Modern Provençal Phonology And Morphology

Transcrição

Modern Provençal Phonology And Morphology
Institut d'estudis occitans de París
Documents per l'estudi de la lenga occitana
N°49
Harry EGERTON FORD
Modern Provençal
Phonology And
Morphology
Edicion originala New York, Columbia University
Press, 1921
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PREFACE
In the course of my studies at Johns Hopkins University in
1897, a remark of Professor A. Marshall Elliot directed my attention to the works of the Felihrige.
My
interest
was
linguistic
rather than literary, and I soon found myself attracted to Frederic
Mistral,
the central figure in the entire felibreen movement.
Desiring authoritative guidance, I addressed inquiries to the poet
himself and received from
him a very encouraging letter containing
much useful information. He also put me in communication
with M. Jules Ron j at, at that time secretary of the consistory of
the Felihrigey to
difficult
whom
I feel greatly
My
points of pronunciation.
by a
trip to
studies,
interrupted
by
some time ago, and an added
pressure of work, were resumed
incentive was given
indebted for information on
Provence in the summer of 1920
home
some
time at the Musee Arlaten at Aries. In this museum Mistral and
the other Feltbres have assembled many documents and relics of
when
I visited Maillane, the
of Mistral,
and
also spent
No
one visiting Aries can fail to appreciate the position held by Mistral in the life of southern France.
Inasmuch as the language of Mistral has had a determining influence on the forms of Modern Provencal in general, this study has
been restricted to an investigation of his linguistic usage. I wish
the old
life
of Provence.
here to express
given
me by
my
appreciation of the
Dr. H. A.
Todd
of
fy^y^M
many
helpful suggestions
Columbia University.
ym.fiy
ABBREVIATIONS
Adams = Adams, Word Formation
in Provencal,
New
York, 19 13.
= Book Latin.
Grandgent = Grandgent, Old Provengal, Boston, 1905.
Koschwitz Gr. = KoschwitZj Grammaire historique de la langue
Bk. Lat.
Felibres,
des
Avignon, 1894.
Meyer-Lubke = Meyer-Lubke, Grammaire des langues romanes.
Meyer-Liibke, Castro = Meyer- Liibke, Introduccion al esttuiio de
Madrid, 19 14.
Gr. = Meyer-Lubke, Italienische Grammatik,
la linguistica romance,
Meyer-Liibke,
It.
Leipzig, 1890.
Meyer-Liibke, Wort.
=
Meyer-Liibke, Romanisches Etymologisches
Worterbuch, Heidelberg, 1911-1920.
Mod. Fr. = Modern French.
Nyrop = Nyrop, Grammaire
historiqtce
de la langue frangaise,
Copenhague, 19 14.
Old Prov. = Old Provengal.
Pidal
=
Pidal,
Manual
elemental de gramdtica historica espanola>
Madrid, 1905.
Rounjat Ourt. = Ronjat,
UOurtogrdfi
1908.
VI
prouvengalo,
Avignon,
:
.
MODERN PROVENCAL PHONOLOGY AND
MORPHOLOGY
INTRODUCTION
1.
The language
studied in this dissertation
is
that used by-
and the examples used to illustrate the various phenomena
have been drawn, with few exceptions, from his works. In
cases where examples were lacking or insufficient the author has
drawn upon Mistral's Tresor dou Felibrtge.
2. In his Tresor, under the word dialeite, Mistral gives the
following classification of the principal dialects of the modern
Mistral,
langue d'oc:
Les principaux dialectes de la langue d'Oc modemes sont:
languedocien,
le
gascon, I'aquitain,
le
le
provengal, le
limousin, I'auvergnat et le dauphinois.
Le Provencal a pour sous-dialectes le rhodanien, le marseillais, Talpin, et le
ni^ard.
Le languedocien a pour sous-dialectes: le cevenol, le montpellierain,
Le gascon a pour sous-dialectes: I'armagnagnais,
le toulousain et le rouergat.
:
I'agenais et le
I'ariegeois,
beamais,
le
dialectes:
le
marensin,
L'aquitain a potu* sous-dialectes:
quercinois.
le bordelais, et le
bazadais.
Le limousin a pour
le
sous-
bas-limousin, le haut-limousin, le perigourdin et le marchois.
L'auvergnat a pour sous-dialectes: le cantalien, le limagnien, le velaunien et le
forezien.
Le dauphinois a pour sous-dialectes: le briangonnais, le diois, le
Nous ne mentionnons pas dans cette classification
valentinois et le vivarais.
les nombreuses varietes qui servent de transitions aux dialectes sus-nommes
et qui procedent des uns et des autres, tels que le biterrois, le narbonnais, le
carcassonnais, le castrais, I'albigeois,
The above
le
grenoblois, le tricastin, etc."
immediately suggests a question as
Does he in
to what Mistral understands by the word dialect.
common with Groeber, Horning, Ascoli, etc., maintain that from
the beginning in the Romance field there existed linguistic districts, the language of which, while differing from one point to
classification
another, presents to the observer certain distinct features that
and the greater part of which are found in all
portions of the district? Or does he support the doctrine adopted
by Gaston Paris, Gilli^ron, Suchier and Meyer-Liibke (Brunot,
are characteristic,
Vol.
I,
pp. 296-304)
?
Paul Meyer
first
stated this doctrine
many
years ago (Romania Vol. IV, pp. 293-294) and he concludes as
follows
"II s'ensuit que le dialecte est une esp^ce bien plut6t artificielle que naturelle;
que toute definition du dialecte
est
une
definitio
I
nominis et non une
definitio ret.
>
'
'
t r f
2,.
-.
'
MODERN PROVHNgAI, PHONOLOGY
C'est pourquoi je suis convaincu que le meilleur
son vrai
du roman
joiu* la variete
marquees par
ou
terrain regne chaque
tel
consiste
tel fait linguistique,
moyen de
non pas a
faire apparaitre sous
tracer des circonscriptions
mais k indiquer sur quel espace de
fait."
Judging from the last sentence of the above quoted extract
from Mistral it would seem that he has used the word dialect
relatively, with a full consciousness of the inadequacy of the term.
However that may be, his classification gives a good idea of the
great variety found in the southern field.
Of the numerous dialects mentioned in Mistral's classification,
one, which he calls Rkodanien, has far surpassed all the others in
literary importance.
It is Mistral's
sub-dialect spoken in his
around
it
St.
Remy.
own
home town,
language, including the
Maillane, and the plain
Portal (Letteratura provenzale p. 6) speaks of
as follows:
"Non
si
mescolato
puo
dire,
per altro, che esso sia
al francese,
mentre
il
piu puro di
tutti,
perche e molto
I'alpino sarebbe piu vicino alia lingua
madre
e
quello di Aix piu tipico."
"Quello del Rodano ha il predominio per
per il prestigio che Mistral gli ha dato."
la dolcezza, la
melodia e sopratutto
Rhodanien {rodenen, connected with the Rhone, Lat. rhodanus,
the Rhone) undoubtedly owes its importance to the work of
He
has set a standard of excellence lacking in the other
dialects and his language has served as a model for the Felihres.
3. The literary preeminence of Rhodanien dates from 1854,
when seven Provengal writers founded the society of the Felihrige
Mistral.
at the
Chateau de Font-Segugne.
The
definite organization of
the Felihrige into a great society with Mistral as the
(chief or president)
first
capoulie
The members of this
avowed purpose was to
took place in 1876.
society were called Felihres
and
their
promote the development of the lengo d*o in all its dialect forms.
The original meaning of the word Felihre is doubtful. Mistral
(Mem.
In
an old poem well known in the vicinity of Maillane, called the
Ouresoun de Sant-Anseume, mention is made of the child Jesus
arguing in the temple " Em^ li set felihre de la lei." Mistral
e Rac. pp. 212-214) indicates the source of the word.
proposed this term Felihre as a name for the members of their
and it was accepted.
the word Felihre by the use
society
Felihrige is a collective,
of the suifix -ige.
formed on
The phrase
cited
seems to mean ** with the seven doctors of the law " and rather
supports the etymology given by Jeanroy (Rom. XXIII, 464)
MODERN PROVENgAI, PHONOIvOGY
As Meyer-Liibke (Wort.
Sp. feligres, Lat. Fiui Ecci^ESIAK.
i.e.
3
3303) points out, this cannot be proven. He also remarks that
the form Felibre may not be correct, as the poem mentioned by
Mistral was preserved
by
oral tradition
corruption of the original form.
Mistral in his Tresor, under
r6sum6
Felibre, gives the following
and the word may be a
of the etymologies proposed
for the word:
ou fellebris, mot qui se trouve dans
Solinus, Isidore de Seville et Papias, et que Ducange interprete par nourrisson,
adhuc lacte vivens, derive du verbe fellare, teter, lequel fellare a donne naissance
d filius, fils. Les poetes de tout temps, ont ete denommes "nourrissons des
Muses, alumni Musarum," et, comme le fait observer M. G. Garnier, alumnus,
1.
en
Felibre viendrait
latin, avait le
du
latin felibris
sens actif et passif et designait le disciple et le maitre
comme
k remarquer que le mot tiroun, qui, dans le texte
populaire, semble synonyme de felibre, rappelle le verbe proven^al lira signifiant
aussi "teter."
Le latin tiro veut dire novice.
2. Felibre viendrait du grec <t>L\e^pau)s (ami de I'hebreu) mot qu'on trouve
dans la grammaire hebraique de Chevalier (1561) et qui a, de longue date, ete
applique dans les synagogues aux docteurs de la loi.
3. Felibre viendrait du grec ^iXa/Spos (ami du beau).
4. Felibre viendrait de I'irlandais filea, poete, barde.
5. Felibre viendrait du germanique filibert, dont le sens est encore inconnu.
6. Felibre viendrait du proven^al fe, libre, libre par la foi.
La
7. Felibre viendrait de I'andalous filabre dont nous ignorons le sens.
escoulan en provengal.
Sierra de Filabres est
II est
une montagne d'Andalousie.
Quant a I'etymologie expliquant felibre par
pas I'examen, attendu qu'elle n'est pas dans
en ce cas fa-libre ou fai-libre.
Whatever the etymology
le
de livres elle ne supporte
genie de la langue, car on dirait
faiseiu"
of the word, it has
now been
definitely
established as designating one of the southern French poets.
It is not the intention in the present dissertation to discuss
work
development of the Felibrige.
Those interested in Mistral or the Felibrige will do well to consult
Charles Alfred Downer, Frederic Mistral, 1901, Columbia docMistral's
toral
literary
dissertation.
or
Besides
the
a
discussion
of
Mistral's
literary
book contains a short but interesting sketch of the
language and of the origins and aims of the Felibres. Another
account of Mistral is found in Pierre Laserre, Frederic Mistral,
For a treatment
poete, moraliste, citoyen (lyibrairie Payot, Paris).
activity, this
of the general
movement
the reader
is
referred to Roustan, Pichoto
and Emile Ripert, La
Renaissance Provengale, Paris, 19 18. The latter work is particularly complete in its treatment of the origins and development of the whole southern dialect movement and the author
istbri de la literaturo d'o, Marseille,
19 14,
;
MODERN PROVKNgAI, PHONOLOGY
4
does not restrict himself to a discussion of the Felihrige.
In
chapter three of part five he gives also an excellent account of
and training. For those wishing to acquire
a reading knowledge of Rhodanien I mention the following books,
which were recommended to the writer by Mistral himself:
Xavier de Fourvieres, Lou Pichot Tresor, Dictionnaire ProvengalFrangais et Frangais-Provengal; Grammaire et Guide de la ConMistral's early
life
versation provengales, Avignon, 1902.
Further useful information
concerning the language is to be found in Nicholson, Provengal
Method, Avignon, 1908, Jouveau, Elements de Grammaire Provengale, Avignon, 1907, and Jules Ronjat, UOurtougrafi prouvengalo, Avignon, 1908.
All these books may be obtained from the
Librairie J. Roumanille, 19 rue Saint-Agricol, Avignon.
4. On account of the importance of Mistral in the literary
development in southern France and because his language has
become the standard of the Felibres, we are justified in undertaking
in the following work a critical study of the phonology and morphology of his dialect. The only work of the kind is Koschwitz'
Grammaire Historiqu£ de la Langue des Felibres, Roumanille,
Avignon, 1894. Unfortunately for the scientific value of this
book, Koschwitz had a double purpose. In his preface he says:
" Notre grammaire vise done essentiellement des buts pratiques.
Bile
veut bien servir aux etudes historiques et scientifiques sur la langue proven^ale
mais surtout eUe veut aider a I'etude directe de la langue parlee et ecrite par la
plupart des Felibres de la Provence."
Koschwitz could hardly have undertaken a more difficult
task than to provide a grammar that should be a critical treatment
of phonology and morphology and at the same time a manual
for the purpose of acquiring the written and spoken language of
the Felibres. He was conscious himself of the inadequacy of his
book. Later on in his preface, he remarks:
" On y cherchera vainement I'explication physiologique des changements
phonetiques qui ont cree, du latin rustique parle en Provence au temps des
topographic des particularites
phonetiques ou morphologiques qui distinguent notre idiome des idiomes voisins
la recherche des causes premieres de ces developpements differents; la discussion
des problemes controverses qu'offre I'histoire de la langue proven^ale ancienne
Cesars, la langue provengale d'aujoiu-d'hui
modeme;
;
la
comparaison des sons et des formes de notre langue avecla langue
classique des troubadours du moyen-^ge."
et
la
Certain of these points such as the physiological explanation
of the phonetic changes, the comparison of the sounds and forms
MODERN PROVKNgAI, PHONOLOGY
of the
modern tongue with those
of the language of the trouba-
dours, are essential to an historical
the present work to
fill
5
grammar.
aim of
these gaps as regards phonology and
It is the
morphology.
5. The works of Mistral which have been utilized for the following investigation, together with their dates of publication are:
MirHo (Edition G. Charpentier) 1859; Calendau (Lemerre)
1866; Lis Isclo d'Or
(Lemerre)
1875;
Tresor ddu Felihrige (Champion) 1888;
Nerto
La
(Lemerre) 1884;
Reino Jano (Lemerre)
Lou Pouemo ddu Rose (Lemerre) iSgy Memori e Raconte
(Plon-Nourrit) 1906; Lis Oulivado (Lemerre) 19 12. The above
mentioned editions, with the exception of Membri e Raconte,
contain a face to face translation into French by Mistral himself.
The translation of Membri e Raconte is published separately.
1890;
6.
;.
Since the basis of Provengal, as of the other
Romance
commence
Folk Latin and not Book Latin, we will
with the Folk Latin system of sounds and trace these through
the Old Provengal to the Rhodanien. Although Folk Latin is
used as the basis, the etyma have been given in the Book Latin
form as being more familiar to the reader than the Folk Latin
form. In cases where the divergence between the two forms
has made it desirable, the Folk Latin has been given in parentheses after the Book Latin.
Ktyma have been printed throughout in small capitals. Old Provencal words in lower case, and words
from Rhodanien or any of the modern tongues in italics. In
marking the quantity of the Latin vowels the practice has been
to indicate the quantity of those vowels only which are under
immediate discussion. Characters in brackets [ ] are the symbols
of the International Phonetic Association.
languages,
is
PART
I.— PHONOLOGY
The fate of the vowels depends primarily on the stress of
voice.
The tendency is to be careful of the pronunciation of
the stressed vowels while we pass negligently over the unstressed.
The former, therefore, tend to remain, though often in a changed
7.
form, whereas the latter tend to weaken and even to disappear.
The primary
8.
stress
divides polysyllables into
The
a pretonic and a posttonic.
of a single syllable as in
or
occasionally
part
in
may
of
ha b^rE,
three
two as
amici Tatem.
|
as
pretonic portion
in
or of
|
consist of a single syllable, as in
in
two
may
boni
The
hab]§ re or
[
|
parts,
consist
tatem,
posttonic
of
two as
A NIMA.
I
There is a secondary stress on the initial syllable of Latin words
and the initial vowels develop like the stressed vowels, although,
the secondary stress not being as strong as the primary, the
have a greater tendency to weaken
than the vowel under the primary stress. A word of four syllables
vowels of the
initial syllable
BONITATEM falls naturally into two parts boni- and -tatem.
The vowels o and a survive, while i and E disappear (cf. § 53).
Following the custom of Nyrop and others we will call bo- the
pretonic, -ni- the counterfinal, -Ta- the tonic, and -tem the final.
like
Proparoxytones (words stressed on the antepenult) like anima,
lose the atonic penultimate early (§56) and give forms like anma.
In words like amici TATEm where three syllables precede the
primary stress, the pretonic portion of the word amici- resembles
proparoxytones of the anima type. We would expect the second
vowel before the primary stress, which we will call the counterpenultimate, to disappear. This is not the case however, as the
counterfinal falls and the counterpenultimate survives.
(§57).
9. The vowels will be treated in the following order: stressed
vowels under the heads '-tonic" and ** pretonic;" unstressed
vowels under the heads '* final," ** counterfinal," " penultimate,"
" counterpenultimate."
10. Vowels may be ** checked," i.e. followed by a consonant
in the same syllable, as in por tam, or "free" i.e. final in a
syllable as in Ta i,em.
(Nyrop I §§ 148, 149; Schultz-Gora § 20).
This distinction, so important in the development of Old French, is
|
|
|
6
MODERN PROVENCAL PHONOLOGY
less SO in
(§
7
In some cases however it must be considered.
Provencal.
33 et seq.)
11.
The
depends also on the nature of the
fate of the vowels
neighboring vowels and consonants, so we shall next discuss the
development of the vowels affected by neighboring vowels or
consonants.
12.
The Latin vowel system
K, A, o, u, OE, AE,
i,
au, having
been reduced to the Folk Latin sounds i, E close, E open, a, o
open, o close, u, au, we shall treat the latter as sources, discussing
them in the order named.
Stressed Vowels
Folk Lat.
13.
I
I
(Bk. Lat.
i)
tonic remains
MiLLE
SCRIPTUM
villam
viTAM
mil
milo
escrit
escri
Vila
vilo
vida
mdo
Old Prov. freg indicates a Folk Latin frigidum for Bk.
Lat. FRIGIDUM, due to the influence of rigidum (Meyer-Liibke,
Wort., 3512). Spanish /no has come from the form with i.
14. I pre tonic remains
(a) Fre,
(a)
to e
if
civiTATEM
ciutat
cieuta
FiuoLUM
filhol
fihou
LiBERARE
liurar
lieura
In a very few cases, due to dissimilation
the following stressed syllable contains
Remarks
i
pretonic passes
I.
DiviNUM
devin
devin
DiviSAT
devisa
deviso
viciNUM
vezin
vesin
(i)
In Old Provencal
we
find occasional doublets as
Rhodanien has both fini and feni
but the first is commoner and is the form always used by Mistral.
(2) It is to be noted that this phenomenon occurs also in Old
French (Nyrop I § 151 Rem.) in these same words, even to the
FiNiRE, Old Prov. fenir,
doublets fenir,
finir.
finir.
Old Prov. meravilha point to a Folk Latin meraBiLiA or mirabilia for Book Latin mirabiua (Meyer-Liibke,
Wort. 5601).
(b) Meraviho,
MODERN PROVENgAI, PHONOI.OGY
8
unexplained unless it be
due to French influence. Proumie owes its ou to the labial influence of the m which tends to round the preceding vowel (GrandPremie, F'olk Latin primarium,
(c)
is
gent, § 44» i)15. I tonic or pretonic frequently
I
V
or
giving the diphthong iu in
combined with a vocalized
About the
early Provencal.
13th century this diphthong passed to the triphthong ieu (Grand-
gent
§ 32).
Rem.
FILUM
fiu
fi6u
i,iBKRARe
liurar
lieura
civiTATEM
ciutat
cieuta
may have
been due to the influence of the
great number of triphthongs in ieu coming from forms like Old
Prov. greu where the e diphthongized before u giving grieu. A
different explanation is proposed by E. H. Tuttle in Mod. Phil.,
Vol.
This change
XVI,
16.
no. II, p. 152.
Greek upsilon was usually treated as Latin
MARTYR
MYRRHA
(a)
martir
martire
mirre
mirro
Occasionally Greek upsilon
BYRSA
i
is
represented
borsa
by
ou.
hourso
Old Prov. nerta, Latin myrtus, Greek upsilon
seems to have been treated like Latin i (§ 17)
(b)
In
nerto,
Folk Latin S close (Bk. Lat.
17.
E
close, tonic,
E,
oe).
i,
remains.
BiBET
beu
heu
FIDEJM
fe
HABERE
aver
}^
av6
ME
me
me
MiTTBRB
metre
metre
many
(a)
In
(i)
Preceding
cases this e close
is
replaced
by
e
open, written e or
e.
i
coming from a vocalized g or
d.
CREDERE
LEGEM
creire
creire
lei
Ui
REGEM
rei
rH
viDET
vei
vH'
MODERN PROVENQAIy PHONOI.OGY
9
m
or n followed by a consonant or consonants
Preceding
demanding a supporting vowel.
(2)
semble
vendre
SIMULAT
VENDBRE
(3)
The ending
semblo
vkndre
-ETis of the second person
plural,
present
indicative has etz in Old Prov. with an open e from which -bs
modern tongue
of the
regular.
The change from
close e to
Old Provengal is due to the influence of etz of the verb
to be, where the e is open.
open e
estre,
is
in
In the present indicative, first person plural of verbs of the
second, third, and fourth conjugations, where Old Provencal
(4)
has em we find en due probably to the influence of the second
person plural in es from the Old Provencal etz, where the e is
open.
CREDEMUS
crezem
creskn
Doublets with ei for e are occasionally found such as cm,
These forms are French (Grandgent §25,3; Schultzmet, etc.
(b)
jeiy
Gora
(c)
Latin
§ 26).
Numbers
of learned
words show open e for Latin E and
i
for
i.
CAMELUM
CANDELA
COMPLETUM
DECRETUM
FiDEUS
SECRETUM
-iBiLis
camel
candela
complet
camku
decret
decrH
fizel
fideu
secret
secret
-ible
-ible
candklo
coumplet
Remark, cameu, candelo, and fideu probably show the influence of
the numerous words in du from the sufl&x -ti^iyUS (Schultz-Gora
§ 28; Grandgent § 25).
(d) Rhodanien vint seems to be the one remaining example of a
phenomenon quite general in Romance territory, called in German,
umlaut, and in French, inflection. In Old Provencal e close,
tonic was raised to i under the influence of a posttonic T (MeyerLiibke I § 79). This phenomenon must be studied in the following cases: the first and second person singular of the perfect,
the nominative plural of the Latin second declension, and viginti.
As an example of the change in the verbs we will use feci, presi;
as example of nominative plural of the second declension we will
lO
use iLLi.
MODERN PROVENgAL PHONOLOGY
We will also give the corresponding forms in Old French
and Modern French
Latin
for the sake of comparison.
MODERN PROVBNgAL PHONOLOGY
(f)
E
close in hiatus
became
i
(Grandgent
§ 26).
II
MODERN PROVBNgAI, PHONOLOGY
12
The
form prevailed perhaps under the influence
of the Old Fr. maistre, as mestre represented better the French
diphthong (Grandgent § 25, 2b).
mestre.
22.
latter
A pretonic remains.
Amare
AmorBm
cAminum
habere
(a) Jita.
Even
All the
amar
amor
ama
camin
amour
camin
aver
ave
Romance forms point to a Folk Latin j^cTare.
form the treatment of the CT is not regular (§ 116,
2a) as c has disappeared.
Old Provencal has getar and gitar.
The latter must be a form from the northwest where there was a
strong tendency to change pretonic e to i (Grandgent § 14, 3).
(b) Chivau also shows dialectic influence.
The regular form
cavau is found but rarely. The ch of the word points to a Gascon
in this
or Franco-provengal origin.
(§ 115, 2a.)
Folk Latin o open (Bk. Lat. 6)
23.
o open, tonic remains.
cornu
MODERN PROVENgAI, PHONOLOGY
13
RO- with the prefix RE- (Meyer-Liibke, Wort. 7400). Prefound,
Old Prov. prefon (preon), Lat. profundus shows a confusion of
PRO- with the prefix pre-. In Old Prov. redon and prefon,
Schultz-Gora sees vowel dissimilation. (Schultz-Gora § 49).
Remark. In Rhodanien o open, or close, gave the same result
in the pre tonic position.
(§26).
Folk Latin o close (Bk. Lat.
25-
o
close, tonic,
AMOREM
becomes ou [uj.
o, u).
14
MODERN PROVENCAL PHONOLOGY
enon unless one attributes to it the examples in
which seem rather to be learned.
26. o close, pre tonic, becomes ou [uj
CORTENSEM
sect.
25b above
5
MODERN PROVENQAI, PHONOIvOGY
28.
u
pre tonic remains but
CURARE
FURORBM
judicarE
USARE
Folk Latin
29.
AU
au
tonic remains.
AUCA
is
pronounced [y].
curar
cura
furor
fur our
jutjar
juja
uzar
usa
(Bk. Lat. au, avi, abu, abo, abi)
1
6
:
MODERN PROVKNQAI, PHONOI.OGY
1
33.
E Open,
tonic, free, diphthongizes to ie
under the following
conditions
(i)
If
the following syllable contains
(2)
If
the following syllable contains an hiatus
T.
i
or E.
immediately followed by yod, or a palatal that weakened
to yod plus a consonant.
(4) If immediately followed by u.
(3)
If
D^UM
dUu
dieu
F^RIA
fiero
ier
miejo
mieu
mestie
pie{s)
pibje
sieis
viei
shows many forms
in the various dialects.
Old Prov. has gleiza, glieza, and glieiza.
Rhodanien has preserved the first form without the diphthongiza(a) GleisOj
Old Prov.
gleiza, Lat. EccIvSsia
tion in gleiso.
sometimes open and
sometimes close. It is close before u, when final, or before a
silent consonant.
It is open before a sounded consonant or before i.
Remark. (2) It is to be noted that i < d, or u < L do not
cause diphthongization while i < a palatal, or u < v do. Evidently the diphthongization was complete before d and i^ vocalized
to i and u.
34. o open, tonic, free, diphthongized to uo or ue under the
same conditions as K open, to ie. The u of these combinations
was apparently pronounced [u] or [y] depending on the region
Remark,
(i)
In the diphthong
ie
the e
is
the modern dialects show derivation
now
from one form, now from the other.
35. o open, tonic followed by a consonant plus yod gave ue
C<^]-
(§ 37a,
Rem.
I,
2) as
7
MODERN PROVENgAL PHONOLOGY
n5ctem
I
8
MODERN PROVENgAI, PHONOLOGY
1
Remark. The explanation of the results of the diphthongization of o open is inseparably connected with the discussion of the
pronunciation of u in Old Provengal and the results in the modern
While the
dialects seem to throw some light on this question.
number of examples is in some cases so small that it is dangerous
to generalize, still there are some conclusions that can be drawn:
There is no reason to assume that
(i) Rhodanien ue [oej.
the development in this case is different from that of the French.
The original open o diphthongized to uo, ue. While in French
the uo form preceded the ue, in Provencal they seem to have
The earliest example that we have of the
existed side by side.
diphthongization of o is uel, Lat. oculi (Boeci i, 203). Whatever ue was originally it finally became a rising diphthong [we].
The second element \j~\ was rounded by the influence of the labial
[w], giving [woe] which was later reduced to [ce] (Nyrop I,
The result here shows that the first element in the diph§ 178).
thong was [u] not [y]. While it is phonetically possible that
[ye] might become [ije], then [qoe] and finally [oe] still it seems
probable that if the first element had been [y], we would have
had the result found in the next section. In Languedoc indeed
we do have this development, giving such forms as kier, fieio, iH,
nie, tech, for Rhodanien cuer, fueio, vuei, nue, vue.
Rhodanien
^^^ (§ 35b) is also an example of this same development or else
is a form from the dialect of Languedoc.
This would prove that
in the Rhodanien territory the first element of ue in Old Provencal
was pronounced [u] but that the pronunciation varied according
to the region as shown by the results in Languedoc for it is phonetically impossible for [i] to come from [u] except by passing through
the stage [y]. The pronunciation of the modern ue varies in the
different regions.
While in Rhodanien it is always [oe] when
not combined with i to form a diphthong, in other dialectfj it is
pronounced as a true diphthong [we]. Rhodanien uei is a falling
diphthong [cei]. Koschwitz (§ 13) says that in orguei it is a
triphthong [wei]. Koschwitz must have been thinking of the pronunciation of this word in the Marseille dialect for not only does
Mistral rhyme orguei and juei (Isclo d'Or p. 298, 11, 7, 8) but
Ronj at (Ourtografi, p. 8) states that ue is always [ce] like French
eu and (Ourtografi p. 10) gives uei as triphthong in the Marseille
dialect.
Rhodanien ib. The source of this diphthong is Old Provengal uo (§37) in which the first element must have been [y]
(2)
9
MODKRN TROV^NQAh PHONOLOGY
as [i]
is
1
phonetically impossible from [u] except through the
stage [y].
The
results
vary in the different regions.
When
this id is
a word the dialect of Marseille uses ue. Thus we have
fue [fwe]], lue [Iwe] for Rhodanien fid, ltd. On the contrary
where the id precedes u as in bidu, idu, the results are more regular
final in
and we seldom have ue but we do have uo in some of the dialects.
These results force us to the conclusion that while in Rhodanien
territory the first element of the diphthong ue was pronounced
[y J in Old Provengal, in some other regions it was pronounced [u].
The statement (Grandgent
37) that one pronunciation influenced
the other seems to be supported by the results in the modern
§
dialects.
InfIvUKnck of the Palatals
We
now
upon the
contiguous vowels. Some special cases of this influence have
already been treated in the preceding sections which deal with
diphthongization of S and 6. There remain the other vowels
and the cases where ^ and 6 do not diphthongize.
The yod is absorbed by the i.
39. I followed by yod.
38.
will
discuss the influence of the palatals
AMiClTATEM
MODERN PROVENgAI, PHONOI.OGY
20
41.
H
followed
close, plus
by L mouill^
t,
(a)
mouill6
When
appears, h
is
is
The
cases where
are important enough to
There are two
treatment.
the
mouill^.
iv
cases, (a) the
i,
we have e close
demand separate
mouille
is final,
(b)
intervocalic.
h mouille
is
final
the palatalization of the
i<
dis-
vocalized to u and e close becomes open.
ARTicuLUM
artelh
arteu
FAXicuivUM
FORNICUI.UM
PARicuivUM
soivicuLUM
fadelh
parelh
fadeu
Journku
parbu
solelh
souUu
The
fornelh
Old Provengal had usually a close
The palatalization
e but there were frequently forms with open e.
may have been lost very early and the e close have become e open
before the 1, perhaps under the influence of the very large number
We may howof words in -el (Adams p. 171) from Lat. -:&i^i.us.
ever be dealing simply with suffix confusion and the words in
Adams (p. 171) mentions
-elh may have gone over to those in -el.
the opposite change i.e. some words in -j&ivi^us which have become
There are three reasons that support
-el (Grandgent § 67, 2).
(i) The change to u is the treatment of final I
this last theory,
(2) The change of e close to e
(§ 80) not of L mouille (§ 83).
open would be unusual before L mouille. We would rather expect
a retention of i (§ i7d). (3) The treatment of close in this position is not similar (§ 44).
(b) When l mouille is intervocalic the palatalization of L remains but is represented in Rhodanien by h, pronounced like
modern French i^ mouille [jj.
Remark.
•
sufiix -elh in
APiCLA
abelha(abilha)
ahiho
ARBORiCLA
arborelha
arboriho
AURiciyA
aurelha
auriho
FURNiCLA
fornilha
fourniho
MANicivA
manilha
maniho
OVICI.A
ovelha
oiiviho
Remark.
At
first
glance one might be tempted to explain these
forms in -iho as the effect of the palatal / but we find that in Old
Provencal there were sometimes forms in -elha and sometimes
forms in -ilha and sometimes doublets. We seem to be dealing
with a confusion of the Latin suffixes -ici^us and -ici.us (Adams
p. 71) rather than with a phonetic change.
MODERN PROVENgAI. PHONOIvOGY
42.
A
nounced
followed
by yod
like -ail in
ACQUAM
French
gives the falling diphthong
travail.
21
ai,
pro-
MODERN PROVENgAL PHONOLOGY
22
AU
Old Provengal
gaug, Lat. GAUDIUM. Rhodanien nouiso, Old ProvenQal noiza,
Lat. NAUSEA shows the influence of the French noise.
(a) For a discussion of joio, Lat. gaudia see § 29b.
46.
by yod
followed
is
iNi^LimNC^
47.
The
nasals
m
preserved in
oif
gati,
TH^ Nasals
and n have a tendency, as
in French, to
com-
municate part of their nasality to the preceding vowel. In
certain parts of the Provencal field Folk Latin E open and o
open became close before the nasals. Rhodanien has retained
the original quality of the vowels in this position and there is no
confusion of en and an. The nasal is not as marked as in French
and m and n do not become silent but assume the sound of the
Compare the French enfant
velar nasal in English sing [r;].
[afaj with Rhodanien enfant [eryfa?;]]-
Unacckntkd Vowels
Finals
48. All the final atonic vowels disappear except
AMicuM
COLAPHUM
CORNUM
HABERE
PANEM
(a)
(b)
a (§52)
amic
ami
COlp
cop
corn
cor
aver
ave
pan
pan
Before final -nt of verbs K and
u
are retained as e
CANTENT
canten
canten
VENDUNT
vendon
vendon
Latin
i
and u survive
if
and
0.
they immediately follow an accented
vowel.
MEi
mei(miei)
mi
MEUM
DEUM
meu
mieu
deu
di^u
groups of final consonants require a supporting
vowel. These groups may be primitive or may have been produced by the dropping of an unaccented vowel between consonants.
This vowel may be regarded as a remnant of the original vowel
or as a vowel added for ease of pronunciation.
The vowel is e
unless these combinations were followed by a (§ 52).
49. Certain
:
MODERN PROVENCAL PHONOI.OGY
50.
The groups
23
demanding a supporting vowel
of consonants
are as follows
(i)
A
consonant followed by h or
ALTER
CURRERE
*
DUPLUM
RUMPERE
(2)
A labial followed by a
COMITEM
DEBiTUM
(3)
(4)
(6)
autre
autre
corre
courre
doble
double
rompre
roumpre
dental.
comte
coumte
depte
deute
HOMiNEM
omne
ome
HOSPiTEM
oste
oste
^
In proparoxytones a consonant followed by
c.
DUODECEM
dotze
douge
JUDICEM
jutge
juge
MEDicuM
metge
mege
In proparoxytones a consonant followed by m.
DEciMUM
(5)
r.
desme
deime
In some cases a consonant followed by yod.
GEORGius
RABiEM
Jortge
ratge
rage
RUBEUM
rotge
rouge
SOMNIUM
songe
sounge
Jorge
In the groups lm, rm, sm, but rather irregularly.
GERMEN
HELM
SPASiMUM
ULMUM
many
germe
elme
espasme
olme
germe
kume
espaime
dume
two consonants has disappeared or has vocalized. This change took place in some cases
in Old Provengal in others not till modern times.
51.
In
cases the
BiBERE
CREDERE
first
of the
beure
heure
MODERN PROVENgAIv PHONOI.OGY
24
A atonic (§ 48) is preserved in Old Provengal but
represented in Rhodanien by unstressed 0.
52. Final
AMIGA
is
MODERN PROVENCAL PHONOLOGY
25
MODERN PROVENCAL PHONOLOGY
26
vengal donzella which must have
come from domna and not from
DOMINA.
Initial
vowels bear a secondary stress and hence usually
They have been treated under stressed vowels in the
58. Initial
survive.
pretonic position.
Consonants
59. In treating the
development
of the vowels, the accent
was
found to be of great importance. In dealing with the consonants
the determining factor is not the accent but the position in the
word. There are two positions, strong and weak. In the strong
position consonants usually remain, in the weak position they
change and may even disappear. A consonant is in the strong
position when it is initial in a word, bonum, or initial in a syllable
A consonant is in the weak position
after a consonant, carbonEm.
when it is intervocalic, ripam, or final in a syllable before another
A final consyllable that begins with a consonant, capram.
sonant may be free, i.e. preceded by a vowel, capum, or supported,
i.e. preceded by a consonant, colpum.
60. Thus in dealing with each consonant we shall treat it as far
as possible under the following heads: (i) initial, i.e. initial in a
word
or initial in a syllable after a consonant, (2) Intervocalic,
Followed by a consonant, (4) Interconsonantal, (5) Final.
61. We will treat the Folk Latin consonants in the following
order: (i) The nasals m, n, and N mouille.
(2) The laterals l and
(3)
L mouill^.
The
(3)
The
fricatives F, v,
trill r.
w,
s, j,
(4)
The
stops
p, b, t, d, c, g.
(5)
h.
Nasals
62.
There are certain changes to be noted that took place in the
Folk Latin period.
(i)
all
M
the
final in
an atonic
syllable disappeared very early.
Romance languages
derive from forms without
m
Thus
such as
SBPTE, DOLORE, MUTO, ROSA.
was treated like m in the same position. Thus we
have EXAMK, LEvamk, nomE, instead of ExamEn, lEvamen,
NOMEN, as etyma of the Romance words.
(2)
N
final
In the group ns, the n disappeared very early, so the Folk
Latin forms are isula, mese, pesare, sposa, instead of the Book
Latin insulam, mensem, pensare, sponsam.
(3)
MODERN PROVENgAI< PHONOI^OGY
M
63.
M
initial
ARMA
remains.
27
MODERN PROVBNgAL PHONOLOGY
28
(a)
the
/
Some dialects have preserved the vowel between the m and
in many of these cases, and this has given rise to doublets
such as trambla and tremoula, coumhla and coumoula.
This group is regularly reduced to m.
(3) MM.
FLAMMA
GEMMA
SUMMA
flama
flamo
gema
soma
gemo
soumo
This group remained in Old Provencal although
show that assimilation had begun. In Rhodanien
doublets in
'
it has become w.
(4)
MN.
m
FEMINA
femna
HOMiNEM
NOMiNAR
SOMNUM
omne (ome)
nomnar
som
The same
ceded by R.
(a)
assimilation takes place
CARMiNARE
CARMiNUM
TERMINUM
(b)
charmar
charme
terme
femo
ome
nouma
som
when
this
group
is
pre-
charma
charme
terme
In certain learned words of early date the assimilation has
been to the
n.
AUTUMNUM
MODERN PROVENgAL PHONOI.OGY
(a)
In monosyllables
it
MEUM
TUUM
SUUM
REM
(2)
M which became
survived as n.
mon
moun
ton
son
ren
toun
final in
soun
rkn
the
N
period remains.
FAMEM
fam
Jam
FIRMUM
ferm
LUMEN
NOMEN
lum
Jerm
lum
nom
noum
N
68.
Romance
initial
remains.
ALNUM
29
MODERN PROVBNgAI, PHONOLOGY
30
70.
N
followed
by a consonant remains.
BONITATEM
1
MODERN PROVENQAI, PHONOI<OGY
72.
N
interconsonantal disappears.
CARNES
3
MODERN PROVENgAI, PHONOIyOGY
32
UNEA
MODERN PROVENgAI^ PHONOIvOGY
33
Besides this dental lateral, a palatal lateral developed
under certain conditions from the groups Lj, ci^, gl, JI. (Nyrop I,
I § 337)-
This is known as h mouill^ [X] which in northern Gaul
lost its first element and became yod but which survived in Old
Provengal, Italian, Spanish and Portuguese. In Rhodanien it is
reduced to yod as in French.
§ 337)-
76.
L
initial
remains.
34
MODERN PROVENgAI, PHONOI.OGY
ABSOLVERK
MODERN PROVKNgAL PHONOI.OGY
(a)
(b)
This vocalization does not take place after on or
As
SOLUM
sol
soul
PUIylvUM
pol
pOUl
NUiyiyUM
nul
nul
/
regularly vocalizes after
i^
35
w.
ml must be either foreign
or learned.
L mouill6 [X]
This sound was unknown to Book Latin but must have
developed in Folk Latin as it is found in all the Romance languages
with the exception of Sardinian and Roumanian.
There is a tendency in the modern Romance languages to reduce
the sound to yod as in French travail and Spanish- American pronunciation of caballo [kabajo]. The Latin sources of [X] are
The results may be classified according to the
LJ, CI., GL, JL.
position of [X] i.e. intervocalic and final.
82. I, mouill^ intervocalic is reduced to yod as in French (Nyrop
I> § 351) and is represented in Rhodanien by i.
81.
COAGULARE
36
MODERN PROVENgAt PHONOLOGY
GENUCULUM
MODERN PROVENgAI, PHONOLOGY
Remark.
37
This change of r to / is very frequent in the patois in
(Nyrop I, § 359).
the different parts of France.
The r remains in Rhodanien.
87. Consonant followed by R.
CAPRAM
MODERN PROVENgAI, PHONOI.OGY
38
(a)
The
final r of
the infinitives has disappeared in
all
parts of
the Provengal territory except in the Dauphin6 and the Alps.
In the ending -adou, Old Provengal
(Mistral, Tresor II, p. 679).
-ador, Lat. -atorEm, the
and
spelling.
AMARE
r has disappeared both
in pronunciation
MODERN PROVENgAI, PHONOIyOGY
P
93. p initial
remains unchanged.
ASPERUM
39
MODERN PROVENgAI, PHONOIvOGY
40
95. p interconsonantal disappears.
(a)
96.
If
COMPUTARE
CORPUS
comtar
counta
cors
cors
HOSPITEM
TEMPUS
oste
oste
terns (temps)
terns
the consonant following be h or R, the p remains.
coMPREHENSiBii,KM comprensible
coumprensible
COMPLACERE
complaire
p intervocalic becomes
complaire
b.
MODHRN PROVKNgAL PHONOI.OGY
(a)
41
Cerveu, Old Provencal cervel, Lat. cerKbelIvUM.
word has become
v as in the intervocalic position.
b in this
(§ 102).
The
change probably took place before the fall of the counterfinal
while B was still intervocalic. A similar change has occurred in
French cerveau. (Nyrop I, § 375).
There are numerous groups.
100. B followed by a consonant.
In most cases b remains although
(i) B followed by h or R.
there are some cases where it vocalizes to u.
C01.UBRA
colobra
coulobro
FEBREM
febre
febre
F1.EBILEM
feble
feble
SABULUM
STABULUM
sable
sable
estable
estable
The
(a)
following words
show
vocalization.
LIBERARE
liurar
lylBRA
liura
Ueura
Ueura
PARABOI.A
paraula
paraulo
See § 150, 2.
B followed by other consonants usually disappears either
(2) Bj.
(3)
by
assimilation or vocalization.
101.
(a)
102.
CUBITUM
DEBiTUM
DUBiTARE
GABATA
SUBTUS
cobde
couide
depte(deute)
dbute
dobtar(dotar)
douta
gauta
gauto
SOtZ
sout
SUBTII.EM
sobtil(sotil)
soutieu
B interconsonantal disappears.
If
GA1.BINUM
jaune
jaune
PRESBYTER
prestre
prHre
followed
by
R, it remains.
ARBOREM
arbre(albre)
aubre
MEMBRUM
UMBRA
membre
ombra
mkmbre
oumbro
B intervocalic became
v.
ABANTE
avan
avans
CABALlrUM
caval
cavau
FABA
HIBERNUM
PROBARE
fava
favo
ivern
ivbr
provar
tavan
prouva
TABONEM
tavan
MODERN PROVENQAI, PHONOLOGY
42
103.
(i)
B final. There are two cases,
Free it regularly vocalizes.
BiBiT
beu
b^u
NUBEM
niu
ni^u
SEBUM
sou
seu
Supported it becomes silent but is retained as b in the
Old Provengal fluctuated between b and p in this
spelHng.
(2)
position.
CORBUM
ORBUM
corb(corp)
corb
orp(orb)
orb
pivUMBUM
plom(plomb)
ploumb
104. BB.
This group
ABBATBM
is
reduced to
abat
6.
abat
Old Provengal disapte, Lat. dies sabbati, the
unstressed a having fallen, the group bb was reduced to b and then
(a)
lost
In
by
105.
dissate,
assimilation.
T
initial
remains.
CANTARE
MODERN PROVENgAI, PHONOI.OGY
The double
43
may
be only a graphic difference
such as exists in French between larron, verre and phe, mkre
(Nyrop I § 365 Rem., § 383). The case is complicated by the
absence of i in the Rhodanien words. French influence probably
accounts for nourri. Old Provencal noirir should have given
nouiri which is found in Languedocien and Limousin. The form
This latter word is
hurre is probably influenced by the French.
also found with a single r and in the Marseille dialect it becomes
easily explained.
r
hiierri.
This group became tg [d5] in Old Provengal (SchultzGora § 75b). In Rhodanien the t was lost and the g preserved
with the pronunciation [dz] (Mistral, Tresor II, p. i).
(2) Tc.
siLVATicuM
VIATICUM
(3) Tj.
See
§ 151, 2.
salvatge
sauvage
viatge(viatje)
viage
MODERN PROVENCAL PHONOLOGY
44
(a)
In the third plural of verbs T has disappeared after n.
AMANT
MODERN PROVKNQAIv PHONOIvOGY
CREDERE
45
46
MODERN PROVENgAIv PHONOLOGY
ADORAR
MODERN PROVKNgAI, PHONOLOGY
(i)
c followed
CLAV^M
by a consonant remains.
47
MODERN PROVENgAL PHONOLOGY
48
AXEM
MODERN PROVENCAL PHONOLOGY
(b)
Where
49
the group CR results from the dropping of a palatal
vowel the result
DICERS
is ir.
MODERN PROVBNgAI, PHONOLOGY
50
See § 152, I.
117. c interconsonantal is found in the group cl preceded by a
consonant where it sturvives.
(7) cj.
AVUNCULUM
1
MODERN PROVENQAI, PHONOI.OGY
(a)
c followed
great variety.
AMICUM
by
o, u,
5
disappears although the dialects show a
MODERN PROVENgAIv PHONOIvOGY
52
(2)
G followed by
A, o, u,
remains in the regular Provencal
territory.
GALUNA
galina
galino
GAUDiuM
GABATA
GURGA
GUTTA
gaug
gauta
gau
gorga
gourgo
gOta
gOUto
I.ARGA
larga
largo
VERGA
verga
vergo
gauto
Before a in the north and east G became [d5] represented by
Thus we find many doublets such as gau, jau
j (Grandgent § 61).
(a)
(§ 29b).
G followed by E, i, became in Old Provengal [d5] and
Rhodanien [dz]. In both cases, it survived in spelling.
(3)
ARGENTUM
GENTEM
GESTA
GINGIVA
122.
argent
argent
gen(t)
gent
gesta
gesto
gengiva
gengivo
in
G followed by a consonant.
In Old Provencal there is a good deal of confusion
in these groups although there are nearly always forms in id, it.
Rhodanien has always preserved a form in which the G has van(i) GD, GT.
ished.
DiGiTUM
FRiGiDUM
RiGiDUM
(2)
GR.
This group gives
FRAGRARE
det
det
fre(g) (freit)
fre
rede(rege)
rede
ir.
flairar
fleira
Negre and pelegrin are not popular words but must be learned
or half -learned.
We also find the form pelerin both in Old Provencal and in Rhodanien and ner in Old Provengal from Latin
(a)
NIGRUM survives
(3)
GM.
in the
Gascon
nere.
This group regularly gave m.
PiGMENTUM
pimen
pimen
words of Greek origin had already become um in
Folk Latin and these words were carried into Provencal (Meyer(a)
The gm
in
Liibke, Castro. § 137).
MODERN PROVENgAIv PHONOLOGY
PHLEGMA
.
fleuma
53
MODERN FROVn^QAl, PHONOI.OGY
54
(a)
Some words had apparently
lost the
G
in the
Folk Latin
period (Grandgent, Vulgar Latin, § 263).
i^iSGAi^BM
leial
leiau
REGAiyEM
reial
reiau
(b) Fatiga
tervocalic
shows learned influence by the retention of the
in-
t.
to produce forms with i such as plaij neiar
a
Franco-Provengal peculiarity, found in the north and east (Grand(c)
The tendency
is
gent, p. 50).
(3)
G followed by
E,
The popular tendency was
i.
for the
G to
disappear.
(a)
MAGiSTRUM
maestre(mestre)
mestre
NiGEivLA
niela
nielo
PAGKNSKM
paes(pais)
pais
REGiNA
reina(regina)
reino{regino)
Forms
like flag^u, sagbu, fugi, regino are either learned or
foreign.
G
125.
final,
(i) Free.
(a)
Before E
it
becomes
i.
IrKGiSM
lei
IH
RiSGEM
rei
rH
(b) Before o, u, it disappears.
FAGUM
JUGUM
fag(fau)
fau
jo
JOU
Supported. The G becomes voiceless in Old Provencal and
The g has been restored by a process of reis represented by c.
construction in Rhodanien, but is silent unless the next word be(2)
when
gins with a vowel,
it is
voiceless.
I.ARGUM
larc
larg
LONGUM
SANGUEM
lone
long
sane
sang
Fricatives
126.
tives.
Book Latin had labial, dental, palatal, and laryngal fricaThe only laryngal fricative was h and it was unknown to
the Folk Latin.
and the
There remain the
palatal j (yod).
labials F, v,
w, the dental s
MODERN PROVEN^AIv PHONOLOGY
127.
F
initial
remains.
FERRUM
55
.
MODISRN PROVENgAIv PHONOIyOGY
56
(a)
In
Beam and
a part of Gascony
initial
Rhod. vent
VKNiR
VBNTUM
"
viNUM
**
v has become
b.
Gasc. bent
v^nt
fin
"
bent
"
bi
v has become / in /^5, Lat. vic^m (cf. l^rench fois)
(c) In a few cases initial v has been treated like Germanic w
and become gu in Old Provencal and g in Rhodanien. These
cases have apparently been affected by a Germanic word on the
same root (Schultz-Gora § 72).
(b) Initial
VADUM(watan)
gua
ga
VASTARH(wastjan)
guastar
gastar
VASCONiA
Guasconha
Gascougno
While guespo might be explained in the same way as the
above examples it is probably French influence, as Old Provengal
has vespa. Other Provencal dialects have forms either with b
(d)
or
V.
133.
V followed by a consonant
civiTAT^M
viVRE
(a) vj.
See
§ 150,
vocalizes to u,
ciutat
cieutat
viure
vieure
MODERN PROVENgAI, PHONOLOGY
57
w
136. In the groups
in
Book
LINGUA.
QU, GU, the bilabial fricative
existed
Latin after the palatal stops k, g, as in EQUa, quarEi
in hiatus as in
w
was developed from an unaccented u
tenuem, januarium.
In Folk Latin
137. In Provengal this
w of Latin source
EQUA
UNGUA
quare
QUOMODO
(a) Janvie, Lat,
has disappeared.
ega
lenga
ego
car
car
coma
coume
januarium
is
lengo
French.
Germanic w both initial and intervocalic is represented in
Old Provengal by gu (Schultz-Gora § 73). The u of gu has become
(b)
silent in
Rhodanien.
WERA
guerra
gtierro
wiSA
guisa
guiso
The Latin ui of the debui type of perfects has been
the same way as the Germanic w and in Rhodanien
(c)
in
has invaded the perfects of all verbs except those of the
jugation (§ 187, i; Schultz-Gora § 73).
DEBUissEMUS
HABUissEM
treated
this
first
deguessem
deguessian
agues
aguksse
gu
con-
s
138.
which was
The corresponding voiced sound z was un-
There was in Latin a
always
voiceless.
known
to the Latin
and
is
single dental fricative s
unknown to Roumanian and
Romance tongues (Nyrop, I § 456).
still
Spanish but found in the other
139. s initial followed by a vowel remains.
PULSARE
SALUTARE
SERVIRE
SETA
SOROR
URSA
140. s initial followed
in
Folk Latin
(§
160
).
polsar
poussa
saludar
saluda
servi
servi
seda
sedo
sorre
sorre
orsa
ourso
by a consonant develops a
prosthetic E
This survived in Rhodanien.
SCALA
SCRiBERE
SPATHA
escala
escalo
escriure
escrieure
espaza
espaso
STABULUM
estable
estable
STRicTUM
estrech
estre
MODERN PROVENgAI, PHONOLOGY
58
141
.
S followed
by a consonant.
must be considered
See
(i) sj.
(2) SM.
separately.
§ 151, I.
The
s disappears.
ABISSIMUM
TESTIMONIARE
(a)
(3)
(4)
There are several groups which
abisme
temonha
Batisme is half learned.
SR.
See § 89, 4.
s followed by other consonants remains.
ASINUM
ahime
temounia
MODERN
PROVJSNgAIv
PHONOLOGY
59
SS
In Old ProvenQal, Latin ss was reduced to s in all positions
(Schultz-Gora § 62). In Rhodanien 55 has been restored to repre144.
sent the voiceless 5 in the intervocajic position where a single 5
voiced.
BASSUM
GROSSA
GROSSUM
has
has
grosa
grosso
gros
gros
PASSARK
pasar
passa
is
J
JOCUM.
Book Latin
there was one palatal fricative j as in jam,
In Folk Latin the hiatus i(b) in words like cavEa,
145. In
RATiONEM developed into the same sound, these words being pronounced [kavja], [ratjone^. The Appendix Probi has cavea non
CAVIA.
146. J initial survives
and [dz]
in
Rhodanien.
JACERK
but
is
pronounced [d3]
in
Old Provengal
MODERN PROVENgAI< PHONOLOGY
60
(a)
Intervocalic.
The
regular result seems to be
AREA
aira
airo
VARiA
vaira
vairo
ir,
an A preceded and the resultant diphthong was in the
pretonic position, it became ei as the diphthong ai does not occur
in Rhodanien in the pretonic position (§ 42a Rem).
(2) In some cases the palatal consonant merely caused a diphthongization of the preceding vowel without developing i before r
(§35)- Thus Lat. FERiA gave feira, fiera, and fieira in Old ProRhodanien has fiero but the dialects show both jeiro,
vencal.
(i)
If
fieiro.
(b)
Final.
The
palatalization
is lost
after causing the diph-
thongization of the preceding vowel where possible (§§33, 35).
CORIUM
1
MODERN PROVENgAI, PHONOLOGY
6
Sage points to a Folk Latin sabium for sapium or sapidum
(Meyer- Liibke, Wort. 7587; Schwan-Behrens § 192). The word
is not free from a suspicion of French influence.
The form sdvt
on the same root is learned (§ 154).
(b) Pijoun, Old Provengal pijon, Lat. pipionEm demands a
Folk Latin pibionbm. (Meyer-Liibke, Wort. 6522a; SchwanBehrens § 103, 2).
The results of this group are confusing. While Rho(2) Bj.
danien has a number of words that show the development [dzj
these forms show French influence. Many of them too have
doublets in -bi corresponding to Old Provencal words of similar
form where no assimilation has taken place. These forms in -bC
may be learned (§ 153 et seq.).
(a)
CAMBIARK
MODERN PROVENgAI. PHONOLOGY
62
COMMKATUM
comjat(comnhat) counget
somiar(somnhar) sounja
somi(somni) (somnhe) sounge
SOMNIARB
SOMNiUM
Vendemi, Old Provengal vendemia, Lat. viSndKmia, has in
Rhodanien also the form vendemio which is regular. Vendemi
(a)
shows the influence
of the
many
learned words in unstressed
i
(§ 154)(b) Sounge, sounja are
not free from a suspicion of French
influence.
Remark. Forms which show assimilation of the labial and
development of [ts]], [dz] can be found in one dialect or another
but there is no regularity.
There are three groups, sj,
151. Dental followed by yod.
TJ, DJ.
This group regularly gave
in Rhodanien.
(i) SJ.
(a)
iz in
Old Provencal and
BASiARE
ECCLESiAM
baizar
heisa
gleiza
gleiso
FUSIONEM
mansionkm
foizon
fouisoun
maizon
meisoun
NAUSEAM
noiza
SSJ
gave
is
in
Old Provengal and
•
iss in
is
nouiso
Rhodanien.
BASSiARE
baisar
heissa
MESSiONEM
GRASSIARE
meison
meissoun
graisar
greissa
This group must be treated according to its position
Its development also depends upon the preceding
in the word.
consonant when there is one.
In some regions notably the north and
(a) TJ intervocalic.
west (Grandgent § 73) this group gave [d5] in Old Provengal.
In the south and east (Grandgent § 73) it gave [id3]. Rhodanien
has examples of both developments though the [5] has been re(2) TJ.
duced to
[z].
ORATIONBM
MODKRN PROVKNgAI, PHONOLOGY
63
Old Provengal aiz has been reduced to es in resoun, sesoun.
We would expect reisoun, seisoun (§ 42) and these forms are found.
Mistral gives resoun, reisoun as forms from the Dauphin^ and
sesoun as Languedocien. It seems quite likely that these words
have been influenced by the French raison, saison. The e represents the French ai better than the ei.
Old Provengal orazon had
also a form oraizon which may have survived in ouresoun.
However Mistral does not give a form with ei, so it seems likely that
ouresoun has been influenced by resoun. Mistral always uses the
forms with e.
(2) There are examples also of the development without i.
(i)
ACUTiARE
PRETIARK
The
aguzar
prezar
agusa
presa
should have given -eza in Old Provengal
(Schultz-Gora § 87). Many forms in -eza are found but with
them Old Provengal has a number of forms in -esa. The latter is
(3)
suffix -ITIA
the regular development of -icia, not -itia (Schultz-Gora
We know that these endings
§ 88).
were confused in Folk Latin, jusTiciA
The common form
for JUSTITIA being common (Adams p. 199).
In French we have -esse along with other forms
in Catalan is -esa.
(Nyrop I § 196, 2 Rem). The form -esa gave in Rhodanien -esso
and this suffix aided by the influence of Catalan and French, has
almost crowded out the regular ending -eso which should have
developed from -eza. There was evidently a confusion of the
suffixes in Old Provengal as can be seen by the examples.
*ALEGRITIAM
MODERN PROVENgAL PHONOI.OGY
64
Remark. That there was confusion of suffixes is very apparent
when we examine the dialects. Of the seven words cited above
in -esso, Mistral gives forms in -eso for all except tristesso and of
the four in -eso he gives forms in -esso for all except enjanteso.
(b) Tj medial preceded by s or c gave i followed by voiceless
The
voiceless 5
is
represented in Rhodanien
ANGUSTIAM
by
s,
or
c.
5.
MODERN PROVENQAI, PHONOLOGY
INODIARE
MEDIA
viRiDiARiUM
enojar
mieja
enuja
miejo
vergier
vergi4
65
Preceded by n the group gave nh [ji] in Old Provengal and
gn [jij in Rhodanien.
(a)
BURGUNDiA
VERBCUNDIA
(b) Final.
The
sented by g or ch.
became
silent
Bourgougno
vergonha
vergougno
was [t/] in Old Provencal repreIn Rhodanien this [if] became [ts] and later
regular result
and dropped.
GAUDIUM
Bofgonha
MODERN PROVENgAI, PHONOLOGY
66
(2) GJ.
(a)
Medial.
This group gave
j
[d5]
in
Old Provencal and
j
[dz] in Rhodanien.
CORRIGIARK
SPONGiAM
gorrejar
gourreja
esponja
espounjo
Remark. Beside Old ProvenQal esponja there was a form esponga from which we have Rhodanien espoungo a form used more
frequently than espounjo.
(b) Final, this
group gives
EXAGiUM
i.
assai
assai
One of the most striking characteristics of Rhodanien is
the great number of words ending in unstressed -i such as mem on,
153.
These words consist in a large part of learned
words and great numbers of these are found also in Old Provengal.
The Latin etyma usually have an hiatus i in the termination but
there are cases where it is lacking and the word has merely assumed the conventional learned or foreign form. There are also
a large number of words which in Old Provengal retained the
Latin vowel after the hiatus i such as Old Provengal abondantia.
These also assumed in Rhodanien the form in unstressed i as
abounddnci. Owing to the interest and importance of this phenomenon it has been thought desirable to present in the following
paragraphs as complete a list as possible of the words concerned.
They were gathered exclusively from the published literary works
of Mistral and have been studied chiefly from the etymological
testimoni, estudi.
point of view.
154.
in
The
following words existed in practically the
same form
Old Provengal and are words in which the learned origin
is
very
apparent.
Acordt, harmony, Old Provencal acordi, Lat. *accordium.
Albdi, freehold, Old Prov. allodi, Folk Lat. alodium. Germ, allod.
Albnguiy delay. Old Provengal.
Connected with Old Provengal
verb allongar.
Apoustdli, apostle. Old Provengal apostoli, Lat. apostolicus.
Armdri,
Old Provengal armari, Lat. armarium.
Auditbriy audience. Old Provengal auditori, Lat. auditorium.
Aversdriy adversary. Old Provencal aversari, Lat. advKrsarium.
Bdrri, rampart, wall, Old Provencal barri. Low Latin (Mist.)
barrium.
closet.
MODERN PROVBNgAIy PHONOIvOGY
Bestidri, animals in general,
Old ProvenQal
67
bestiari, Lat. besti-
ARIUM.
Old Provengal breviari, Lat. breviarium.
Cdmbi, change, exchange, Old Provengal cambi, Lat. cambium.
Capitdni, captain. Old Provengal capitani, Lat. capitaneum.
Capitbli, capitole, hotel de ville, Old Provencal capitoli, Lat.
capitolium.
Celidbniy {celidbnio) chalcedon, Old Provengal celidoni, celidonia,
Brevidri, breviary,
Lat.
CHEUDONIA.
Cementeri (gamenten)
,
cemetery, Old Provengal cementeri, Lat.
coementerium.
Old Provengal
ciborium.
Councbrdi (councbrdio), concord, harmony, Old Provengal concordi, Concordia, Lat. concordia.
Counscienciy conscience, conscious. Old Provencal conciencia,
cossiencia, Lat. consciEntia.
Counsistbrij consistory. Old Provencal consistori, Lat. consistorium.
Countuni, (de countum) continually. Old Provengal contuni, Lat.
CONTINUE.
Countrdri, contrary, Old Provengal contrari, Lat. contrarium.
Coursdri, corsair, Old Provengal corsari, Lat. corsarium.
Custbdi (custbdio) watch, guard, Old Provengal custodi, custodia,
Lat. CUSTODIA.
Dembni, demon. Old Provengal demoni, Lat. daemonium.
Cibdri, pyx.
cibori, Lat.
Descbrdi, see discordi.
Desvdri, madness. Old Provengal
Discbrdiy
(discbrdio)
discord.
and Cat.
desvari.
Old Provengal
discordi,
Lat. dis-
CORDIA.
Divbrci, divorce. Old Provengal divorsi, Lat. divorTium.
Dourmitbri,
dormitory.
Old Provencal dormitori, Lat. dormi-
torium.
Emperij empire, power. Old Provencal emperi, Lat. impERIUM.
Encendt, fire. Old Provencal encendi, Lat. incEndium.
Endourmitbri, see dourmitbri. Has also the meaning soporific.
Ermitbri, hermitage. Old Provencal ermit6ri, Lat. EREmitorium.
Espdci, apace. Old Provengal espazi, espaci, espasi, Lat. spatium.
Estraourdindri, extraordinary, Old Provencal extraordinari, Lat.
Extraordinarium.
Estudiy study. Old Provencal estudi, Lat. studium.
Evangeli, gospel. Old Provencal evangeH, Lat.
Evbri, ivory. Old Provencal evori, Lat.
EvangEUUM.
eborEum.
MODERN PROVENgAL PHONOLOGY
68
Foci,
(Jacio)
face,
front,
Old Provencal
fasi,
facia.
Folk Lat.
FACIA.
Feudatdri, vassal, Old Provengal feudatari, feuzatier, Lat. feuda-
TARIUM.
Old Provencal fluvi, Lat. fluvium.
Fustdni, fustian. Old Provencal fustani, Low Lat. fustanium
Fluid, river, stream,
(Mist.).
Garri, rat, cry used in a child's
game. Old Provencal
garri.
Invoulountdn, see wulountdri, involuntary. Cat. involontari, Lat.
involuntarium.
Lapiddri, lapidary. Old Provencal lapidari, Lat. lapidarium.
Meyer-Liibke in his
dictionary gives Gallic leri, cheerful as etymon.
Magisteriy mastery. Old Provengal magisteri, Lat. magisterium.
Malanconi, melancholy. Old Provencal malenconi, malanconi,
Lat. MELANCHOI.IA.
Matrimoni, marriage. Old Provengal and Cat. matrimoni, Lat.
Uri,
fresh,
cheerful.
Old Provengal
leri.
MATRIMONIUM.
Memori, (memdrio) memory, Old Provengal memori, memoria,
Lat. MEMORIA.
Miseri, {miserio) misery. Old Provencal mizeri, Lat. miseria.
Misteri, mystery. Old Provengal mesteri. Cat. mesteri, Lat.
MYSTERIUM.
Mounastkri, monastery. Old Provengal monaster!, Lat. monasTERIUM.
nEcESSARium.
Negbci, business, commerce. Old Provengal negoci, Lat. nEgotium.
Nkrviy nerve. Old Provengal, Cat. nervi, Lat. nERVIum.
Nksci, stupid, silly, Old Provengal nesci. Cat. neci, Lat. nescium.
Noutdri, notary. Old Provengal, Cat. Notari, Lat. notarium.
Ndvi, fianc6. Old Provengal novi, Lat. novium.
ddit hate. Old Provengal odi, Lat. odium.
dli, oil. Old Provengal oli, Lat. olEum.
drdi, barley. Old Provengal ordi, orge, Lat. hordEum.
Ouratori, orator. Old Provengal oratori, Lat. oratorEM.
Ourdindriy ordinary. Old Provengal ordenari. Cat. ordinari,
Lat. ORDINARIUM.
Paciknci, patience. Old Provengal patienci, paciensa, Lat. patiENTIAM.
Pdliy silk cloth, Old Provengal pah, palH, Old French pahe, Lat.
PALLIUM.
Necessdri, necessary. Old Provengal necesari, Lat.
MODERN PROVENgAI, PHONOLOGY
69
Old Provengal parlatori, Low Lat. parlatorium.
Patrimbni, patrimony, Old Provencal patrimoni, Lat. patriMONIUM.
Precari, precarious. Old Provengal, Cat. precari, Lat. precarium.
PreJcLci, (prefdcio) preface. Old Provencal, Cat. prefaci, Lat.
PRABFATIO.
Pretori, praetor. Old Provengal, Cat. pretori, Lat. prabtorium.
Prouprietdri, proprietor. Old Provengal, Cat. proprietari, Lat.
Parlatdri, parlor,
PROPRIETATEM
+ -ARIUM.
Prouvhhiy proverb, Old Provengal proverbi, Lat. proverbium.
Purgatbri, purgatory. Old Provencal purgatori, Lat. purgatorium.
Raubatori, theft, seduction, Old Provengal raubatori, Germanic
root, raubon.
Rebousteri, a funeral feast. Old Provengal rebosteri, connected
with Lat. REPONERE, Old Prov. rebondre, to bury.
Reltquari, reliquary. Old Provengal, Cat. reliquiari, Lat. REUQUUM ARIUS.
Remedi, remedy, Old Provengal remedi, Lat. remedium.
+
Reprouverbi, see prouverbi.
Old Provencal, Cat. salari, Lat. samarium.
Santudrt, sanctuary. Old Provengal sanctuari, Lat. sanctuarium.
Sapienci, wisdom, Old Provencal sapienci, sabieza, Lat. sapiENTIAM.
Sautkri, psalter. Old Provencal sauteri, Lat. psalterium.
Sdvi, (sdbi) wise. Old Provencal savi, Lat. sapius, sabius.
Silenciy silence. Old Provengal silenci, Lat. siIvEnTium.
Stncbpt, syncope. Old Provencal, Cat. sincopi, Lat. syncope.
Soulitdrt, solitary. Old Provengal solitari, Lat. souTarium.
Susdri, shroud. Old Provengal suzari, Lat. sudarium.
Testimbni, witness, testimony, Old Provengal testimoni, Lat.
TESTIMONIUM.
Transitbri, transitory, Old Provencal transitori, Lat. transiSaldrt, salary.
TORIUM
Old Provengal vicari, Lat. vicarium.
Vituphi, blame, shame. Old Provengal vituperi, Lat. viTUPERiUM.
Voulountdri, voluntary. Old Provencal volontari, Lat. VOLUNTARIUM.
155! In the case of the following words the form in unstressed i
The
is not found in Old Provengal although it may have existed.
corresponding form in Old Provencal ends in -ia or -a. In a
number of cases there is a counterpart of this form in Rhodanien
Vicariy vicar.
MODERN PROVENgAI. PHONOLOGY
70
The forms
may
be the continuation of
forms in -i in Old Provencal not found in literature or they may
have been formed by analogy with the numerous forms in -i.
Abounddnci, (abounddncio) abundance, Old Provencal abondantia, abondancia, abondansa, Lat. abundanTiam.
Assistenciy (asststencio) assistance, Old Provencal assistencia,
Lat. ASSISTENTIAM.
Auddct, (auddcio) audacity, boldness. Old Provengal audacia,
Lat. AUDACIAM.
Besti, (bestto) beast, animal. Old Provengal bestia, Lat. bestiam.
Carrubi, locust-bean, Old Provengal carrubia, carobla, Lat.
GARROBIS.
Cerimoni, {ceremoni, cermbunio) ceremony. Old Provencal cerimonia, Lat. ckrimoniam.
Cervi, stag. Old Provengal cervia, cerv, cer, cervi. It. cervio, Lat.
CERVUS.
Circonstdnciy (circonstdncio) circumstance. Old Provengal circumstancia, Lat. circumstantiam.
Couloufoni, {couloufonioj colofbnio) colophane, Old Provengal
in
-do.
in unstressed i
colophonia, Lat. colophoniam.
Coumediy
comedy.
(coumedio)
Old
Provengal
comedia,
Lat.
COMEDIAM.
Dedicdci,
Old Provengal dedicacio, dedicatio, Lat.
dedication.
DEDICATIO.
Despacienci, impatience.
Tresor but uses
Destriici,
in
(destrussi)
struccio, Lat.
Distdnci,
it
Mistral does not give this word in the
Calendau
destroyer,
p. 268, i.
destroying,
i.
See impacienci.
Old Provencal de-
destructio.
{distdncio)
distance.
Old Provencal
distancia,
Lat.
DISTANTIAM.
Eicelenciy excellency,
Old Provengal excellencia, Lat. ExcEi^i^EN-
TIAM.
Old Provengal existencia, Lat. Existentiam.
Endustriy industrious. Old Provencal (subst) endustria, Lat.
industriam.
Enflu^nct, {enflukncio) influence. Old Provengal influencia, enEisistenci, existence.
fluensa, Lat. infi^uentiam.
Espkci, (especio) species, kind. Old Provencal especia, Lat. spE-
CIAM.
Estdnci, story, apartment. Old Provencal estansa, estansia, Lat.
STANTIAM.
MODERN PROVENQAI, PHONOLOGY
7!
FclU, hole, ditch; jar, Old Provengal fabia, Lat. (Mist.) Fovea.
Fanfoni, (founfoni) symphony, Old Prov. simphonia, Lat. sym-
PHONIAM.
Gdbi, (gdbio) cage. Old ProveriQal gabia, Lat. cavEam.
Gdrdi, guard. Old Provencal garda, gardia, Lat.
guardiam (Germ.
wardan).
Old Provencal gloria, Lat. gloriam. Mistral
also uses gloio {Mtreto p. 40) but does not give this form in his
Tresor nor is it found in the Pichot Tresor of Xavier de Four-
Glori, (glorio) glory.
vieres.
Old Provengal gracia, Lat. gratiam.
manger, Old Provengal crupia, crepcha,
Grdci, (grdcto) grace, favor.
Grupiy
(grupio)
Germ,
crib,
kribja, krupja (Meyer-Liibke, Wort).
Impacienci,
Old
impatience,
Provengal inpaciencia,
Lat.
im-
patibntiam.
Indulgenci, (indulgencio) indulgence. Old Provencal indulgencia,
endulgensa, Lat. indulgentiam.
Injun, (injurio)
injuriam.
Innoucenci,
Old Provengal
insult.
{innoucencio)
injuria,
enjuria,
Old Provencal
innocence,
Lat.
inocensa,
innocencia, Lat. innocEntiam.
Inteligenci, {inteligencio) intelligence,
Lat.
Old Provencal
intelligencia,
INTELUGKNTIAM.
Istori, {istbrio) history,
Old Provengal
estoria, istoria, Lat. his-
TORIAM.
Ldmi, (Idmio) shark. Old Provencal lamia, Lat. lamiam.
Laupt, (laupio) arbor, shelter. Old Provengal laupia. Germ.
laubja (Meyer-Liibke, Wort.).
Lussuri, lust. Old Provencal luxuria, Lat. luxuriam.
Magnificenci, magnificence, Old Provengal magnificencia, Lat.
MAGNIFICENTIAM.
Manicordt, one stringed instrument. Old Provencal manicorda,
Cat. manacordi, Gr. monochordon.
Materi, {materio) matter, substance, Old Provencal materia,
Lat. MATERIAM.
mercy, compassion, Old Provengal mizericordia,
Lat. MISERICORDIAM.
Nouveldri, newcomer, Old Provencal novellaria, Lat. novKLARius.
Ouhediknci, obedience. Old Provengal obediensa, Lat. oboedi-
Misericbrdi,
Entiam.
Ourtogrdfi, orthography.
GRAPHIAM.
Old Provencal
ortografia, Lat.
orTho-
MODERN PROVENgAI, PHONOLOGY
72
Penitenci,
{penitencio)
penitence,
Old
ProvenQal
penitentia,
penedensa, Lat. poenitenTiam.
Poutenci,
gallows,
(poutencio)
Old
Provencal
potencia,
Lat.
POTENTIAM.
Old ProvenQal prezensa, Lat. praksEnTiam.
Presidenci, (presidencio) presidency. Old Provengal presidencia,
Lat. PRAKSIDENTIAM.
Prouvidenci, providence. Old Provencal providensa, Lat. proviDENTIAM.
Rabi, (rdbio) rage, madness. Old Provengal rabia, Lat. rabiEm.
Redoulenci, odor, perfume, Old Provencal redolencia, Latin verb
RKDOLKO.
Repentenci, repentance, regret, Old Provencal repentensa, Lat.
POENITENTIAM.
RK
Resistenciy resistance. Old Provencal resistencia, Latin verb,
Presenci, presence,
+
RESISTERE.
Sauvi, sage (plant) Old Provengal salvia, Lat. salviam.
Scienci, knowledge, Old Provengal sciencia, Lat. sciEntiam.
Sentenciy sentence, decree. Old Provencal sentensa, sentencia, Lat.
SENTENTIAM.
Serviy {servo, servio) reserve, reservoir, park.
Old Provengal serva,
Latin verb, sERVARE.
Suphhiy (superbio) pride, Old Provengal soperbia, superbia, Lat.
SUPERBIAM.
Tdpi, (tdpio) hut made of earth. Old Provengal tapia, Goth, tappa,
Frankish, tappo.
Vendemiy {vendemto)
VINDEMIA.
Vioulenci,
violence,
harvest,
Old
Old Provencal vendemia,
Provengal
violensa,
violencia,
Lat.
Lat.
VIOLENTIAM.
Remark.
So many
have doublets
in -io that we are justified in assuming that the forms in -i are
reductions of the forms in -io on the analogy of the many learned
words of the same type in -i. Mistral very rarely uses the forms
in
-i
-io,
156.
-i
of these forms in unstressed
The following proper and
geographical
names
in unstressed
are foimd in Mistral.
Old Provencal Alaric, Lat. alaricus.
Amhrbsi, Ambrose, Old Provengal Ambrueys, Lat. ambrosius.
Antbniy Anthony, Old Provengal Antoni, Lat. antonius.
Apoucalussi, Apocalipse, Old Provencal Apocalipsi, Lat. apocalypse.
Aldriy
MODERN
PROVlSNgAI,
PHONOLOGY
73
Old ProvenQal Aquitania, Lat. aquitaniam.
Artubt, The Artuby, tributary of the Verdon.
Bounifdci, Boniface, Old Provengal Bonifaci, Lat. bonifatius.
CaMri, Calvary, Old ProveiiQal Calvaria, Lat. cai^varius.
Cefalbni, A Grecian island, Lat. cephalleniam, cephai^oniam.
Counsbrci, Consorce, Lat. consortiam.
Damidti, Damiette, city of Egypt, Old Provencal Damiata, Lat.
Aqtiitdni, Aquitaine,
TAMIATIS.
Estrbpi, Estropy,
name
of a Provengal family.
Old Provengal
Stropi, Lat. (Mist.) eutropius.
Old Provencal Gregori, Lat. gregorius.
Itdli, {Itdlio) Italy, Old Provencal Itali, Lat. italiam.
Lazdrri, (Lazdri) Lazarus, Old Provencal (Mist.) Lazari, Lat.
LAZARUS.
Macedoni, Macedonia, Cat. Macedonia, Lat. macedonlam.
Gregbriy Gregory,
Prussi, Prussia, Cat. Prussia, Lat. prusslam.
Remest, Ramezy, Lat. rEmedius.
Sidbni, Sydney, Lat. sidonius.
157.
The
vengal form
following
is
list
contains words for which the Old Pro-
usually lacking, or
does not seem to justify the form in
if it
-i.
exists,
the Latin etymon
The majority
taken directly from the Latin or from some of
them are
the Romance
of
languages.
Abi, coat, garment, Old Provencal habit, abit, French habit,
Lat. HABITUS.
Anciy (dncio) anxiety, danger. Cat. ansia, Lat. anxlam.
Angbni, (ag6ni) agony, Lat. agonlam.
arlerius.
Arsi, burning thirst, Lat. arsionEm.
Avi, grandfather. Old Provengal avi, Lat. AVUS.
Bdhi, toad. Old ProveuQal babi, Lat. babulus.
Batisteriy chapel of baptism, Lat. bapTisterium.
Bbmi, vomit, Old Provencal vomit, Lat. VOMITUS. This word
shows Gascon origin by its initial b (§ 99).
Brancdci, silly fellow, Lat. pancraTius.
This
Cdrri, car, vehicle, Old Provencal car, carre, Lat. carrum.
word does not really belong in this Hst although similar in form.
Its source is Old Provencal carre and comes from the dialect of
Marseille where the final unstressed e of Old Provencal is represented by i. This demands a grave accent on the syllable
preceding (Koschwitz, Gr. §1, i.). See also/^m.
Arleriy of Aries, Lat.
MODERN
74
PROVISNQAI,
PHONOLOGY
whim, caprice, Old Provengal catar(r), Lat. catarrhus.
This word like carri may be an importation from the Marseille
Catarri,
dialect.
Celihatariy {celihatario) bachelor. Port. ceHbatario.
Cicori, chicory, Lat.
cichorium.
Counsuldri, (counsuldno) consular, Lat. consui^aris.
Ddti, date. Old Provengal datil, Lat. dactylus.
misfortune,
(Mist.)
dis-
dictionnaire,
Lat.
dignitatem + -arius.
Engeni, (engenio) abiHty, skill, Old Provengal engenh.
engeny, ingeni, Lat. ingbnium.
Cat.
Desgraciy
(desgrdcio)
accident,
Lat.
GRATIAM.
Dicioundriy
dictionary,
Sp.
diccionario,
Fr.
(Mist.) dictionarium.
Dignitdri, dignitary, I^at.
Eptsodi, episode, Sp. episodio, Fr. episode, Lat. Episodium.
Old Provencal (Mist.)
(Mist.) EPITAPHIUM.
Epitdfi,
epitaph.
Escapatori, loop-hole,
means
of escape,
epitafi,
epictafi,
Port,
Sp.
Lat.
escapatoria.
Old Provengal verb escapar, Rhod. escapa.
Esclussi, {clupsts, esclissi) eclipse, Old Provengal escHpse,
clipse,
Lat. EcuPSis.
Escbrpiy cormorant, Cat. escorpi.
Seems
in
some
confused with Lat. scorpius, a scorpion, as
dialects to
it is
be
used in this
sense.
on purpose, Old Provengal expres, Fr. expres, Lat.
EXPRBSSE.
Estdsi, ecstasy. Old Provencal extasis, Lat. ExTasis.
Estbrij rush. Old Provencal estueira, Lat. storEam.
Esturti, (estultis) fooHsh, Old ProveuQal estout, estolt, Lat.
Espressi,
STUI.TUM.
Old Provencal ferre, fer, Lat. PERRUM. This
is the Marseille form of the word (cf. cdrri above).
Flori, flourishing. Old Provengal florit, Lat. floritum.
Gdngui, fishnet dragged after a boat, Old Provengal ganguil. Low
Lat. (Mist.) GANGUILO.
G^nty genius, talent. Old Provengal genh, ginh, Sp. Port. It. genio,
Lat. GENIUM.
leliy (tie) lily. Old Provengal lili, ili, Lat. lilEum.
Ferri, (Jerre) iron.
Independknciy independence. Cat. Sp. Port, independencia, Fr.
ind^pendance, Lat. *indepEndentiam.
Insoulenciy insolence, Cat. Sp. Port, insolencia, Fr. insolence, Lat.
insolentiam.
MODERN PROVENgAI, PHONOLOGY
Janissari,
janissary,
Port,
janizaro,
Fr.
75
janissaire,
Low
Lat.
(Mist.) JANIZARI, Turk, ieni-tcheri.
Connected with Rhodanien verb
Languitbriy ennui, weariness.
languerK.
langui, Lat.
Lougatarij lodger. Old Provencal logadier, Folk Lat. locatarius
for LOCATORIUS.
Metroupbli, metropolis, Cat. Sp. Port.
It.
metropoli, Lat. metro-
polis.
Miliounari,
millionnaire.
Mourtudrt,
Cat.
millionaire,
It.
millionari,
millonario,
Sp.
Fr.
millionario.
mortuary,
Sp.
mortuario,
Port,
Lat.
mortuus
+
-ARIUS.
munificence.
Munifichici,
Cat.
munificencia,
Sp.
Lat.
muni-
FICENTIAM.
Ourouscopt, horoscope, Cat. Port, horoscopo. It. oroscopo, Lat.
haruspicium.
Parlamentari, officer with a flag of truce, Sp. parlamentario, Low
Lat. PARLAMENTARIUS.
meadow, uncultivated land, interior
Lat. PASTUM which seems improbable.
Pati,
with Sp. patioy Cat.
Wort. 6291a).
Pensiounari,
pati,
boarder.
PENSIONEM
+
Cat.
court.
Mistral gives
Probably connected
Lat. patidus (roomy) (Meyer-Liibke,
pensionari,
Fr.
pensionnaire,
Lat.
-ARIUS.
Petroli, petroleum. Cat. petrol,
Fr. petrole, Lat.
petra
+
It.
petrolic, Sp.
Port, petroleo,
-olEum.
Probably Marseille dialect (see carri). Commoner
form is porre. Old Provencal por, porre, Lat. porrum.
Poupouldri, popular. Old Provencal popular, Lat. popularis.
Porrt, leak.
Preludiy prelude.
Prouvisdri,
It.
Sp. Port, preludio.
provisional.
Port,
provisorio,
Fr.
provisoire,
Lat.
PROVISORIUS.
Queli, pot, black coat, Lat. (Mist.)
chELYON.
Rdnci, rancid, old person. Old Provencal ranc, Lat. rancidus.
Recdti, (recate), care of household, economy. Old Provencal recapte.
Probably Marseille dialect (see carri).
Old Provencal refector, Fr. refectoire, Lat.
Refeitbri, refectory.
REFECTORIUM.
Connected with Latin verb
Repertbri, repertory, Fr. repertoire.
REPERIRE.
Rousdriy rosary, Cat. rosari, Lat. rosarium.
Sardbnt, sardonyx. Old Provencal sardonic, Lat. sardonyx.
MODERN PROVENgAL PHONOLOGY
76
dramatic action, It. scenario. Cat. escenari,
-ARIUM.
Lat. SCENA
Seciilari, secular. Old Provengal secular, Lat. secularis.
Scendri,
scenario,
+
Semenari, seminary, Sp. Port. It. seminario, Lat. seminarium.
Senbdi, synod, Lat. synodium.
Connected with
Seti, seat, stool, Old Provengal seti, Sp. sitio.
Lat. SEDEM.
Sbci, comrade, Port. Sp. socio, Lat. sociUM.
(sotdas)
Souldci,
relief,
consolation. Old Provencal solatz, Lat.
SOLATIUM.
Tedi, disgust, ennui, Cat. tedi, Sp. Port, tedio, Lat.
taedium.
Temperi, storm, bad weather. Old Provengal tempier, Lat. TEmPERIES.
{tragedio)
Tragedi,
Cat.
tragedy,
TRAGOEDIAM.
IJsiri, oyster. Old Provencal
Sp.
Port.
tragedia,
It.
Lat.
ostream.
158. In this section will be treated a number of words of obscure
etymology. Their form causes them to be grouped with the
other foreign words ending in unstressed -i.
Aiblij kind of dressing
Auvdri,
Basbfi,
Low
silly,
made with
misfortune.
accident,
auvalli,
ostra, Lat.
garlic, Sp. ajolio.
Mistral
Old
gives
Provengal
Lat. orvalium.
imbecile, Sp. bazofia, It. battisoffia.
adornment. Old Provengal belor,
Connected with Lat. bellus.
Bkrhi, canker in a tree, insulting name for peasant at Marseilles,
Old Provengal derti, derbi, berbi, Gallic derbita.
Beulbli, sort of owl. Old Provengal, Cat. oliba (Mist.).
Bbchi, ram. Old Provengal boc. Germ. bock.
Bbri, (bbrio) barn, farm. Old Provengal boaria, boria, Lat. boaria
Belbri,
(belbrio)
luxury
of
(Mist.).
Boucbniy
Caleti,
little piece,
mouthful. Old Provencal bocon.
retreat after a challenge.
when they cause
comrades to
Mistral gives no etymology.
cry school children use
their
who sells dear. Modern formation.
common name of the Old Roman theatre at Orange, Old
Carivendi, one
Cieri,
Provengal
gir,
Lat. circum.
Old Provengal desfeci, defeci, defesi. Connected with Latin verb dEFicerE.
Enferriy (enferrio) hobbles. Old Provencal enferriar, to put in
Desfeci, ennui, disgust.
irons.
MODERN PROVENQAIy PHONOLOGY
77
EngcLmhi, detour, pretext, Old Provengal (Mist.) encrambi, Lat.
AMBAGES.
Enrabiy {enrage) rage, action of enraging, Old Provencal (Mist.)
Connected with Old Provencal verb enrabiar.
arapi.
Ensdrri,
{ensdrrio)
pair of rush baskets.
with Old Provencal sarria.
nects it with Goth, sahrja.
Probably connected
Meyer-Liibke (Wort. 7518) con-
Escdfi, irony, pretense, English, scoff (Mist.).
Esgldsi,
fear,
(esgldri)
terror.
Connected with Old Provengal
verb esglaziar, to frighten.
Esluci, flash, Old Provencal esluchar, Lat. Exlucidare.
Espeibtij child
who
tears his clothes, tattered person. Old Pro-
vencal verb, espeillar, on root of Lat. spoliam.
Esquicheti,
{d
Vesquichkti)
by
pressing.
Connected with the
verb esquicha, etymology obscure.
Old Provengal transe (Mist.).
Probably connected with Rhod. transi, to die.
Fduvi, sumach, Old Provencal falb, faub, fauve (pale tawny coloj),
Lat. Germ, falvus (Meyer-Liibke, Wort. 3174).
Gdmhi, crooked, limping. Mistral suggests Low Lat. cambeus,
Estrdnsi,
great
fear,
anxiety,
from Lat. scambus, bowlegged.
Gdubi,
(garbe,
gdrhi)
natural ease, grace.
Probably connected
with Old Provencal garbier, adroit, graceful and
It.
garbo,
grace.
tumor on the foot of a horse. Port, gavarro.
Gimerre, large mule, brutal man, Heb. (Mist.) chamor.
Gldri, affliction, sorrow, fear, same root as esglari, esglazi. Old
Gavdrri, hard
Provencal
glai.
Old Provencal gorret, gorrin, Gr. pig (Mist.)
Meyer-Liibke gives gorr, onomatopoeic form, cf. also Germ,
Perhaps connected with Gall. *crinos,
gorren, to grunt.
hog, (Meyer-Liibke Wort. 2328) from which Piemontese krin or
Gorrt, Httle pig,
kurin.
Gregdli, (Mist. Isclo d'Or, gregau)
wind from northeast, Cat. Sp.
gregal.
Low
Gr^pi,
numbness from
Lend,
line, fish-line, It. lezna.
Lepi, piece, blow.
cold,
Lat. (Mist.) guERPUS.
Mistral suggests Sp. lapo and Eng. lop.
Luri, {lurio) otter. Old Provencal loira,
loiria, luria,
Lat. lutram.
Mbssi, cabin-boy, Old Provencal mos, Fr. mousse, Sp. mozo,
mozzo, Lat. mutius.
It.
MODERN PROVENQAI, PHONOLOGY
78
Moti,
ram without
mutilus
horns, Lat.
(Mist.)-
Noli, (nolis) freight, Old Provengal noli, nolit, Lat.
Pantori, sort of triangular
sail.
naulum.
Old Fr. pantoire, connected with
Lat. PENDERK.
poppy, Old Provencal papaver. It. papavero, Lat.
PAPAVER.
Pelofi, poor wretch, ragged creature. Mistral gives no etymology.
Perhaps connected with same root as espeioti, i.e. from Old
Provengal espeillar, Lat. spoliarE.
Periissi, (perussio) wild pear.
Connected with Lat. pirum.
Pleti, baton, stick, Russ. pleti, Lat. plectrum.
Papdrri,
Pbchi, pocket, hollow.
Mistral gives
It.
bozza.
Low
Lat. pocchia.
Perhaps Fr. poche, Frankish pokko (Meyer-Liibke 6631).
Rafij farm-hand, Arab. r6fik.
Rebdbi, (revobis) feast.
Mistral gives no etymology.
Refouleri, whim, caprice, Old Provencal refoleiar, Lat. FOLLIS.
Reindubi, kind of bird, Fr. cul-blanc, Eng. wheat-ear.
Reldmbi, respite, relief. Old Provencal (Mist.) relaps, relais Fr.
relaps, Lat. relapsus.
Reldpi, restive, rebellious. Old Provencal reiropios.
Renbsiy (renous) grumbling, scolding. Old Provencal renos, rainos.
Rtissi, buzzard. Old Provencal (Mist.) ruissa.
Sabatdriy place where the sabbat was held.
Connected with
Lat. SABBATUM.
Old Provengal (Mist.) sophia.
Souldmi, (souldmi) monotonous song or chant, Sp. saloma, Lat.
Sdfi, (sofio) whitebait (fish).
CELEUMA
(Mist.).
Mistral gives no etymology.
Tafdri, noise, disturbance.
Tantalori, lunatic, visionary.
TarabasUri, noisy child.
stire,
to
make a
Tdtiy
tocco, Sp. toque,
trunk of a
Connected with Old Provengal tabu-
noise.
Tdchi, stroke, blow.
It.
Mistral gives no etymology.
tree.
Onomatopoeic word. Old Provencal
cf.
Eng.
toe,
tic-toe.
Mistral gives no etymology.
Trdnsi, trance, anxiety.
Port, transe, Sp. trance,
Latin verb
TRANSIRE.
TrebouUri, disturbing, Old Provengal trebolar, Folk Lat. TUR-
BULARE.
Tressimdci, inextricable thing, inexplicable affair.
Old Provengal
tresimar (Mist.).
Trigdssi, noise, confusion.
Mistral gives no etymology.
modern provencal phonol,ogy
79
Accessory Sounds.
sounds are developed at times for phonetic reasons.
Sometimes the sound is a vowel and sometimes a consonant.
160. s initial followed by a consonant develops a prosthetic
E in Folk Latin (§ 140) (Grandgent, Vulgar Latin, § 230).
159. Certain
161.
162.
SCALAM
escala
escalo
scriberE
STRicTUM
escriure
escrUure
estrech
estre
The group
mi^
develops
HUMii^EM
umble
coumhla
umble
iNSiMUiy
ensemble
enskmhle
The group mr develops
The group
I.R
6,
giving
develops d giving
(§ 66, 5).
chambro
membra
noumbre
/c?r
(§ 79, 2).
ABS01.VERE
absoldre
absoudre
FULGUR
foldre
foudre
The group nr develops d
tenerum
A
giving ndr (§71, 4).
cendre
ckndre
ponre
tendre
poundre
Undre
word beginning with the rounded vowel ou
thong ue has a tendency to develop
(a)
mhr
cambra
membrar
nombre
cinerEm
PONERE
165.
2).
comblar
NUMERUM
164.
giving mhl (§ 66,
CUMULARE
CAMERA
mEmorare
163.
6,
or the diph-
v.
undEcim
ungerE
onze
onher
vounge
HODiE
oi
'^y^
ocTEM
ueg
vue
The
v in awust,
Old Provengal agost,
same cause although the
found in Old Provengal
vougne
aost, avost, is
v is of earHer date in this
(§ 124, la).
word
due to
as
it is
II.— MORPHOLOGY
PART
In morphology we are dealing with phenomena which are
usually exceptions to phonetic laws and which show the workings
It is not the intention in the present work to discuss
of analogy.
those forms in Rhodanien which have developed regularly from
Old Provengal, but only to treat new formations, such for example
as the perfects in -gu-, Rhod. aguere, Old Provengal ac; Rhod.
1 66.
Old Provengal parti.
167. Old Provengal had a two case declension and Sectional s
played an important part in distinguishing between the nominaWhen the finals became silent this intive and accusative case.
parti gudre,
The
flection disappeared.
accusative
is
the basis of the modern
forms except in a few instances where the nominative has survived as in the personal pronouns and exceptionally in a very
limited number of nouns, such as " vocative " personal names.
ArticIv^,
168.
Definite and Indefinite.
The singular of the definite article in Rhodanien is phonetic-
ally regular.
Old Provencal
lo,
la,
In the
Rhodanien has kept the
surviving as lou,
plural, instead of preserving los, las,
la.
masculine plural It which serves for both genders. The survival
of the nominative plural li is due to the fact that it is the more
With the fall of the final s, the forms los, las,
distinctive form.
became the same as the singular, hence the nominative li survived.
An 5 is added to li before a plural word beginning with a vowel lis
:
ome, the men.
final s
This
became
s is
due to a crossing
silent first before
When
of
li
with
The
los, las.
consonants and was preserved
began to replace los, las it remained li
before consonants but became lis before vowels. The retention
of 5 in adjective plurals before nouns beginning in a vowel (§ 173)
is a similar phenomenon.
169. In the indefinite article we must note the plural in i, due
before vowels.
li
to the influence of the plural
Old Provengal the plural
li
of the definite article (§ 168).
of the indefinite article
collective force of several objects of the
a
letter.
plural
and
In Rhodanien
is
ww
In
was used with a
same kind, as unas
letras,
occurs only of things used in the
equivalent to " a pair of," as uni cisku, a pair of
scissors; ttni soulie, a pair of shoes.
80
(Cf. Schultz-Gora, § 122).
1
MODERN PROVENgAI, PHONOLOGY
8
ADJECTIVES
170.
The
must be discussed under
the feminine and the formation of the
inflection of the adjective
two heads, the formation
of
plural.
Old Provencal adjectives can be divided into two classes,
those which derive from adjectives of the bonus bona, type,
having a special form for the feminine and those which derive from
the GRANDis, grandis, type, having a single form for the masIn the modern tongue a leveling has taken
culine and feminine.
place and all adjectives have conformed to the first type and have
a special form for the feminine ending in 0, the modern representative of the Old Provencal final a.
171. In
&om(bonum)
5^gWr(SECURUM)
grawii (grandem)
6owo(bonam)
5^gWro(SECURAM)
grawJo (grandem)
In certain cases we find in the feminine a consonant that
has disappeared from the masculine because it has become final or
(a)
vocalized.
^/•eWzV(PRIMARIUM)
^r^W^Vro(PRIMARIAM)
5^(siccum)
seco{siQQAui)
am(AMICUM)
amigo{AMl.QAM)
6^w(beli.um)
6^//(?(bei.lam)
now (novum)
wo2;o(novam)
In certain cases phonetic development has involved a change
of the consonant preceding the o,
(b)
(c)
Sage{SKBl{JU)
5a/<9(SABIAM)
proudigue (prodigum)
proudtgo (prodigam)
WW^(mUTUM)
6^mw(BENIGNUM)
WW(ic>(MUTAM)
6^mgW0(BENIGNAM)
-atrix has survived in the form -airts.
enc antaire {iNC ANTator) encantairis (inc antatrix)
The Latin
sufiix
A few traces of
the old type remain. Grand is frequently used both for the masculine and the feminine. Mistral,
Remark.
enCuno grand cuiero (Mem. e Rac.
p. 56).
adjective has preserved traces of the old method of
forming the plural and has developed a new method.
173. An adjective terminating in the masculine singular by a
172.
The
MODERN
82
PROVieNgAIv PHONOI.OGY
consonant, or a tonic vowel (diphthong or triphthong) preserves
the old flectional s of the plural before a substantive commencing
with a vowel.
un
poulit enfant,
a
It
pretty children.
pretty child.
un hon ami, a good
li
hons ami, the good
friends.
friend.
un
poulits enfant, the
viei ase,
an old
li
vieis ase,
the old
donkeys.
donkey.
Remark. This method of showing the plural is incomplete as
there is no change in the adjective before substantives commencing
with consonants. Thus the difference between lou ban drole and
li hon drole is not shown by the adjective but only by the article.
In this connection we might note that phonetically the same thing
has occurred in French. While both the article and the adjective
show the plural in les hons amis, in les hons gargons the article alone
shows the plural as far as the ear is concerned. The Provengal
has kept the s in this case only where it is pronounced.
(a) Adjectives ending in s in the masculine singular do not add s.
lou faus ami, the false
li
friend.
faus ami, the false
friends.
Masculine adjectives ending in unaccented e, and feminine
adjectives, which always end in 0, change e and to i in the plural.
This i becomes is before words beginning with a vowel.
174.
lou tendre
cor,
the
li
tender heart.
tender hearts.
iou tendre amant, the
'
li
tender lover.
li
poulidi chato, the
pretty
girl.
la vieio amigo,
tendris amant, the
tender lovers.
la poulido chato, the
pretty
tendri cor, the
the old
li
vieiis
girls.
amigo, the old
friends.
friend.
Adjectives ending in co or go change the c and g to qu and gu
(This of course, is purely graphic.)
before the i of the plural.
(a)
la fresco aureto,
the
li
cool breezes.
cool breeze.
una longo
trial.
esprovo, a long
fresquis aureto, the
li
longuis esprovo, the
long
trials.
MODERN PROVENgAl, PHONOLOGY
83
Remark, (i) Koschwitz (Gr. § 45) says that this i (is) has
no connection with the i of the plurals of the second declension in
Latin, and he attributes it to the Old Provencal plurals in as, es.
This final s, he says, changed to i and the resulting diphthong ei
was later reduced to t. He notes that in the dialect of Marseille
these adjectives have ei.
Mistral, in his Tresor under s, gives the
same explanation of these i plurals. It is quite true that the
Rhodanien plurals are represented in the Marseille dialect by ei.
To prove his theory, however, Koschwitz would have to show that
the Rhodanien i plurals are a reduction of an earlier ei, which is
doubtful.
di,
i,
Against his theory also stands the fact that mi,
are mei,
tei, sei, lei, dei, ei
ti, si, li,
and all add
These forms show that
in the Marseilles dialect
words beginning with a vowel.
the ei is not the development of es but rather the regular equivalent
of the Rhodanien final i in the Marseilles dialect just as the Rho5 before
danien
final
unstressed e
is
represented in the Marseilles dialect by
ami for ame etc.
Paul Meyer (Romania XIV, pp. 291-292) notes the appearance
of the i plurals in certain of the old texts of the 12th and 13th
centuries.
He calls this older i plural " un debris latin." He also
mentions the Rhodanien forms in i, quoting examples from Mistral,
but does not definitely state that the modern form is a survival
Morf evidently considers the modern form a
of the older form.
survival of the old plurals in i as he remarks that Meyer- Liibke
i,
sagi for sage;
has not included Provengal among the languages that preserved
the Latin final i. Meyer-Liibke (Gr. II, p. 82) declares that this
He says that the i of heli, amadi, cannot be put in
is not the case.
the same category at all as the final i of the Obwald dialect because
in the latter dialect the i of the perfects such as
viGiNTi remained, where they
fell
audi and
of
very early in Provengal (Grand-
To
gent, Old Provengal § 51, 2) as did the i in the substantives.
regard the i plurals of the modern Provencal as a survival of the
Latin
i
would demand a
special treatment of the i in adjectives
not likely. He further suggests a much better explanation, that the i of the article li was extended first to a few special
cases such as tanti, quanti, autri, then to the demonstratives aqueli,
In support of this theory
aquesti and finally to all the adjectives.
which
is
he notes a similar influence of the article on the adjectives in the
Emilien dialect.
Remark. (2) It can be seen therefore that of the two methods
of showing the plural; one, the plural in s, is a persistence of an
MODERN PROVBNgAI. PHONOI.OGY
84
older form while the other, the plural in
i, is
a
new formation due
to the influence of the article.
Numerals
175.
Among
the numerals the ordinals alone show
new forma-
In Old Provencal the ordinals from six up were formed bymeans of the suffix -en, -ena which was used in Latin with numerals
In the modern tongue this formation has
in a distributive force.
been extended to all the ordinals. While we have the forms
tions.
premie and segound we also have unen, dousen. Then too there
has been a confusion of suffixes. In Old Provengal besides the
suffix -en, -ena, there was a very common adjectival and noun
In the masculine these
suffix -enc, -enca (Adams, pp. 178, 306).
two suffixes gave the same results in the modern tongue, i.e. -en.
In the feminine there are two forms -eno and -enco. The Old
Provencal ordinals should have given -en, -eno but through the
influence of the
common
adjectival suffix they have given -en,
-enco.
Remark.
Utterly disregarding the significance of the Old Pro-
vencal feminines in -ena, Koschwitz derives the modern forms
from the ending -enc, -enca which he attributes to a Latin suffix
-INQUUM, -INQUAM as in the Latin propinquus. Adams, more
correctly attributes this ending to a Germanic suffix, -inco (Adams,
pp. 178-180).
Pronouns
For the sake of comparison we will
the Old Provengal forms and their derivatives in
176. Personal Pronouns.
give a table of
the modern tongue.
Old Provencal
Subj.
MODERN
PROVieNgAI.
PHONOLOGY
85
MODERN PROVENCAL PHONOLOGY
86
Mat
counte Jaire per i'ana?
But what
(Mistral,
Mem.
e Rac. p.
to do in order to go there?
Mem.
leu, ie pountounejant sa maneto febrouso (Mistral,
p. 169).
192).
I,
e Rac.
kissing her feverish little hand.
Assetas-vous, midamisello,
ma
maire
ie digue (Mistral,
Mem.
e
down, ladies, my mother said to them.
From these examples we can see that ie is equivalent to the
indirect object form to him, to her, to them, but also to the adverb
Koschwitz (Gr. § 54) says that it is a crossing of the Old
there.
Provengal li, lui, liei, with the adverb i (ibi). That the use of
the adverb i for the indirect object pronouns is of early date, the
following examples will show.
Schultz-Gora, p. 121. On plus Tesgardon, plus i troban ad
Rac. p. 167).
Sit
esgardar.
Appel, Chrestomathie, p. 88, i, 11. Ne
tan de que puscam vestir ne se ni nos.
sei vezi
no
i
aun unfert
Grandgent (§ 123) remarks that i served also as a dative pronoun to it, to them. This is the use that occurs with the French
As to the beginning of this usage there are examples that show
y.
that it began even in folk Latin. So the question is not so much
of usage as of form.
Meyer-Liibke, Wort. 4252, mentions the
Old Aragonese forms ive, ye, and Mistral in his Tresor gives ie, ye,
and i as the Old Provengal forms. It is probable that the similarity of use of the adverb i and the pronouns lieis, leis etc. may have
affected the form of the adverb i and produced ie.
At any rate,
in the modern tongue ie has displaced li, lor, at the same time retaining the adverbial force of there.
Verb.
180.
As
in the case of the other parts of speech
those cases where, as the result of analogy or
we
will treat
some other
only
influence
the modern forms are not the regular phonetic equivalents of the
Old ProveuQal.
181. PRESENT INDICATIVE.
In the first person singular we
would expect no ending, as the Latin final o disappeared (§ 48)
except in the case of those verbs ending in groups of consonants
demanding a support vowel. (§ 50). Thus Old Provengal has
cant, part, without ending, but tremble with the supporting e.
Even in Old Provengal (Schultz-Gora § 130) a generalization had
begun and in the modern tongue, aided by the influence of the
second person in -es, this has become complete and we have cante,
MODERN PROVENQAI^ PHONOI.OGY
87
In the second person singular the Old
Provencal -as of the first conjugation has weakened to -es and this
has been extended to the other conjugations where the e is not
In the third singular the first conjugation is regular,
regular.
from Old Provengal final a. In the other conjugations
having
there is no ending, merely the stem of the verb. The final consonant is treated as the phonetic laws for final consonants demand.
The plural endings are regularly developed from the Old Proparte, as well as tremble.
vencal except that we have e open instead of e close in the first
person plural of the second, third and fourth conjugations (§ 17,
3. 4)-
PRESENT SUBJUNCTIVE. The first conjugation already had
This was
e in the verbs where a supporting vowel was required.
generalized for all verbs. The third plural in -on came from the
present indicative. These endings were extended to the other
182.
conjugations.
For subjunctives in which we have
In the
183. IMPERFECT INDICATIVE.
(a)
singular
is
-gw-, see § 186, 6.
regular except for the final e of the
where we would expect
o.
The
e is
conjugation
first
first
the
person singular
due to the influence
of the
person singular of the present indicative (cf parlavo instead of
parlava in Italian due to the influence of parlo). In the other
conjugations even in Old Provencal we find forms in ie instead of ia
first
(Appel, Abriss der Formenlehre, p. XXIII).
.
The
shifting of the
accent due to the plurals -iam, -iatz produced -ie, -ies, ie. The
first singular has taken on u under the influence of the first person
In the plural the endings are regular.
singular sieu{estre).
The first and third persons
184. IMPERFECT SUBJUNCTIVE.
singular have adopted the e of the second person influenced
by
the endings of the present subjunctive. The first and second
plural in -iaUy -ias, have come from the imperfect indicative.
185. There remain to be noted, in connection with the verb,
two phenomena, the use of -er- in the formation
and the great extension of -gu- in the verbal forms
186.
of the perfect
of
Rhodanien.
MODERN PROVKNgAI, PHONOLOGY
88
cantetz
cantertas
canteron
canteron
An examination of these perfects shows that only the third singular
and the third plural of the Rhodanien forms are derived regularly
from Old Provengal. The -er- of the third plural, aided by the
influence of the Old Provengal conditional cantera (Koschwitz,
Gr. § 84), has invaded the other persons and also the other conjugations.
To this -er- has been added by analogy the endings
and second singular and the endings
and second plural.
of the present in the first
the imperfect in the
first
While the dialects show a great variety of forms there
variation in the language of Mistral. All perfects end in
(a)
is
of
no
-eret
-eres, -e, -erian, -erias, -eron.
187.
The element
-gu-
had already appeared
in
Old ProveuQal.
In Latin perfects of the habui, debui, type, the hiatus u was
treated like the Germanic w (Schultz-Gora § 150) and gave
When final the g became c. Thus the perfect of habere
gigu).
gave in Old Provengal aic, aguist, ac, aguem, aguetz, agron. This
From
-gu- naturally appeared also in the imperfect subjunctive.
these two tenses the formation began to spread even in Old Provengal and in Rhodanien has invaded many other parts of the
verb.
(i)
PERFECT.
To
the element -gu- has been added the endings
of the perfect of the first conjugation giving -guere, -gu£res, -gue,
In this way are formed the perfects
verbs except those of the first conjugation.
Verbs in -i and -re whose stems end in a consonant insert t
between the stem and -gu-. Thus we have punt, puniguere;
-guerian, -guerias, -gueron.
of all
(a)
and
e
rendre, rendeguere; courre, courreguere.
Verbs whose stems end in a vowel or a consonant that may
vocalize add the -gu- directly to the stem.
Thus we have ab(b)
sotidre, ahsouguere; dire, diguere; vale, vauguere; voule, vouguere.
In many verbs the stem of the present participle is used to
form the perfect. Thus, couire, cousent or couient, couseguere or
(c)
couigtiere; cregne, cregnent, cregneguere; creire, cresent, creseguere;
jougne, jougnent, jougnegtiere.
(d)
is
The
lacking.
following verbs have irregular perfects in which -gu-
is
Councebre, councevent, has a perfect formed on the
stem of the present participle, councevere and one coungaupkre
formed on the Old Provengal perfect conceup (Schultz-Gora § 151)
MODERN PROVENgAL PHONOLOGY
89
probably influenced by saupkre. PoudS, poudHt or pousqubnt has
a perfect formed on the stem of pousqu^nt, pousqubre. Sah6,
sachentj has one perfect sachkre formed on the stem of sachbnt
and one saupere formed on the Old Provengal perfect saup (SchultzGora § 146). Vieure visquent, has visquhe formed on the Old
Provengal perfect vise (Schultz-Gora § 138) which has also influenced the present participle visquent.
IMPERFECT SUBJUNCTIVE. This tense is formed, in every
case, on the same stem as the perfect.
Bvcu in Old Provengal the -gu- had
(3) PAST PARTICIPLE.
invaded the past participle and we have such form as agut, begut,
cazegut, cregut, degut, iagut, mogut, pagut, plagut, pogut, tengut,
tolgut, valgut, vengut, vegut, volgut.
Of these forms we still
have agu, begu, casegu, creigu, degu, jagu, mougu, plaigu, tengu,
vaugu, vengUj vougu. Past participles of this type have increased
greatly and we have besides the ones mentioned above also the
(2)
following: chaure,
chaugu; couire, cousegu; counHsse, couneigu;
courre, courregu, cregne, cregnegu; crHssey creissegu; fegne, fegnegu;
fouire,
fousegu;
leire,
legu;
mouse,
mousegu; nouire,
nousegu;
pareisse, pareigu; pegne, pegnegu; plagne, plagnegu; plbure, plougu;
seire, segu.
The
following verbs have irregular past participles.
CounIn pouscu from
cebre has preserved the Old Provencal counceupu.
poiAde we see the sc that originated in the Old Provencal present
(a)
subjunctive and crept into the perfect
and the past
participle.
Sahe has sauchu in which the ch has come from the
present participle sachknt. In viscu from vieure the sc comes from
the perfect stem (§ 187, id).
The -gu- has in some cases invaded the in(4) INFINITIVE.
Thus
finitive although these formations are of very recent date.
we have the following doublets; ave, ague; vaU, vaugue; vouU,
(§ 187,
id)
vouge; fale faugue.
(a)
In connection with these infinitive doublets we might men-
tion sabe, saupre; poude, pousque; recebre, regaupre; where the
second form in each case has been formed under the influence of
the perfect.
Here also the -gu- has caused the
(5) PRESENT PARTICIPLE.
following
doublets:
av^nt,
aguknt;
wulknt,
vouguknt;
poud^nt,
pouguent.
PRESENT SUBJUNCTIVE. Here the forms with -gu- have
become almost the rule and those without the exception. The
(6)
MODERN PROV^NgAI, PHONOIyOGY
90
following
is
the
list
of those
with -gu-; adurre, adugue; ana, vague;
queri, aquerigue; ausi, ausigue; beure, begue; bouli, bouligue; catre,
caigue; chaure, chaugtie; claure, claugue; coundurre,
creire, cresegue
coundugue;
or cretgue; cult, culigue; curbi, cnrbigue; destruire,
destruigue; deure, degue; dire, digue; dourmi, dourmigue; escrieure,
escrigue; faire, fague; fale, faugue; jaire, jaigue or jague; mbure,
mougue; nouire, nouigue;
plaigue;
rire,
plbure,
oufri, oufrigue; parHsse,
plbugue;
pourgi,
pourgigue;
parHgue;
prendre,
plaire,
prengue;
rigue; segui, seguigue; soufri, soufrigue; vale, vaugue; veire,
vegue; veni, vengue; vincre (vend), vengue; civoule, vougue.
Finis
BIBLIOGRAPHY
AppEL, C, Provenzalische Chrestomathie. Leipzig, 1902.
Adams, Word Formation in Provengal. New York, 1913.
AngladB, Grammaire de Vancien provengal. Paris, 1921.
Brunot, Histoire de la langue frangaise des origines d 1900. Paris, 1905 et
BouRCiEZ, Elements de linguistique romane. Paris, 19 10.
CrEscini, Manualetto provenzale. Padova, 1905.
Cooper, Word Formation in the Roman Sermo Plebeius. New York, 1895.
seq.
Densusianu, Histoire de la langue roumaine. Paris, 1901.
DE FouRVi^RES, Grammaire et guide de la conversation provenqales, Avignon.
DE FourvierEs, Lou pichot tresor. Avignon, 1902.
Grober, Grundriss der romanischen Philologie. 2d edit. Strasbourg, 1901-.
GrandgEnt, An Introduction to Vulgar Latin. Boston, 1907.
Grandgent, Old Provengal. Boston, 1905.
Hanssen, Gramdtica Historica de la Lengua Castellana. Halle, 1913.
JouvEAU, Elements de grammaire provengale. Avignon, 1908.
KoscHWiTz, Grammaire historique de la langue des Felibres. Avignon, 1894.
KoRTiNG, Lateinisch-Romanisches Worterbuch. 2d edit.
Levy, Petit dictionnaire provengal-frangais. Heidelberg, 1909.
Levy, Provenzalisches- Supplement Worterbuch (a-s). Leipzig, 1894-.
MoHL, Introduction d la Chronologic du Latin Vulgaire. Paris, 1899.
MeyER-Lubeie, Einfiihrung in das Studium der romainschen Sprachwissenschaft.
Heidelberg, 1901.
Meyer-Lubke, Grammaire des langues romanes.
MeyER-Lubke, Introduccion al estudio de la
linguistica
romance (Castro).
Madrid, 1914.
Meyer-Lubke, Italienische Grammatik. Leipzig, 1890.
Meyer-Lubke, Romanisches Etymologisches Worterbuch.
Heidelberg,
191 1-
1920.
Mistral, Lou Tresor dou Felibrige. Paris, 1888.
Nicholson, Fluoreto de Prouvengo. Avignon, 1908.
Nyrop, Grammaire historique de la langue frangaise. Copenhague, 1914.
Portal, Grammatica provenzale. 1914.
Portal, Letter atur a provenzale, I moderni trovatori. Milano, 1907.
PiDAL, Mantial elemental de gramatica historica espanola. Madrid, 1905Raynouard, Lexique Roman, Vols. I-VI. Paris, 1838-1844.
RiPERT, La Renaissance Provengale. Paris, 191 8.
RoNjAT, L'Ourtogrdfi prouvengalo. Avignon, 1908.
RousTAN, Pichoto Is tori de la
SeELMann, Die Aussprache
sdtzen.
liter atur
d'o.
Marseille, 19 14.
des Latein nach physiologisch-historischen Grund-
Heilbronn, 1885.
ScHwrz-GoRA, Altprovenzalisches Elementarbuch.
Schwan-Behrens, Grammaire de I'ancien frangais.
91
Heidelberg, 191 5.
Leipzig, 1913.
INDEX
References are to sections
Adjectives, Formation of Feminine,
Mistral, List of works of, 5
Morphology, 166-187
171
Formation
of Plural,
172-174
Nasals, Influence
Article, Definite and Indefinite, 168-
N mouille,
169
Consonants, Classification
Numerals, 175
followed
by
of,
59-61
Stop, 92-125
85-91
Provengal, 2
Diphthongization, 32-37
Felibrige, Origin of, 3
-gu-. Phonetics of, 187
Imperfect Indicative, 183
Imperfect Subjunctive, 184
Final, 48-52
Inflection, 17
Stressed, 13-37
Learned and foreign words
stressed -i, 153-158
L mouille, 81-83
38-46
Phonology, 7-152
Present Indicative, 181
Present Subjtmctive, 182
Pronouns, Personal, 176-179
Rhodanien, 2
Sounds, Accessory, 159-165
Stress, primary and secondary, 8
Vowels, Counterfinal, 53-55
Counterpenultimate, 57
Nasal, 62-74
Modern
74
Perfects, 186
yod, 149-152
Lateral, 75-83
Dialects of
47
Palatals, Influence of,
Fricative, 126-152
Trill,
of,
Penultimate, 56
in
un-
Unstressed, 48-57
Vowel systems, 12
52
Institut d'estudis occitans de París
Occitània
Documents per l'estudi de la lenga occitana
1. Albert DAUZAT, Géographie phonétique d'une région de la Basse-Auvergne
(1906)
2. Albert DAUZAT, Glossaire étymologique du patois de Vinzelles (1915)
3. Vastin LESPY et Paul RAYMOND, Dictionnaire Béarnais ancien et moderne
(1887)
4. Joseph ANGLADE, Histoire sommaire de la littérature méridionale au
moyen-Âge (1921)
5. Joseph ANGLADE, Grammaire de l'ancien provençal ou ancienne langue
d'oc (1921)
6. Henry DONIOL, Les patois de la Basse-Auvergne. Leur grammaire et leur
littérature (1877)
7. Darcy Butterworth KITCHIN, Old Occitan (Provençal)-English Glossary
(1887)
8. Karl BARTSCH, Altokzitanisch (Provenzalisch)-Deusch Wörterbuch
(1855)
9. Frederic MISTRAL, Lou tresor dóu Felibrige 1 (A-B), (1878)
10. Frederic MISTRAL, Lou tresor dóu Felibrige 2 (C), (1878)
11. Frederic MISTRAL, Lou tresor dóu Felibrige 3 (D-Enc), (1878)
12. Frederic MISTRAL, Lou tresor dóu Felibrige 4 (Enc-F), (1878)
13. Frederic MISTRAL, Lou tresor dóu Felibrige 5 (G-Mab), (1878)
14. Frederic MISTRAL, Lou tresor dóu Felibrige 6 (Mab-O), (1878)
15. Frederic MISTRAL, Lou tresor dóu Felibrige 7 (P-Rel), (1878)
16. Frederic MISTRAL, Lou tresor dóu Felibrige 8 (Rel-Sut), (1878)
17. Frederic MISTRAL, Lou tresor dóu Felibrige 9 (Sut-Z), (1878)
18. François MALVAL, Étude des dialectes romans ou patois de la BasseAuvergne (1877)
19. Joseph ROUMANILLE, Glossaire Occitan (Provençal)-Français (1852)
20. Emil LEVY, Petit dictionnaire Ancien Occitan (Provençal)-Français
(1909)
21. Simon Jude HONNORAT, Dictionnaire de la Langue d'Oc 1 (A-B) (1846)
22. Simon Jude HONNORAT, Dictionnaire de la Langue d'Oc 2 (C-D) (1846)
23. Simon Jude HONNORAT, Dictionnaire de la Langue d'Oc 3 (E-O) (1846)
24. Simon Jude HONNORAT, Dictionnaire de la Langue d'Oc 4 (E-O) (1846)
25. Simon Jude HONNORAT, Dictionnaire de la Langue d'Oc 5 (P-R) (1847)
26. Simon Jude HONNORAT, Dictionnaire de la Langue d'Oc 6 (S-Z) (1847)
27. Jules RONJAT, Essai de syntaxe des parlers provençaux modernes
(1913)
28. Vincenzo CRESCINI, Glossario Antico occitano (provenzale)-italiano
(1905)
29. Henri Pascal de ROCHEGUDE, Essai d'un glossaire occitanien (1819)
30. Abbé de SAUVAGES, Dictionnaire français-languedocien 1 (A-G) (3e
éd.1820)
31. Abbé de SAUVAGES, Dictionnaire français-languedocien 2 (H-Z) (3e
éd.1821)
32. Achille LUCHAIRE, Glossaire ancien gascon-français (1881)
33. Camille CHABANEAU, Grammaire limousine (1876)
34. Aimé VAYSSIER, Dictionnaire patois de l'Aveyron 1 (A-Greda) (1879)
35. Aimé VAYSSIER, Dictionnaire patois de l'Aveyron 2 (Gredo-Z) (1879)
36. Jean-Baptiste CALVINO, Nouveau dictionnaire niçois-français (1905)
37. Jean-Pierre COUZINIÉ, Dictionnaire de la langue romano-castraise 1 (AF) (1850)
38. Jean-Pierre COUZINIÉ, Dictionnaire de la langue romano-castraise 1 (GZ) (1850)
39. Joseph ROUMANILLE, De l'orthographe provençale (1853)
40. Jean DOUJAT, Le dictiounari moundi (1811)