnese Islam.