`Civilising Mission` of Portuguese Colonialism

Transcrição

Notes
1. Rowley also stressed the poor ethical and moral preparation of the priests
and missionaries in Portuguese Africa. Henry Rowley, Africa Unveiled
(London: SPCK, 1876), 75; also cited in James Duffy, A Question of Slavery
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1967), 112–113.
2. This book is a revised and augmented version of Livros Brancos, Almas Negras
(Lisbon: Imprensa de Ciências Sociais, 2010), which was based on an MA
thesis entitled Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo, Livros Brancos, Almas Negras.
O Colonialismo Português: Programas e Discursos (1880–1930) (Lisbon: MA
Thesis, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas da Universidade Nova de
Lisboa, 2000).
3. For assessments of other imperial formations see Alice Conklin, A Mission to
Civilize (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997); Catherine Hall, Civilising
Subjects (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002); Harald Fischer-Tiné
and Michael Mann (eds), Colonialism as Civilizing Mission (London: Anthem
Press, 2004); Dino Costantini, Mission Civilisatrice (Paris: La Découverte,
2008).
4. For the development of this argument see Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo, ‘The
“Civilization Guild”: Race and Labour in the Third Portuguese Empire
c.1870–1930’, in Francisco Bethencourt and Adrian Pearce, eds, Racism and
Ethnic Relations in the Portuguese Speaking World (Oxford: Oxford University
Press/British Academy, 2012), pp. 173–199.
5. For the notion of politics of difference see Frederick Cooper and Jane
Burbank, Empires in world history (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
2010), 11–13. For one example of an approach based on the ethical argument and its relation to the problem of labour see Neta Crawford, Argument
and Change in World Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002),
159–200.
6. Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo and José Pedro Monteiro, ‘Das “dificuldades de
levar os indígenas a trabalhar”: o “sistema” de trabalho nativo no império
colonial português’, in Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo, ed., O Império Colonial em
Questão (Lisbon: Edições 70, Colecção História&Sociedade, 2012), 159–196;
idem, ‘Internationalism and the labours of the Portuguese colonial empire
(1945–1974)’, Portuguese Studies, vol. 29, no. 2 (2013), 142–163. For the connection between the problem of labour and decolonisation see the classic
work by Frederick Cooper, Decolonization and African Society (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1996).
7. This study does not offer an in-depth investigation of the local realities and
dynamics of native labour, which is a crucial analytical approach to many
of the themes explored in this book. Unfortunately, it continues to be an
understudied aspect, especially for the period in question. For some recent
works, although essentially for a later period, see Alexander Keese, ‘Searching
199
10.1057/9781137355911 - The 'Civilising Mission' of Portuguese Colonialism, 1870-1930, Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo
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Introduction
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
Notes
for the reluctant hands: obsession, ambivalence, and the practice of organizing involuntary labour in colonial Cuanza-Sul and Malange districts, Angola,
1926–1945’, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, vol. 41, no. 2
(2013), 238–258; Jeremy Ball, ‘Colossal lie’ (Los Angeles: PhD diss., University
of California, 2003); Philip Havik, ‘Estradas sem fim: o trabalho forçado
e a “política indígena”’, in AAVV, Trabalho Forçado Africano–Experiências
Coloniais Comparadas (Porto: Campo das Letras, 2006), pp. 229–247; Douglas
Wheeler, ‘The Forced Labor “System” in Angola, 1903–1947’, in AAVV,
Trabalho Forçado Africano–Experiências Coloniais Comparadas (Porto: Campo
das Letras, 2006), 367–393; Todd Cleveland, Rock Solid (Minneapolis: PhD
diss., University of Minnesota, 2008); Eric Allina, Slavery by Other Name
(Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2012).
Frederick Cooper, ‘Conditions Analogous to Slavery: Imperialism and Free
Labor Ideology in Africa’, in Frederick Cooper, Thomas C. Holt and Rebecca
J. Scott, (eds), Beyond Slavery (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press,
2000), 107–149.
For the ‘standards’ of civilisation see Gerrit W. Gong, The Standard
of ‘Civilization’ in International Society (Oxford: Clarendon Press: 1984);
Martti Koskenniemi, The Gentle Civilizer of Nations (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2002), esp. pp. 98–178; Antony Anghie, Imperialism,
Sovereignty and the Making of International Law (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2007), esp. pp. 32–114.
For a recent overview see Jonathan Derrick, Africa’s ‘Agitators’ (London:
Hurst, 2008).
For the overall argument see Jerónimo, ‘The “Civilization Guild”’.
Kevin Grant, A Civilized Savagery (New York: Routledge, 2005), especially pp.
109–134.
For classic assessments see, for instance, Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch, L
Congo au temps des grandes compagnies concessionnaires, 1898–1930 (Paris:
Mouton, 1972); Charles Van Onselen, Chibaro (London: Pluto Press, 1980);
Babacar Fall, Le travail forcé en Afrique-Occidentale française 1900–1946 (Paris:
Karthala Editions, 1993).
Since the conclusion, in 2000, of the MA thesis that originated this work –
Livros Brancos, Almas Negras. O Colonialismo Português: Programas e Discursos
(1880–1930) – some important books have appeared on this subject. Apart
from Grant’s A Civilized Savagery’s chapter, see Lowell J. Satre, Chocolate on
Trial (Athens OH: Ohio University Press, 2005); Catherine Higgs, Chocolate
Islands (Athens OH: Ohio University Press, 2012).
Jeffrey Herbst, States and Power in Africa (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 2000), 3, 11–15, 21–28, 85; Crawford Young, The African Colonial State
in Comparative Perspective (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994), 118–122.
For a comparative study see Colin Newbury, Patrons, Clients, and Empire (New
York: Oxford University Press, 2003). See also Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo,
‘The States of empire’, in Luís Trindade, ed., The Making of Modern Portugal
(Newcastle-upon-Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2013), pp. 65–101.
See the classic by Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders
(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998).
For an important study of these interrelations and processes see Andrew
Zimmerman, Alabama in Africa (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
200
18.
19.
20.
21.
201
2010). See also Ulrike Lindner, ‘The transfer of European social policy
concepts to tropical Africa, 1900–1950: the example of maternal and child
welfare’, Journal of Global History, vol. 9 (2014), 208–231.
Frederick Cooper, ‘Modernizing Bureaucrats, Backward Africans, and the
Development Concept’, in Frederick Cooper and Randall Packard (eds),
International Development and the Social Sciences (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1997), pp. 64–92, at p. 64.
With few exceptions, the analysis of the country’s national and imperial
history is still marked by this type of approach. The same happens with the
traditional historiography of its international relations. For an analysis of
this question in social theory and sociology see Daniel Chernilo, A Social
Theory of the Nation State (London, Routledge, 2007).
This was a major concern in my 2000 MA dissertation. This is also a
major goal of the research project Internationalism and Empire: The Politics
of Difference in the Portuguese Colonial Empire in Comparative Perspective
(1920–1975) (FCT-PTDC/EPH-HIS/5176/2012). For the League and the imperial and colonial phenomena see, for instance, Mark Mazower, Governing the
World (London: Allen Lane, 2012), 116–190 and ‘An international civilization? empire, internationalism and the crisis of the mid-twentieth century’,
International Affairs, vol. 82, no. 3 (2006), 553–566; Susan Pedersen, ‘Back to
the league of nations’, The American Historical Review, vol. 112, no. 4 (2007),
1091–1117. See also Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo and José Pedro Monteiro
(eds), Os passados do presente (Lisbon: Almedina, 2014).
See, for instance, Crawford, Argument and Change; Veronique Dimier, ‘On
Good Colonial Government: Lessons from the League of Nations,’ Global
Society, vol. 18, no. 3 (2004), 279–299.
1 Between Benevolence and Inevitability: The ‘Civilising
Mission’ of Portuguese Colonialism
1. Marcelo Caetano, Portugal e a Internacionalização dos Problemas Africanos
(Lisboa: Edições Ática, 1965), 145. For the protocols and the conference’s closing declaration, see Conférence Internationale de Bruxelles (Paris:
Imprimerie Nationale, 1891).
2. The best collective study of the Berlin Conference and its importance for
European colonial and imperial history is still Stig Förster, Wolfgang J.
Mommsen and Ronald Robinson (eds), Bismarck, Europe, and Africa (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1988). The best study of the diplomatic manoeuvres
immediately before, during and after the Berlin meeting is Sybil Eyre Crowe,
The Berlin West African Conference, 1884–1885 (London: Longmans, Green &
Co., 1942). For more on the Portuguese involvement and the Congo question, see Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo, A Diplomacia do Império (Lisbon: Edições
70, 2012), 238–302 (revised and augmented version of ‘Religion, Empire, and
the Diplomacy of Colonialism: Portugal, Europe, and the Congo Question, c.
1820–1890’ (London: PhD thesis, King’s College London, 2008)); F. Latour da
Veiga Pinto, Le Portugal et le Congo au XIXe siècle (Paris: Presses Universitaires
de France, 1972), 246–293.
3. Caetano, Portugal e a Internacionalização, 97–98.
Notes
Notes
4. For example, it was only in 1887 that the Portuguese colonial administration proceeded to the topographical delimitation of its effective sovereignty
over Angola. For more on this, see Guilherme Brito Capelo, ‘Relatorio
do governador-geral da província de Angola de 1887’, in Relatórios dos
Governadores das Províncias Ultramarinas (Lisboa: Ministério da Marinha e
Ultramar, 1889), pp. 9–10.
5. The abundant correspondence between Hutton and Mackinnon with
Henry Morton Stanley, located at the archive of the Royal Museum for
Central Africa in Tervuren, demonstrates the proximity with Leopold II’s
agenda. For Mackinnon see J. Forbes Munro, Maritime Enterprise and Empire
(Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell Press, 2003), esp. 346–381. See also Barrie M.
Ratcliffe, ‘Commerce and empire: Manchester merchants and West Africa,
1873–1895’, The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, vol. 7, no. 3
(1979), 293–320.
6. For more on the activities of the British missionary societies (in addition to
the BMS and the Livingstone Inland Mission) and their links with British
commercial interests aligned with Leopold II against the agreement between
Portugal and the United Kingdom, see Roger Anstey, Britain and the Congo in
the Nineteenth-Century (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962), esp. 113–138; Ruth
Slade, L’Attitude des Missions Protestantes vis-à-vis des Puissances Européennes
au Congo avant 1885 (Bruxelles: Institut Royal Colonial Belge, 1954) and
English-Speaking Missions in the Congo Independent State (1878–1908) (Brussels:
Académie Royale des Sciences Coloniales, 1959). For more on Leopold II’s
colonial project see particularly Robert S. Thomson, Fondation de l’État
Independent du Congo (Brussels: Office de Publicité, 1933) and, among
the many works of Auguste Roeykens, Léopold II et l’Afrique (1855–1880)
(Brussels: Académie Royale des Sciences Coloniales, 1958).
7. For more on the disputes over ecclesiastical jurisdictions in the Congo
region, see Horst Gründer, ‘Christian Missionary Activities in Africa in the
Age of Imperialism and the Berlin Conference of 1884–1885’, in Förster
et al., Bismarck, Europe, and Africa, pp. 85–103 and especially Jerónimo, A
Diplomacia do Império.
8. For an example of Travers Twiss’s opinion on the Congo see his International
Protectorate of the Congo River (London: Fewtress & Co., 1883); for his participation in the debate see the anonymous statement by ‘a member of the
Royal Geographic Society of Antwerp’, titled Sir Travers Twiss et le Congo
(Bruxelas: A.-N. Lebègue et Cie, 1884). For a later assessment see Jesse S.
Reeves, ‘The origin of the Congo Free State, considered from the standpoint
of international law’, The American Journal of International Law, Vol. 3, no.
1 (1909), 99–118. See also Andrew Fitzmaurice, ‘The Justification of King
Leopold II’s Congo Enterprise by Sir Travers Twiss’, in Shaunnagh Dorsett
and Ian Hunter (eds), Law and Politics in British Colonial Thought (New
York: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2010), 109–126; Casper Sylvest, ‘“Our passion
for legality”: international law and imperialism in late nineteenth-century
Britain’, Review of International Studies, vol. 34, no. 3 (2008), 403–423. For
the relationship of the colonial and imperial question with international
law, see Martti Koskenniemi, The Gentle Civilizer of Nations: The Rise and
Fall of International Law 1870–1960 (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2002), esp. 98–178, 132–133 (for Twiss); Antony Anghie, Imperialism,
202
9.
10.
11.
12.
203
Sovereignty and the Making of International Law (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2007), esp. 32–114; Andrew Fitzmaurice, ‘Liberalism and
empire in nineteenth-century international law’, The American Historical
Review, vol. 117, no. 1 (2012), 122–140, esp. 127–130 (for Twiss).
For the presence of religious and humanitarian factors before and after
the conference see Suzanne Miers, Britain and the Ending of the Slave Trade
(London: Longman, 1975), 169–189; Lewis H. Gann, ‘The Berlin Conference
and the Humanitarian Conscience’, in Förster et al., Bismarck, Europe, and
Africa, pp. 321–331, and the general study by Charles Pelham Groves,
‘Missionary and Humanitarian Aspects of Imperialism from 1870 to 1914’,
in Lewis H. Gann and Peter Duignan, Colonialism in Africa, 1870–1960: The
History and Politics of Colonialism, 1870–1914, Vol. I (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1969), 462–496. For the public impact of the conference
and its ‘humanitarian’ dispositions see William Roger Louis, ‘The Berlin
Congo Conference’, in Prosser Gifford and William Roger Louis (eds), France
and Britain in Africa (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1971), 167–220,
cit. in 218. For the view of an important actor at the time see H. R. Fox
Bourne, ‘Agreement of European Powers as to Liquor Supply in Africa’,
Journal of the Society of Comparative Legislation, vol. 1, no. 2 (1899), 287–292.
For an overview of the problem of alcohol in Africa see Justin Willis,
‘Drinking power: alcohol and history in Africa’, History Compass, vol. 3, no.
1 (2005), 1–13, and the bibliography therein. For the role of the Aborigines’
Protection Society see Kenneth D. Nworah, ‘The Aborigines’ protection
society, 1889–1909: a pressure-group in colonial policy’, Canadian Journal of
African Studies, vol. 5, no. 1 (1971), 79–91 and H. Charles Swaisland, ‘The
Aborigines’ protection society, 1837–1909’, Slavery&Abolition, vol. 21 (2000),
265–280.
The heated discussions that took place during the 1876 Brussels Conference
around the role the missions had to fulfil, side by side with scientific and
commercial principles, in the colonial project sponsored by the Belgian King
Leopold II, represent a clear example of the manner in which religious motivations were not always central in the promotion of civilising discourses and
practices associated with the colonial enterprises. See Jerónimo, A Diplomacia
do Império, 155–166. For recent and stimulating approaches to European
Kulturkämpfe, although without any reference to the colonial or imperial
aspect of the question, see Christopher Clark and Wolfram Kaiser (eds),
Culture Wars (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).
For more on ‘benevolent’, ‘obligatory’ and ‘inevitable’ imperialism, see
Andrew Porter, European Imperialism, 1860–1914 (London: MacMillan Press,
1994), 20–29. For the role fulfilled by the expansion of the Protestant missions, see Brian Stanley, The Bible and the Flag (Leicester: Apollos, 1990),
esp. 85–110, and, especially Andrew Porter, Religion vs. Empire? (Manchester:
Manchester University Press, 2004).
For the significance of Livingstone’s challenge, see B. Stanley, ‘Commerce
and Christianity: providence theory, the missionary movement, and the
imperialism of free trade, 1842–1860’, The Historical Journal, vol. 26, no. 1
(1983), 71–94, and A. Porter, ‘Commerce and Christianity: the rise and fall
of a nineteenth-century missionary slogan’, The Historical Journal, vol. 28,
no. 3 (1985), 597–621. See also Förster et al., Bismarck, Europe, and Africa;
Notes
13.
14.
15.
16.
Notes
Suzanne Miers, ‘Humanitarism at Berlin: Myth or Reality?’ and Gann, ‘The
Berlin Conference’, pp. 333–345, pp. 321–331.
For more on the distance between the aims declared at the end of the meeting and its actual results, and over the still persisting mythology about the
meeting as the moment the African continent was divided, particularly
the discussion of the meaning of the term ‘effective occupation’ (which
was restricted to new conquests, costal zones and occupations, not to
protectorates), see the exceptional articles by Jean Stengers, ‘À Propos de
l’Acte de Berlin, ou Comment Naît une Légende’, in Zaire (October 1953),
839–844, and Jean Stengers, ‘Les Cinq Légendes de l’Acte de Berlin’, in J.
Stengers, Congo: Mythes et Réalités (Paris: Éditions Duculot, 1989), 79–90;
Henk L. Wesseling, ‘The Berlin Conference and the Expansion of Europe: A
Conclusion’, in Förster et al., Bismarck, Europe, and Africa, pp. 527–40, esp.
pp. 532–533.
For more on Lavigerie’s missionary projects and for the place of the antislavery ‘crusade’ within it, see Jerónimo, A Diplomacia do Império, 171–202;
François Renault, Lavigerie, L’Esclavage Africain et L’Europe 1868–1892, 2 vols
(Paris: Boccard, 1971); idem, Cardinal Lavigerie (London: Athlone Press,
1994); Aylward Shorter, Cross and Flag in Africa (Maryknoll: Orbis, 2006).
For an excellent assessment of Lavigerie’s place in the ‘transnational antislavery’ movement see Daniel Laqua, ‘The Tensions of Internationalism:
Transnational Anti-Slavery in the 1880s and 1890s’, The International History
Review, vol. 33, no. 4 (2011), pp. 705–726.
See, for instance, William Clarence-Smith, ‘The British “Official Mind” and
Nineteenth-Century Islamic Debates over the Abolition of Slavery’, in Keith
Hamilton and Patrick Salmon (eds), Slavery, diplomacy and empire (Brighton:
Sussex Academic Press, 2009), pp. 125–142. For an analysis of the question
of slavery and Islam see William Clarence-Smith, Islam and the Abolition of
Slavery (London: Hurst&Company, 2006).
For the agitation suggested by Pius IX, see Jerónimo, A Diplomacia do Império,
202. For Leo XIII see Claude Prudhomme, Stratégie missionnaire du Saint-Siège
sous Léon XIII (1878–1903) (Paris: Boccard, École française de Rome, 1994),
388–392. For Lavigerie and Leo XIII see François Renault, ‘Aux origines
du Ralliement: Léon XIII et Lavigerie (1880–1890)’, Revue Historique, vol.
281, no. 2 (1989), 381–432. For the transnational Catholic network see
several articles in Emiel Lamberts (ed.), The Black International 1870–1878
(Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2002). For Lavigerie’s action see Renault,
Lavigerie, Vol. II, 77–78, 83–94 and 101–106, and Laqua, ‘The Tensions of
Internationalism’, 707. For a comparison between diverse religious and
ecclesiastical adherence to the abolitionist cause (theme that requires further research) see Seymour Drescher, ‘Two Variants of Anti-Slavery: Religious
Organization and Social Mobilization in Britain and France, 1780–1870’,
in Christine Bolt and Seymour Drescher (eds), Anti-Slavery, Religion and
Reform (Folkestone: Dawson, 1980), pp. 43–63 and, for a larger comparative framework, see William Clarence-Smith, ‘Religions and the abolition of
slavery – a comparative approach’ in http://www.lse.ac.uk/economicHistory/
Research/GEHN/GEHNPDF/Conf10_ClarenceSmith.pdf (last accessed on 24
September 2014).
204
205
17. Jean Stengers, ‘Introduction’, in La Conférence de Géographie de 1876 (Brussels:
Académie Royale des Sciences, d’Outre-Mer, 1976), xiii; Miers, Britain and the
Ending of the Slave Trade, 204–206, 219–221 and 229. For the donation see
Laqua, ‘The Tensions of Internationalism’, 709. For Bismarck and the German
context see Jan Georg Deutsch, Emancipation without Abolition in German East
Africa, c. 1884–1914 (Oxford: James Currey Publishers, 2006), 103–104ff.
For the overall European anti-slavery moment see William Mulligan, ‘The
Anti-slave Trade Campaign in Europe, 1888–1890’, in William Mulligan and
Maurice Bric (eds), A Global History of Anti-Slavery Politics in the Nineteenth
Century (Basingstoke: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2013), pp. 149–170.
18. Miers, Britain and the Ending of the Slave, 230–234; Renault, Lavigerie, 259ff.
19. For the Ultimatum see Nuno Severiano Teixeira, O Ultimatum Inglês (Lisboa:
Beta-Projectos Editoriais, Lda, 1990).
20. For a transcription of the sessions, f the invitation, the work by Augusto
Castilho and the list of official stations, see Conférence Internationale de
Bruxelles, 10, 16–45 and 53–62; see also Augusto de Castilho, Memoria Ácerca
da Extincção da Escravidão e do Trafico de Escravatura no Territorio Portuguez
(Lisbon: Publicação do Ministério da Marinha, 1889).
21. Conférence Internationale de Bruxelles, 67–68.
22. Miers, Britain and the Ending of the Slave, 236–291.
23. Ibid., 251–256. For the civilising stations and the 1876 conference see
Jerónimo, ‘Religion, Empire, and the Diplomacy of Colonialism’, 114–115;
Caetano, Portugal e a Internacionalização, 146–149; see also Joaquim Moreira
da Silva Cunha, O Sistema Português de Política Indígena (Coimbra: Coimbra
Editora, 1953), 33–35.
24. Miers, Britain and the Ending of the Slave, 294.
25. For more see Jerónimo, ‘The “Civilization Guild”’.
26. Obviously, it is not our intention to create a marked, superficial distinction
between the two historical moments and processes: quite the contrary. The
understanding of one moment entails the study of the other. For a combined assessment of both moments, see João Pedro Marques, The Sounds
of Silence: Nineteenth-Century Portugal and the Abolition of the Slave Trade
(Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2006) and James Duffy, A Question of Slavery:
Labour Policies in Portuguese Africa and the British Protest, 1850–1920 (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1967). For an example that is informatively rich and
which reveals the manner in which the legislative output operated as the
main legitimating factor of the abolitionist rhetoric and the civilising one,
see Joaquim Moreira da Silva Cunha, O Trabalho Indígena (Lisbon: Agência
Geral do Ultramar, 1954).
27. Here we follow the version included in Conférence Internationale de Bruxelles,
16–45. See also Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, 1881, 23–27 and
391–392; Ao Povo Português (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, 1881), 4–5, 7 and
11–16; for the decree on the civilising missions, see Portuguese Government,
Diário do Governo, 18 August 1881.
28. For an analysis of the main aspects of the abolitionist mythology see João
Pedro Marques, ‘O mito do abolicionismo português’, in Actas do Colóquio
‘Construção e Ensino da História de África’ (Lisbon: Ministério da Educação,
1995), 245–257.
Notes
Notes
29. Conférence Internationale de Bruxelles, 17, 24, 27 and 37. For an understanding of the internal and external political context in which the decree of 10
December 1836 and its preamble emerged (including over the Setembrismo)
see João Pedro Marques, Os Sons do Silêncio, chapter IV, especially 195–214.
The preamble of the decree was partially based on the report by Sá da
Bandeira, which was submitted to the Cortes on 19 February 1836 and published in Memorial Ultramarino e Marítimo, 1, March 1836, 13–14.
30. Conférence Internationale de Bruxelles, 28–29; See also O Trabalho Indígena nas
Colonias Portuguesas: Memoria Justificativa (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, 1906),
4, and Cunha, O Trabalho Indígena, 141–145, cited in 142.
31. Castilho, Memoria Ácerca da Extincção da Escravidão, 44; Duffy, A Question of
Slavery, 126–128.
32. A. T. da Silva Leitão e Castro, A Escravatura na Europa e na Africa a Propósito da
Conferencia de Bruxelas (Lamego: Minerva da Loja Vermelha, 1892), 7. For an
overview of the relation between the Church and the abolition of slavery see
William Clarence-Smith, ‘Église, nation et esclavage: Angola et Mozambique
portugais, 1878–1913’, in Olivier Pétré-Grenouilleau (ed.), Abolir l’esclavage
(Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2008), pp. 149–167.
33. José de Almada, Apontamentos Históricos sobre a Escravatura e o Trabalho
Indígena nas Colónias Portuguesas (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, 1932), 43–44.
For a more global appreciation of the historical transformation of slavery,
with particular emphasis on the development of legitimate trade in Africa,
see, among other works, P. Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2000 [1983]), especially 165–190 and 276–289,
and the collection of texts contained in Robin Law (ed.), From Slave Trade to
‘Legitimate’ Commerce (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
34. For more see Jerónimo, A Diplomacia do Império, 41–55.
35. Special report of the Anti-Slavery conference held at the Salle Herz on the twentysixth and twenty-seventh August 1867 (London: British and Foreign AntiSlavery Society, 1867) especially 134–135 and 144–146. See also Duffy, A
Question of Slavery, 6, 102–108.
36. Duffy, A Question of Slavery, 71 [Monteiro], 75–76 [Cameron and Young],
108–110 [Sullivan and Young], 111–113 [Rowley], 115 [Monteiro]. For the
overall issue see Jerónimo, A Diplomacia do Império; Pinto, Le Portugal et le
Congo. For the British involvement see Anstey, Britain and the Congo.
37. For Cameron, see his Across Africa, 2 vols. (London: Daldy, Isbister&Co,
1877); Jerónimo, ‘Religion, Empire, and the Diplomacy of Colonialism’,
153, 165–166, 183–186; Anstey, Britain and the Congo, 53–56; and Duffy, A
Question of Slavery, 75–76.
38. Andrade Corvo cited in A. Correia de Aguiar, O Trabalho Indígena nas Ilhas
de São Tomé e Principe (S. Thomé: Imprensa Nacional, 1919), 165–166.
In addition to the works by Jerónimo and Anstey cited above, see J. de
Andrade Corvo, Estudos sobre as Províncias Ultramarinas (Lisbon: Imprensa
Nacional, 1883), IV, 155–157; Pinto, Le Portugal et le Congo, 124–134; Eric
Axelson, Portugal and the Scramble for Africa (Johannesburg: Witwatersrand
University Press, 1967), 41–50. For the abolitionist arguments see João
Pedro Marques, ‘Uma cosmética demorada: as cortes perante o problema
da escravidão (1836–1875)’, Análise Social, Vol. 36, no. 158–159 (2001),
209–247.
206
207
39. Agatha Ramm, Sir Robert Morier (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973), 73–112. For
Hopkins’ dispatch and testimony see Duffy, A Question of Slavery, 78–82.
40. Augusto Nascimento, ‘São Tomé e Príncipe’, in Valentim Alexandre and Jill
Dias (eds), O Império Africano 1825–1890 (Lisbon: Estampa, 1988), especially
271–298; ‘A “crise braçal” de 1875 em São Tomé’, Revista Crítica de Ciências
Sociais, vol. 34 (1992), 317–329; and Poderes e Quotidiano nas Roças de São
Tomé e Príncipe (Lousã: Tipografia Lousanense, 2002), 82–90.
41. Duffy, A Question of Slavery, 87–92 and 116–119.
42. Dermot Robert Wyndham Bourke (Earl of Mayo), De Rebus Africanis
(London: W. H. Allen&Co., 1883), especially 24–27, for an assessment of the
Angola-São Thomé connection.
43. José Alberto Corte-Real, Resposta à Sociedade Anti-Esclavista de London
(Lisbon: Sociedade de Geografia de Lisbon, 1884), especially 3–15; Vicente
de Melo e Almada, As Ilhas de São Thomé e Príncipe (Lisbon: Academia Real
das Sciencias, 1884).
44. See Duffy, A Question of Slavery, 125–126 and 129–135. For the disputes see
Porter, Religion vs. Empire?, 270–272 and Hugo Gonçalves Dores, Uma Missão
para o Império (Lisbon: PhD Thesis, Universidade de Lisboa, 2014), especially
Chapter I, ‘Sonhos imperiais, Actos Gerais’. For the general context see
Malyn Newitt, A History of Mozambique (London: Hurst & Company, 1995),
317–355.
2 The ‘Civilisation Guild’ and the ‘Engineers of
Depression’: The Case of S. Thomé Cocoa
1. See Almada, Apontamentos Históricos.
2. O Trabalho Indígena nas Colonias Portuguesas: Memoria Justificativa, vol. 3:
Portugal e o Regime do Trabalho Indigena nas suas Colonias. Memoria Justificativa
(Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, 1910), 6.
3. Ibid., 4–5, 7.
4. António Enes, Moçambique (Lisbon: Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, 1913),
70–71; Marcelo Caetano, ‘António Enes e a sua acção colonial’, Boletim
da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, 11–12 (1948), 573. See also Valentim
Alexandre, A Questão Colonial no Parlamento 1821–1910 (Lisbon: Dom
Quixote/Assembleia da República, 2008), 132–138.
5. Gomes dos Santos, As Nossas Colonias (Lisbon: Empresa do ‘Portugal em
África’, 1903), 148–149.
6. A partial transcription of the document appears in Sampayo e Mello, Política
Indígena (Oporto: Magalhães e Moniz, 1910), 265–271. See also Almada,
Apontamentos Históricos, 46.
7. O Trabalho Indígena nas Colonias Portuguesas: Memoria Justificativa, 12–13;
Enes, Moçambique, 75.
8. Conde da Penha Garcia, ‘Bases para a organisação do ensino colonial
prático nas escolas de agricultura, do commercio e nos institutos industriaes, com largo desenvolvimento da geographia economica e estudo especial
das nossas riquezas coloniaes e suas relações com a economia nacional’,
in Congresso Colonial Nacional (Lisbon: A Liberal-Officina Typographica,
1902), 44–51.
Notes
Notes
9. José Francisco da Silva, ‘Ensino aos emigrantes’, in Congresso Colonial
Nacional (1901), 57.
10. Marnoco e Souza, Administração Colonial (Coimbra: Tipografia França
Amado, 1905), 572; Augusto Freire de Andrade, Relatorio feito pelo DirectorGeral das Colónias acêrca do Livro Portuguese Slavery Escrito pelo Sr. John H.
Harris (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, 1913), 14.
11. For Stober, see Michael Samuels, Education in Angola, 1878–1914 (New
York: Teachers College, 1970), 87–88; for Swan, see Tim Grass, “Brethren
and the Sao Tomé cocoa slavery controversy: The Role of Charles A. Swan
(1861–1934)”, Brethren Historical Review, 4 (2007), 98–113; Grant, A Civilized
Savagery, 118–20; for Grenfell, see Harry Johnston, George Grenfell and the
Congo, 2 vols. (London: Hutchinson, 1908) and Jerónimo, ‘Religion, Empire,
and the Diplomacy of Colonialism’, 167–172. See also Duffy, A Question of
Slavery, 168–174.
12. Henry W. Nevinson, A Modern Slavery (London: Harper and Brothers, 1906),
37. For Nevinson and Portuguese Africa see Angela John, War, Journalism and
the Shaping of the Twentieth Century (Londres: I.B. Taurus, 2006), pp. 42–59
and Roberts Burroughs, Travel Writing and Atrocities (New York: Routledge,
2011), pp. 98–121. For an overview of labour conditions on S. Tomé, see
William Clarence-Smith, ‘Labour Conditions in the Plantations of São Tomé
and Príncipe, 1875–1914’, in Michael Twaddle, ed., The Wages of Slavery
(London: Frank Cass, 1993), 149–167; and also Duffy, A Question of Slavery,
186–188.
13. Duffy, A Question of Slavery, 177–179, 182.
14. ‘A Ilha de São Thomé e o Trabalho Indigena’, Revista Portugueza Colonial e
Maritima (Lisbon: Ferin, 1907), iv–vi; Francisco Mantero, Portuguese Planters
and British Humanitarians (Lisbon: Reforma, 1911), 24.
15. Despite the appropriation to which is was subjected, Chevalier considered
the question of labour recruitment a ‘serious problem that is far from being
solved’. Moreover, he denounced the fact that the colonial administration
spent only the ‘minimum fraction of its tax income’ on the improvement of
the colony of S. Tomé. Augusto Chevalier, ‘A Ilha de São Thomé’, reprinted
in A Ilha de São Thomé e o Trabalho Indigena, vi, ix, 43.
16. See, more recently, Dean Pavlakis, ‘The development of British overseas
humanitarianism and the Congo Reform Campaign’, Journal of Colonialism
and Colonial History, vol. 11, nº. 1 (2010).
17. For a general appreciation of slave cocoa, based on British sources, particularly
the Cadbury archive at the University of Birmingham, see Grant, A Civilized
Savagery, 109–134; for the Cadbury Brothers Ltd., see Charles Dellheim, ‘The
Creation of a Company Culture: Cadburys, 1861–1931’, American Historical
Review, vol. 92, nº 1 (1987), 13–44, and also Gillian Wagner, The Chocolate
Conscience (London: Chatto & Windus, 1987).
18. For both questions see Grant, A Civilized Savagery, 39–107. For E. D. Morel
and the Congo Reform Association, see also, among others, William Roger
Louis and Jean Stengers, eds, E. D. Morel’s History of the Congo Reform
Movement (Oxford: Clarendon, 1968) and Jules Marchal, E. D. Morel contre
Léopold II (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1996).
19. Confirm opposite interpretations of this in Grant, A Civilized Savagery,
110–113 and Duffy, A Question of Slavery, 183, 193–194.
208
209
20. See also Higgs, Chocolate Islands, 15–20.
21. Grant, A Civilized Savagery, 120–126; for an historic analysis of labour migration in Mozambique, see Patrick Harries, Work, Culture, and Identity (London:
James Currey, 1994).
22. Joseph Burtt, Report on the Conditions of Colored Labour Employed on the Cocoa
Plantations of Sao Tome and Principe and the Methods of Procuring it in Angola
(London: 1907), which also appears as an appendix to William Cadbury’s
book, Os Serviçaes de S. Thomé (Lisbon/Oporto: Bertrand/Chardron, 1910),
83–104. For a detailed reconstruction of Burtt’s stay in São Tomé and Angola
see Higgs, Chocolate Islands, 25ff.
23. Cadbury, Os Serviçaes de S. Thomé, 89–91, 102–104. For more context see
Higgs, Chocolate Islands, 133ff.
24. James Duffy, A Question of Slavery, 194–195, 197, 199; Grant, A Civilized
Savagery, 126–128; See also Higgs, Chocolate Islands, 139ff.
25. The commission of agricultural proprietors of S. Tomé was composed of
Alfredo Mendes da Silva, Henrique José Monteiro de Mendonça, Joaquim
de Ornellas e Mattos, João Paulo Monteiro Cancella, Nicolau Mac.
Nicoll and Francisco Mantero. Mantero chaired the session, assuming
the representation of the interests and views of the Portuguese colonial
agriculturalists.
26. Appreciation of the documents presented at the conference, Francisco
Mantero, Obras Completas, Vol. 1 (Lisbon, 1954), 305–307. This edition,
which was published by his son, Carlos Mantero, who wrote the preface, is
a reproduction of his work, A Mão-de-Obra em S. Thomé e Príncipe (Lisbon:
Edição de Autor, 1910).
27. Mantero, Obras Completas, 308–310.
28. Ibid., 312–313.
29. William Cadbury to the plantation owners of S. Tomé and Príncipe, 10th
December 1907 and 21st January 1908, Mantero, Obras Completas, 315–316;
Grant, A Civilized Savagery, 128.
30. William Cadbury to the plantation owners of S. Tomé and Príncipe, 28th
November 1907, reproduced in Mantero, Obras Completas, 298. See also
James Duffy, Portuguese Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge, 1959), 162; and
Donald Heisel, The Indigenous Populations of the Portuguese African Territories
(Ann Harbor: University of Wisconsin, 1966), 19.
31. William Cadbury to Francisco Mantero, 8th July 1908, and Agricultural
Commission to William Cadbury, 14th July 1908, reproduced in Mantero,
Obras Completas, 199–200; Grant, A Civilized Savagery, 129–132. See also
Satre, Chocolate on Trial, 106–107, 125. For the secrecy of Swan’s trip see
Higgs, Chocolate Islands, 144.
32. Cadbury, Os Serviçaes de S. Thomé, 72–73, 77.
33. O Cacau de S. Thomé (Lisbon: Tipografia d’A Editora, 1910), 6–10, 15.
34. Correia de Aguiar, O Trabalho Indígena, 180–182.
35. The expression was originally used by Amável Granger, Facêtas de Angola
(Lisbon: Aillaud & Bertrand, 1926), 44, and was also used in Douglas L.
Wheeler, ‘Mais leis do que mosquitos’: a primeira república portuguesa e o
império ultramarino (1910–1926)’, in Nuno Severiano Teixeira and António
Costa Pinto, eds, A Primeira República Portuguesa (Lisbon: Edições Colibri,
2000), 133–168.
Notes
Notes
36. H. R. Fox Bourne, Slave Traffic in Portuguese Africa (London: Broadway
Chambers, 1908), 60; Correia de Aguiar, O Trabalho Indígena, 178.
37. Mantero, Obras Completas, vol. 1, 307, 312–313.
38. Twelve days later, Cadbury gave value to the official Portuguese efforts.
William Cadbury to the plantation owners of the S. Tomé and Príncipe, 28th
November 1907, reproduced in Mantero, Obras Completas, vol. 1, 294.
39. Mantero, Portuguese Planters and British Humanitarians, 20.
40. For an explanatory framework, see Duffy, A Question of Slavery, 211.
41. For a collective assessment see Abebe Zegeye and Shubi Ishemo, eds, Forced
Labour and Migration (London: Hans Zell Publishers, 1989). For a brief overview of the Portuguese case see Shubi Ishemo, ‘Forced labour and migration
in Portugal’s African colonies’, in Robin Cohen, ed., The Cambridge Survey of
World Migration (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 162–165.
42. Document 9, in Livro Branco: Africa, 2 (1913) (Lisbon: Centro Tipográfico
Colonial, 1913), 28–32; Duffy, A Question of Slavery, 216.
43. Portugal e o Regime do Trabalho Indigena nas suas Colonias: Memoria Justificativa
44. Almada, Apontamentos Históricos, 47–48.
45. The committee was made up of the curator-general of contracted labour, the
head of the health service, the director of public works, three landowners
or administrators chosen by the central commission in Lisbon and a manager of the S. Tomé branch of the Banco Nacional Ultramarino. Almada,
Apontamentos Históricos, 51–53.
46. O Trabalho Indígena nas Colonias Portuguesas: Memoria Justificativa, 6.
47. Portugal e o Regime do Trabalho Indigena nas suas Colonias: Memoria
Justificativa, 18–19; Correia de Aguiar, O Trabalho Indígena, 178.
48. ‘Serviço de Emigração e Recrutamento de Operarios, Serviçaes e Trabalhadores
para a Provincia de S. Thomé e Principe’, Decretos 17 and 29 July 1909,
Portaria Régia 22 November 1909 and Decreto 9 December 1909 (Lisbon:
Imprensa Nacional, 1909), 3.
49. For an overview of the colonial state and the notion of mobile interventionism
see Jerónimo, ‘The States of empire’.
50. ‘Serviço de Emigração e Recrutamento’, 4–19, 24; Mantero, Portuguese
Planters, 16.
51. Portugal e o Regime do Trabalho Indigena nas suas Colonias: Memoria
Justificativa, 14.
52. Almada, Apontamentos Históricos, 60–63.
53. The Tongas were the children of natives and serviçais from other African
colonies, particularly from Angola. A. Miranda Guedes, S. Thomé (Oporto:
Typographia da Empreza Guedes, 1911), 8, 22–23; Ernesto de Vasconcelos,
São Tomé e Príncipe (Lisbon: Tipografia da Cooperativa Militar, 1918), 87–90,
93.
54. Miranda Guedes, S. Thomé, 27–28.
55. For a more detailed examination of this question, see Nascimento, Poderes e
Quotidiano, 127–170.
56. Ernesto de Vasconcelos, São Tomé e Príncipe, 85.
57. Henry W. Nevinson, A Modern Slavery (London: Harper and Brothers, 1906),
187; Fox Bourne, Slave Traffic in Portuguese Africa, 44–25.
58. Miranda Guedes, S. Thomé, 22.
210
211
59. Correia de Aguiar, O Trabalho Indígena, 164.
60. Ibid., 264–246, 270–271, 273.
61. José Almada, Comparative essay on indentured labour at St. Thomé and Príncipe
62. Cadbury, Labour in Portuguese West Africa, 31; Almada, Comparative essay,
59–60.
63. According to José de Almada, around 1913 the tariff applied to the export
of cocoa was 270 reis per 15 kilos in the case of Portuguese ships and 476
reis per 15 kilos in the case of foreign ships. Almada, Comparative essay,
59–60.
64. The Banco Nacional Ultramarino was created in 1864 with the aim of
monopolising the lending of capital to Portuguese colonial territories. It
became one of the main agents in Portugal’s colonial economy. Jorge M.
Pedreira, ‘Comércio ultramarino e integração económica’, in Francisco
Bethencourt and Kirti Chaudhuri, História da Expansão Portuguesa, vol. IV
(Lisbon: Círculo de Leitores, 1998), 253–254.
65. O Trabalho Indígena nas Colonias Portuguesas: Memoria Justificativa, 6.
66. See Jerónimo, ‘The States of empire’. For the pacification campaigns see Réne
Pélissier, História das Campanhas de Angola (Lisboa: Editorial Estampa, 1986);
História de Moçambique (Lisboa: Estampa, 1987–8); Naissance de la Guiné
(Orgeval: Éditions Pélissier, 1989); Les Campagnes Coloniales du Portugal,
1844–1941 (Paris: Pygmalion, 2004).
67. J. Paulo Monteiro Cancella, ‘Impressões de uma viagem às Ilhas de S. Thomé
e Principe’, in Congresso Colonial Nacional (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional,
1902), 16, 20–21, 27, 29–31.
68. Mantero, A Mão-de-Obra em S. Thomé e Principe.
69. António de Sousa Lara was one of the main investors in the S. Tomé plantations, and was linked with the creation of the Companhia Comercial de
Angola (1900), the gunpowder business, and the concession of mining rights
in Lisbon. He was also one of the largest producers of sugar cane in Benguela.
William Clarence-Smith, O Terceiro Império Português (1825–1975) (Lisbon:
Teorema, 1985), 111.
70. The text accompanying the photograph of J. A. Wyllie between pages 78 and
79. In its appendix, this book reproduced some of the articles that had been
published by this individual in the British press, ‘in defence of Portugal’.
Mantero, Obras Completas, vol. 1, 192–200.
71. Mantero, A Mão-de-Obra em S. Thomé e Principe, 23. The role of photography
was also noted by see Diogo Ramada Curto in his ‘Prefácio’ to Jerónimo,
Livros Brancos, Almas Negras, 9–40, especially at 20–21.
72. J. A. Wyllie, ‘Prefatory Note’, in Francisco Mantero, Portuguese Planters, 1–2,
4–6, 8.
73. Ibid., 12–13.
74. René Claparède, L’Esclavage Portugais et le ‘Journal de Genève (Paris: Bureaux
de la ‘France D’Outre-Mer’, 1913), 9–14, 21–23, 28–30. For John H. Harris
see William R. Louis, ‘Sir John Harris and “colonial trusteeship”’, Bulletin des
Seances de l’Académie Royale des Sciences d’Outre-Mer, vol. 14 (1968), 832–856.
75. Duffy, A Question of Slavery, 212–215.
76. The White Books were published as substitutes for the Blue Books in
1912–1915 and 1927. Almada, Apontamentos Históricos, 99.
Notes
Notes
77. Alberto Correia, A Exploração do Indigena no Districto de Mossamedes (Loanda:
Livraria, Papelaria e Tipografia Mondego, 1911), 4–5, 8.
78. Cited in Freire de Andrade, Relatório Feito, 21–22.
79. Jerónimo Paiva de Carvalho, Alma Negra (Oporto: Tipografia Progresso,
1912).
80. Ibid., 5–8.
81. The contradictions between the two pamphlets produced by Paiva de
Carvalho are, in fact, huge. The reasons for this are not apparent in the available sources. Freire de Andrade, Relatório Feito, 38–40, 43.
82. Alfredo da Silva, O Monstro da Escravatura (Oporto: Tipografia Mendonça,
1913).
83. Ibid., 17–19.
84. Ibid., 23–27, 29.
85. Alfredo da Silva was one of William Cadbury’s witnesses in the Birmingham
trial of 1910. For his view on the trial, see the article he published in O
Mundo, 25 January 1910; Alfredo da Silva, O Monstro da Escravatura, 8–9.
86. John Harris, ‘Escravatura portuguesa’, in Livro Branco: Africa, 2 (1913), 4–7, 9;
John Harris to Foreign Office quoted in Duffy, A Question of Slavery, 219–220.
87. Letters dated 31 January and 15 February 1913, in the Livro Branco, and
quoted in Claparède, L’Esclavage Portugais, 12–13.
88. Notice quoted in Freire de Andrade, Relatório Feito, 19–20.
89. Harris, ‘Escravatura portuguesa’, 9.
90. For the entire event see Pélissier, História das Campanhas de Angola, 294–313;
Jelmer Vos, The Kingdom of Kongo and Its Borderlands, 1880–1915 (London:
PhD Thesis, SOAS-UL, 2005), 216–248. See also J. S. Bowskill, San Salvador
(London: Carey Press, 1914) and Earl Mayo’s testimony at the House of Lords
in 27th Kuly 1914: http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/lords/1914/jul/27/
portuguese-west-africa. For the religious underpinnings of these affairs see
Dores, Uma Missão para o Império.
91. Correia de Aguiar, O Trabalho Indígena, 164, 188–189.
92. Ibid., 195, 206–207.
93. Joseph Burtt, ‘S. Tomé’, Bournville Works Magazine, reproduced in Correia de
Aguiar, O Trabalho Indígena, 253–261, quoted in 253–255.
94. Sociedade de Emigração para São Tomé e Príncipe, La Main D’Oeuvre Indigène
dans L’Ouest Africain (Geneva: Imprimerie du Journal de Genève, 1920),
6–24.
95. Correia de Aguiar, O Trabalho Indígena, 80–82, 84–86.
96. Ofício 852/222, 4 August 1916 by Correia de Aguiar, sent to the government
of the province of S. Tomé. Correia de Aguiar, O Trabalho Indígena, 90–91,
130.
97. Almada, Apontamentos Históricos, 53.
3 ‘Redemptive Labour’ and the Missionaries of
the Alphabet
1. Sampayo e Mello, Política Indígena, 221.
2. José Francisco da Silva, ‘Emigração: Assistencia aos Emigrantes’, in Congresso
Colonial Nacional: Actas das Sessões (1901), 22.
212
213
3. Sampayo e Mello, Política Indígena, 219–220; Francisco Mantero, ‘Regimen
do trabalho em S. Thomé e em Angola’, in Congresso Colonial Nacional
(1901), 61.
4. ‘Pamphlet Scrope’ was a strong opponent of Malthusian population doctrines and an advocate for the emigration of British subjects to the colonies,
seen as it was as a panacea for domestic problems. For an intellectual biography and the nickname see Redvers Opie, ‘A Neglected English Economist:
George Poulett Scrope’, The Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. 44, nº. 1
(1929), 101–137, at 102. For the intellectual context, his position and
the colonial issue, see Bernard Semmel, The Rise of Free Trade Imperialism
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 97–99, 117–118, 190.
5. Sampayo e Mello, Política Indígena, 219–220.
6. For an overview see Robert Rowland, ‘Velhos e novos Brasis’, in Bethencourt
and Chaudhuri, eds., História da Expansão Portuguesa, vol. 4, 303–374
and Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo, ‘Portugal no mundo’, in Pedro Tavares
de Almeida, ed., História Contemporânea de Portugal. Vol. 2: A Construção
Nacional, 1834–1890 (Madrid/Lisboa: Fundación Mapfre&Editora Objectiva,
2013), 77–108. For a later period see Cláudia Castelo, Passagens para África
(Porto: Edições Afrontamento, 2007).
7. Luís Schwalbach Lucci, Emigração e Colonização (Lisbon: Typ. do Annuario
Commercial, 1914), 73–74, 81–89.
8. Henrique Galvão, ‘Um critério do povoamento europeu nas colónias portuguesas’, Boletim da Agência Geral das Colónias, 8 May 1932, 3–26.
9. Gomes dos Santos, As Nossas Colonias, 5–130.
10. Lucci, Emigração e Colonização, 76.
11. Idem, 89.
12. Henrique Barahona da Costa, ‘O problema das obras publicas nas suas
relações com o progresso e desenvolvimento dos nossos dominios africanos’,
in Congresso Colonial Nacional (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, 1901), 6.
13. Gerald J. Bender, Angola under Portuguese (London: Heinemann, 1978),
87–98.
14. José Francisco da Silva, ‘Emigração: Assistencia aos emigrantes’, in Congresso
Colonial Nacional (1901), 22.
15. For the 1820s reasoning see Jerónimo, A Diplomacia do Império, 25–26.
16. Intervention by José Francisco da Silva in the debate at the first session of
the National Colonial Congress, in Congresso Colonial Nacional, 142.
17. A more profound study of the emergence of colonial science in Portugal
remains to be made. For the French case, see the excellent work by
Emmanuelle Sibeud, Une Science Impériale pour L’Afrique. (Paris: EHESS, 2002).
For the Belgian case see Marc Poncelet, L’invention des sciences coloniales belges
(Paris: Karthala, 2008).
18. Ernesto de Vasconcellos, ‘Ensino colonial nas escolas superiores. Instituto
Colonial’, in Congresso Colonial Nacional (1901), 42–43; Count of Penha
Garcia, ‘Bases para a organisação de um museu colonial como centro de
informações coloniais’, in Congresso Colonial Nacional (1901), 52, 54–55;
John Mackenzie, Propaganda and Empire (Manchester: Manchester University
Press, 1986), 121–146. For the British Imperial Institute see also William
Golant, Image of Empire (Exeter: University of Exeter, 1984) and Michael
Worboys, ‘The Imperial Institute: The State and the Development of
Notes
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
Notes
the Natural Resources of the Colonial Empire, 1887–1923’ in John M.
MacKenzie, ed., Imperialism and the Natural World (Manchester: Manchester
University Press, 1990), 164–186.
Count of Penha Garcia, ‘Bases para a organisação do ensino colonial prático
nas escolas de agricultura, do commercio e nos institutos industriaes, com
largo desenvolvimento da geographia economica e estudo especial das nossas riquezas coloniaes e suas relações com a economia nacional’, in Congresso
Count of Penha Garcia, ‘Bases para a organisação de um Museu Colonial
como Centro de Informações Coloniaes’, in Congresso Colonial Nacional:
Actas das Sessões (1901), 55; Count of Penha Garcia, debate at the second
session of the National Colonial Congress, in Congresso Colonial Nacional:
Actas das Sessões (1901), 153–154.
Domingos de Oliveira, ‘Influência da instabilidade da legislação na administração colonial’, Congresso Colonial Nacional (Lisboa: A Liberal-Officina
Typographica, 1902), 83–85; Conde da Penha Garcia, in idem, 153.
Carlos Mello Geraldes, Instituições de Fomento Colonial Estrangeiras (Lisboa:
Tipografia Universal, 1912).
Idem, 63, 111, 119–120. For Kew Gardens see Richard Drayton, Nature’s
Government (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000); for the Jardin Colonial
see C. Bonneuil and M. Kleiche, Du jardin d’essais colonial à la station expérimentale 1880–1930 (Montpellier: Cirad, 1993); for the Museum at Tervuren
see Dirk Van Den Audenaerde & Sony Van Hoecke, eds., Africa Museum
Tervuren 1898–1998 (Brussels: Musée Royal de l’Afrique centrale, 1998). For
the general problem see also Daniel R. Headrick, The Tentacles of Progress,
especially 209–258; Mark Harrison, ‘Science and the British Empire’ and
Michael A. Osborne, ‘Science and the French Empire’, Isis, Vol. 96, nº 1
(2005), 56–63 and 80–87.
João Carneiro de Moura, A administração colonial portuguesa (Lisboa: A.M.
Teixeira, 1910), 11. For a sample of other common perspectives see Ruy
Ennes Ulrich, Ciência e administração colonial (Coimbra: Imprensa da
Universidade, 1908); Lourenço Cayolla, Sciencia de colonização (Lisboa:
Typographia da Cooperativa Militar, 1912).
See Jerónimo, ‘The States of empire’.
Relatório ácerca do Estudo dos Problemas Coloniaes (Lisbon: Sociedade de
Geografia de Lisboa, 1913), 3, 5–8.
For an overview see Ong Jin Hui, ‘Chinese indentured labour: coolies and
colonies’, in Robin Cohen, ed., The Cambridge Survey, 51–56; and, among
others, Rana P. Behal and Marcel van der Linden, eds., Coolies, capital and
colonialism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006).
Years earlier, Gomes dos Santos had appreciated the willingness of ‘Asiatics’
to work in a different manner, stressing their tendency to ‘explore the work
of others’. Gomes dos Santos, As Nossas Colonias, 148, 175; Marnoco e Souza,
Administração Colonial, 566–570.
The author of this statement was Paul Leroy-Beaulieu, one of the most
quoted thinkers in the manuals of the Portuguese colonial administration.
Marnoco e Souza, Administração Colonial, 571. For Beaulieu and his importance on Portuguese imperial thinking see Jerónimo, ‘The “Civilisation
Guild”’, 195ff.
214
215
30. Quoted in Lucci, Emigração e Colonização, 92; Valentim Alexandre, Origens
do Colonialismo Português Moderno, 1822–1891 (Lisbon: Sá da Costa Editora,
1979), 216–217.
31. The period of the duration of the contracts was in inverse proportion to
the volume and intensity of external pressure. While in 1875, 1878 and
1899, according to the native labour legislation, the maximum duration of
each contract was five years, the regulation of 1911 limited it to two years.
Almada, Apontamentos Históricos, 42–47.
32. Leroy Vail and Landeg White, Capitalism and Colonialism in Mozambique
(London: Heinemann, 1980), 145.
33. A Miranda Guedes, S. Thomé, 33.
34. Representação dos Agricultores e Comerciantes de S. Tomé á Camara dos Deputados
contra o Decreto de 1 de Outubro de 1913 (S. Tomé: Imprensa da ‘Voz’, 1913),
3, 6.
35. Ruy Ennes Ulrich, Política Colonial (Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade,
1909), 128–129.
36. Vail and White, Capitalism and Colonialism in Mozambique, 166. See also
Eduardo do Couto Lupi, Relatório do Governador do Districto de Quelimane,
1907–1909 (Lourenço Marques: Imprensa Nacional, 1910), 93; William
Clarence-Smith, The Third Portuguese Empire (1825–1975) (Manchester:
Machester University Press, 1985), 105.
37. See Sérgio Chichava, ‘Unlike the Other Whites? The Swiss in Mozambique
under Colonialism’, in Eric Morier-Genoud and Michel Cahen, eds. Imperial
Migrations (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), 149–167, especially
161–162.
38. As we have seen, some years earlier, according to the testimony of D. R. W.
Bourke (the Earl of Mayo) in his book De Rebus Africanis (1883), the recruitment method was distinctive. Once placed before government officials, the
natives were subjected to a short interrogation based on such questions as
‘Are you hungry?’ A positive response was a declaration of a desire to go
to S. Tomé for the following five years. Quoted in Almada, Apontamentos
Históricos, 9.
39. The revelations continued to accumulate in the titles of newspapers, and
included critical reports about the general conditions in Portuguese prisons.
It is in this context that Vail and White framed the celebrated discussions
about an eventual division of Portugal’s colonial possessions between the
British and the Germans, with Edward Grey being one of the main supporters of this idea. Vail and White, Capitalism and Colonialism in Mozambique,
184–187.
40. Lucien Aspe-Fleurimont was a French colonial expert and an adviser to the
Commerce extérieur de la France (1902). Sampayo e Mello, Política Indígena,
221–233, 225; Marnoco e Souza, Administração Colonial, 557.
41. Letter to William Cadbury, dated 30 December 1912, in reply to his report,
Os Serviçaes de S. Thomé and to a letter Cadbury published in Nineteenth
Century. Augusto Freire de Andrade, A Questão dos Serviçaes de S. Thomé
(Lisbon: Typografia do Anuário Comercial, 1913), 3.
42. A. Freire de Andrade, Relatório feito pelo Director-Geral das Colónias, 4–24.
43. The work by Paul Reinsch, Colonial Administration (New York and London:
Macmillan & Co., 1905) is clearly the source of inspiration to Freire de
Notes
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
53
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
Notes
Andrade. Freire de Andrade, Relatório feito pelo Director-Geral das Colónias,
4–5, 25.
Marnoco e Souza, Administração Colonial, 573.
Freire de Andrade, Relatórios sobre Moçambique, Vol. II, (Lourenço Marques:
Imprensa Nacional, 1908), 62ff.
The excerpt is presented in italics, unlike the rest of the citation by Freire de
Andrade. Again, it is interesting to note that the same quotation had been
included to justify the solution to obligatory labour in the work of Sampayo
e Mello. Freire de Andrade, Relatório feito pelo Director-Geral das Colónias, 6;
Sampayo e Mello, Política Indígena, 243; http://hansard.millbanksystems.
com/commons/1898/may/06/class-ii#S4V0057P0_18980506_HOC_219.
Accessed 18 October 2010.
Aspe-Fleurimont thesis in La Colonisation française (Paris: V. Giard et E.
Brière, 1902), 23, referred to in Marnoco e Souza, Administração Colonial,
564. For social Darwinism in France and the place Aspe-Fleurimont and
other colonial experts played in it see Jean-Marc Bernardini, Le Darwinisme
social en France (1859–1918) (Paris: Éditions du CNRS, 1997), esp. 195.
Freire de Andrade, Relatório feito pelo Director-Geral das Colónias, 11.
Sampayo e Mello, Política Indígena, 238 (quotation attributed to Leroy
Beaulieu).
For Angola see the classic by Alfredo Margarido, ‘Les Porteurs: forme de
domination et agents de changement en Angola (XVIIe–XIXe siècles)’, Revue
française d’histoire d’outre-mer, vol. 65, nº 240 (1978), 377–400.
Sampayo e Mello, Política Indígena, 239, 241 e 243; Marnoco e Souza,
Administração Colonial, 565–566.
Sampayo e Mello, Política Indígena, 242–243.
There is no comprehensive empirical research on the role played by taxextraction policies and practices on the developments of the Portuguese
colonial empire from the late nineteenth century onwards. For an example
regarding the British Empire see Leigh A. Gardner, Taxing Colonial Africa
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012).
The expression appears in Paul Reinsch, Colonial Administration, 360.
Mantero, ‘Regimen do trabalho em S. Thomé e em Angola’, in Congresso
Freire de Andrade, Relatórios sobre Moçambique, Vol. II, 60ff.
Sampayo e Mello, Política Indígena, 254; Marnoco e Souza, Administração
Colonial, 560.
Sampayo e Mello, Política Indígena, 253.
Ibid., 247.
António Almada Negreiros, La Main-d’Oeuvre en Afrique (Paris: [s.n.], 1900).
See also Jerónimo, ‘The “Civilisation guild”’, 179ff.
Sampayo e Mello, Política Indígena, 248; Count of Penha Garcia, ‘Bases para a
organisação do ensino colonial’, 50; Viscount de Giraud, ‘Missões commerciaes no interior de Angola’, in Congresso Colonial Nacional (1901), 71–72.
Sampayo e Mello, Política Indígena, 248.
Freire de Andrade, Relatório feito pelo Director-Geral das Colónias, 10.
Between 1876 and 1880, this commission was responsible for many documents that supported the urgency and strategic importance of colonial education. One of the most important examples rests in Projectos de uma Escola
216
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
73.
74.
75.
217
de Disciplinas Relativas à Terra, e às Gentes e às Línguas do Ultramar Português
(of 18 March 1878, sent to the government on 10 July), better known as
Questões Coloniais. Ângela Guimarães, Uma Corrente do Colonialismo Português
(Lisbon: Horizonte, 1984); Jerónimo, ‘Religion, Empire and the Diplomacy
of Colonialism’, 156–159. See also João Carlos Paulo, ‘A Honra da Bandeira’
(Lisbon: MA thesis, FCSH-UNL, 1992).
J. P. Oliveira Martins, O Brasil e as Colónias Portuguesas (Lisbon: Guimarães,
1978), 175–179, 255; Valentim Alexandre, ‘Questão nacional e questão colonial em Oliveira Martins’ and ‘O império colonial no século XX’, both in
Velho Brasil, Novas Áfricas: Portugal e o Império (1808–1975) (Oporto: Edições
Afrontamento, 2000), 174–179 and 182, respectively.
Francisco Dias da Costa, ‘Relatório apresentado à Camara dos Deputados
pelo sr. ministro da Marinha e do Ultramar ácerca das provincias da África
Occidental’, Portugal em África, 57, September (1898), 326.
Charles Ageron, ‘Gambetta et la reprise de l’expansion coloniale’, Revue
Française d’Histoire d’Outre-Mer, LIX (1972), 196–197. For all these issues
in Portugal see Jerónimo, A Diplomacia do Império, 210–215, and Idem,
‘Missions et Empire. Politique et religion dans le nouveaux Brésiles en
Afrique (1860–1890)’, Histoire, Monde & cultures religieuses (forthcoming,
2014). For the problem of anticlericalism in the French colonial empire
see, among others, Philippe Delisle, L’anticléricalisme dans les colonies françaises sous la 3ème République (Paris: Indes Savantes, 2009). See also James P.
Daughton, An Empire Divided (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), and
James P. Daughton and Owen White, eds., In God’s Empire (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2012).
Luciano Cordeiro, ‘Primeiro Relatório Apresentado à Comissão de Missões
do Ultramar’ and ‘Segundo Relatório Apresentado à Comissão de Missões do
Ultramar’, in Luciano Cordeiro, Questões Coloniais (Coimbra: Imprensa da
Universidade, 1934), 109–134, 135–159, at 112–113.
Jerónimo, A Diplomacia do Império, 212.
António Enes, Moçambique, 175–178, 181–186, 189; Eduardo da Costa,
Estudo sobre a Administração Civil das nossas Possessões Africanas: Memória
Apresentada ao Congresso Colonial (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, 1903),
168–174.
Freire de Andrade, Relatórios sobre Moçambique, Vol. V, 304.
See Jeanne Marie Penvenne, African Workers and Colonial Racism (London:
James Currey Ltd., 1995), 12–13.
For a classic account of the problem see José Capela, O vinho para o preto
(Porto: Afrontamento, 1973).
O Africano, 25 December 1908. Aurélio Rocha mistakes the date of this issue,
listing it as 28 December. Aurélio Rocha, ‘Associativismo e nativismo: os fundamentos do discurso ideológico’, in Fátima Ribeiro and António Sopa, eds.,
140 Anos de Imprensa em Moçambique (Maputo: Associação Moçambicana de
Língua Portuguesa, 1996), 31–33.
For the British case, see Andrew Porter, ‘Empires in the Mind’, in P.
J. Marshall, ed., The Cambridge Illustrated History of the British Empire
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 186–189, 202. See also
Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo, ‘Os missionários do alfabeto nas colónias portuguesas (1880–1930)’, in Diogo Ramada Curto, ed., Estudos de Sociologia da
Notes
76.
77.
78.
79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.
86.
Notes
Leitura em Portugal no Século XX (Lisbon: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian,
2006), 29–67, especially 32–34.
The filhos do país (sons of the country) were an active Euro-African frontier
group and were one of the most important voices calling for political, social
and economic reform within Angola. Voz d’Angola clamando no deserto: offerecida aos amigos da verdade pelos naturaes (Lisbon: 1901). For an analysis of
the context of the work see Helena Wakim Moreno, Voz d’Angola clamando
no deserto (São Paulo: MA Thesis, 2014), especially 132–155. For the general
problem see Douglas Wheeler, ‘Origins of African Nationalism in Angola:
Assimilado Protest Writing, 1859–1929’, in R. Chilcote, ed., Protest and
Resistance in Brazil and Portuguese Africa (Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1972), 67–87; Jill Dias, ‘Uma Questão de Identidade: Respostas
Intelectuais às Transformações Econômicas no Seio da Elite Crioula da
Angola Portuguesa entre 1870 e 1930’, Revista Internacional de Estudos
Africanos, nº 1 (1984), 61–94; Mário de Andrade, Origens do nacionalismo
africano (Lisboa: Dom Quixote, 1997); Fernando Pimenta, Brancos de Angola
(Coimbra: Minerva, 2005); and Jacopo Corrado, The Creole Elite and the Rise
of Angolan Protonationalism, 1870–1920 (Amherst, NY.: Cambria Press, 2008).
António Cabreira, O Ensino Colonial e o Congresso de Lisboa (Lisbon: Tipografia
Gutemberg, 1902), 3–4.
Sampayo e Mello, Política Indígena, 22–24, 27, 61, 81, 101–102; Marnoco e
Souza, Administração Colonial, 414–415. For the ‘geographer-missionary’ see
Jerónimo, A Diplomacia do Império, 212.
For the most comprehensive analysis see Hugo Gonçalves Dores, Uma
Missão para o Império, especially chapter IV, ‘Entra a República’.
Norton de Matos, Memórias e Trabalhos da Minha Vida, Vol. III (Lisbon:
Editora Marítimo-Colonial, 1944), 302–303, 317.
The installation of the republican regime was only slightly responsible for
this, in the same way that the repression of the religious orders in 1834
represented the decisive factor for the state of religious abandonment in
the Portuguese colonies during the nineteenth century. The first case point
is addressed by Dores, Uma Missão para o Império, the second is the object
of analysis in Jerónimo, Religion, Empire and the Diplomacy of Colonialism,
153–181.
J. V. Solipa Norte, Relatório do Inspector da Instrução Primária da Provincia de
Moçambique (Lourenço Marques: Imprensa Nacional, 1920), 6–13, 17. For
a study of colonial education in Mozambique see Ana Isabel Madeira, Ler,
Escrever e Orar (Lisbon: PhD Thesis, Universidade de Lisboa, 2007), especially
373ff.
José Gonçalo Santa Rita, ‘Ensino nas colónias. Indigenato. Colonato’, in
Congresso Colonial Nacional (Lisbon: Tipografia América, 1924), 1–3.
Mário Costa, ‘Esboço histórico e estatístico da instrução na colónia de
Moçambique’, Boletim Económico e Estatístico, Vol. 5 (Lourenço Marques:
Imprensa Nacional, 1928).
Mário Barradas, ‘Relatório’, Boletim Económico e Estatístico Vol. 5 (Lourenço
Marques: Imprensa Nacional, 1928), 56–57.
An interesting figure, Mário Costa was an infantry lieutenant, a subaltern
in the 1st Native Machinegun Battery. A dispatch dated 22 January 1927
appointed him to organise an historical archive (of documents held within
218
219
the General Headquarters of the Mozambique Colony), by virtue of his interest in the colony’s history and of the works that he had published in the
meantime. These works included: Estatística da edificação de Lourenço Marques
em épocas sucessivas (elementos e subsídios para um estudo do desenvolvimento
de Lourenço Marques) of 1925, which received an award from the Statistics
Department; Como Fizeram os Portugueses em Moçambique, which received
a prize in the colonial literature competition run by the Agência Geral das
Colónias in 1927; and the organisation of the Anuário de Moçambique, from
1925–29. Mário Costa, ‘Esboço histórico e estatístico da instrução na colónia
de Moçambique’, 67, 71–72.
87. Estatuto Orgânico das Missões Católicas Portuguesas de África e Timor, Decree
12 485 of 13 October, reproduced in Anuário de Ensino da Colónia de
Moçambique: Ano de 1930 (Lourenço Marques: Imprensa Nacional, 1931),
155–157, 159–161. For the causes and context see Dores, Uma Missão para o
Império. To assess the nature in which these matters were appropriated and
reproduced during the Estado Novo, see Augusto Castro Júnior, O Problema
do Ensino em Terras de Além-Mar (Lisbon: Editorial Império, 1953).
88. Article 21, Estatuto Orgânico das Missões Católicas Portuguesas de África e Timor,
167–168.
4 Bibles, Flags and Transnational Loyalties:
Educating Empires
1. One of the most significant cases of this meeting of legal information on
the regulation of labour in the colonies of various colonising countries
is in the documentation of the ICI or, for a wider range of compared
legislation, the Annuaire Coloniale. See Institut Colonial International, La
Main-d’oeuvre aux Colonies: Documents Officiels, 1st series, 3 Vols. (Brussels:
Bibliothèque Coloniale Internationale, 1895). For a recent analysis of its role
see Benoit Daviron, ‘Mobilizing labour in African agriculture: the role of the
International Colonial Institute in the elaboration of a standard of colonial
administration, 1895–1930’, Journal of Global History, n.º 5 (2010), 479–501.
2. For a recent approach to the role of the transnational dimension of Protestant
missionary action, see John Stuart, ‘Beyond Sovereignty? Protestant Missions,
Empire and Transnationalism’, in Kevin Grant, Philippa Levine and Frank
Trentmann, eds., Beyond Sovereignty (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007),
103–125.
3. In addition to the references cited in Part I of this book, see Charles Pelham
Groves, ‘Missionary and Humanitarian Aspects of Imperialism from 1870
to 1914’, 462–463, 476–479; C. G. Baëta, ‘Missionary and Humanitarian
Interests, 1914 to 1960’, in L. H. Gann and Peter Duignan, eds., Colonialism
in Africa, 1870–1960, Vol. II: The History and Politics of Colonialism, 1914–
1960 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 425–426; Norman
Etherington, ‘Mission and Empire’, in Robin Winks, ed., Historiography,
Vol. V, in William Roger Louis, ed., The Oxford History of the British Empire
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 303–305.
4. For more on the International Missionary Council, see William Richey Hogg,
Ecumenical Foundations: A History of the International Missionary Council and
Notes
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
Notes
its Nineteenth-Century Background (New York: Harper, 1952). For more on J. H.
Oldham and the 1910 World Missionary Conference of Edinburgh, see Keith
Clemens, Faith on the Frontier (Edinburgh: T.&T. Clark, 1999), especially
73–99.
The most reasoned challenge to an absolute and acritical association of
imperial and missionary factors is that by Porter, Religion vs. Empire?..., especially 1–14 and 316–330. For the appreciations made in Edinburgh in 1910
in respect of relations between the state, the colonial powers and the missions, see Brian Stanley, ‘Church, State and the Hierarchy of “Civilization”:
the Making of the “Missions and Governments” Report at the World
Missionary Conference, Edinburgh 1910’, in Andrew Porter, ed., The Imperial
Horizons of British Protestant Missions, 1880–1914 (Grand Rapids, MI: William
B. Eerdmans, 2003), 58–84, especially 80–82; for a contemporary appreciation, see J. H. Oldham, ‘Nationality and Missions’, International Review of
Missions, no. 35 (1920), 381.
Despite Warnshuis conciliatory position, based on the proposal that efforts
should be made by Protestant missions to accommodate themselves to
Portuguese legislation and policies, the IMC officially decided that the obstacles raised by the Portuguese government to the use of the Bible in native
languages should be questioned. A. L. Warnshuis, The Relations of Missions
and Governments in Belgian, French and Portuguese Colonies (London: IMC,
1923).
For the nineteenth century, see Andrew Porter, ‘Trusteeship, Anti-Slavery,
and Humanitarism’, in William Roger Louis, ed., The Oxford History of the
British Empire, Vol. III, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 198–221; for
the twentieth century, see Ronald Robinson, ‘The Moral Disarmament of
African Empire, 1919–1947’, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History,
Vol. 8, no. 1 (1979), 86–104; Ralph A. Austen, ‘Varieties of Trusteeship:
African Territories under British and French Mandate, 1919–1939’, in Prosser
Gifford and William Roger Louis, eds., France and Britain in Africa, 515–542;
Kevin Grant, ‘Human Rights and Sovereign Abolitions of Slavery c. 1880–
1956’, in Kevin Grant, Philippa Levine and Frank Trentmann, eds., Beyond
Sovereignty, 80–102; and Ward, A Civilized Savagery, 135–166.
For Booker T. Washington, Tuskegee and African affairs see Louis R. Harlan,
‘Booker T. Washington and the White Man’s Burden’, The American Historical
Review, vol. 71, nº 2 (1966), 441–467; Booker T. Gardner, ‘The Educational
Contributions of Booker T. Washington’, The Journal of Negro Education, vol.
44, nº 4 (1975), 502–518, especially 507–510.
See Andrew Zimmerman, Alabama in Africa.
The descendant of a long philanthropic missionary tradition that was
directed towards the education of the black communities, the Phelps-Stokes
Fund was established on 24 May 1911 by Caroline Phelps Stokes. See Ullin
W. Leavell, ‘Trends of Philanthropy in Negro Education: A Survey’, The
Journal of Negro Education, Vol. 2, no. 1 (1933), 38–52 and Patti McGill
Peterson, ‘Colonialism and Education: The Case of the Afro-American’,
Comparative Education Review, Vol. 15, no. 2 (1971), 146–157.
Edward H. Berman, ‘Tuskegee in Africa’, The Journal of Negro Education, Vol.
41, no. 2 (1972), 99–112. For J. H. Oldham and the connection with the
Tuskegee Institute and with Africa, see Kenneth J. King, ‘Africa and the
220
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
221
Southern States of the USA: Notes on J. H. Oldham and American Negro
Education for Africans’, The Journal of African History, vol. 10, nº 4 (1969),
659–677, and George Bennett, ‘Paramountcy to Partnership: J. H. Oldham
and Africa’, Africa, nº 30 (1960), 356–361. For Thomas Jesse Jones, see J. W.
C. Dougall, ‘Thomas Jesse Jones: Crusader for Africa’, International Review of
Missions, Vol. 34, no. 155 (1950), 311–317; Herbert M. Kliebard ‘‘That Evil
Genius of the Negro Race’: Thomas Jesse Jones and Educational Reform’,
Journal of Curriculum and Supervision, vol. 10, nº 1 (1994), 5–20; William H.
Watkin, ‘Thomas Jesse Jones, Social Studies, and Race’, International Journal of
Social Education, vol. 10, nº 2 (1996), 124–34. Cf. Thomas Jesse Jones, Negro
Education, 2 vols. (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1917). For
the differences of opinions in sectors concerned with educating the black
community, see Donald Johnson, ‘W. E. B. Du Bois, Thomas Jesse Jones and
the Struggle for Social Education’, The Journal of Negro History, vol. 85, nº
3 (2000), 71–95, especially 77–87. For a classic critical assessment of these
educational views see Albert Victor Murray, The School in the Bush (London:
Longmans, 1929).
Edward H. Berman, ‘Tuskegee in Africa’..., 101–102.
Thomas Jesse Jones, ed., Education in Africa (New York, NY: Phelps-Stoke
Fund, 1922). For an overview of the process see Edward H. Berman,
‘American Influence on African Education: The Role of the Phelps-Stokes
Fund’s Education Commissions’, Comparative Education Review, vol. 15, nº 2
(1971), 132–145.
Jesse Jones, ed., Education in Africa..., xii–xxv, 18–25.
Jesse Jones, ed., Education in Africa..., 224–232, 236, 245–247.
Jesse Jones, ‘Diary’, 30th January 1921; Jesse Jones to J. H. Oldham, 4th
April 1921; both in International Missionary Council and Conference of
British Missionary Societies Joint Archive (hereafter IMC/CBMS), Box 1202 –
Portuguese West Africa: Memoranda. General; and Schomburg Center for
Research in Black Culture (SCRBC), Box 46, African Education Commission,
1921–1923. Diary, 1920–1921, in pages 175–176.
Norton de Matos to J. H. Oldham, 9th January 1921; A. L. Warnshuis to
Norton de Matos, 24th October 1921; in IMC/CBMS, Box 1002 – Portuguese
West Africa: Norton de Matos, Governor of Angola, 1921/1922. Jesse Jones to
Norton de Matos, 31st January, 21st February, 4th April and 29th July 1921;
all in Box 46, African Education Commission, 1921–1923. Diary, 1920–1921.
J. T. Tucker to A. L. Warnshuis, 9th August 1921 and 3rd February 1922, in
IMC/CBMS, Box 1002 – Portuguese West Africa: Dr. J. T. Tucker, 1920–1949. J.
T. Tucker to A. L. Warnshuis, 30th January 1922; J. T. Tucker (on behalf of
The Angola Missions Conference) to Norton de Matos, 24th September 1922;
for a summary of Norton de Matos reaction to the Conference’s proposals see
J. T. Tucker to the members of the Angola Missions Conference, 3rd October
1922; all in IMC/CBMS, Box 1002 – Portuguese West Africa: Norton de Matos,
Governor of Angola, 1921/1922.
For Frederick Lugard, see Margery Perham, Lugard (London: Collins, 1960),
642–650; John E. Flint, ‘Frederick Lugard: The Making of an Autocrat (1858–
1943)’, in L. Gann and P. Duignan, ed., African Proconsuls (New York: Free
Press, 1978), 290–312. On the idea of mandates see, among others, William
Roger Louis, ‘African Origins of the Mandates Idea’, International Organization,
Notes
20
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
Notes
vol. 19, nº 1 (1965), 20–36; Idem, ‘The United Kingdom and the Beginning
of the Mandates System, 1919–1922’, International Organization, vol. 23, nº1
(1969), 73–96; and Michael D. Callahan, Mandates and Empire (Brighton:
Sussex Academic Press, 1999); and A Sacred Trust (Brighton: Sussex Academic
Press, 2004).
C. G. Baëta, ‘Missionary and Humanitarian Interests..., 429.
Advisory Committee on Native Education in the British Tropical African
Dependencies, Education Policy in British Tropical Africa (London: H.M.
H.M. Stationery Office, 1925). See also Clive Whitehead, ‘Education Policy
in British Tropical Africa: the 1925 White Paper in Retrospect’, History of
Education, vol. 10, nº 3 (1981), 195–203.
Perham, Lugard, 656–661. On education policy in the British colonies, see
Arthur Mayhew, ‘A Comparative Survey of Educational Aims and Methods
in British India and British Tropical Africa’, Africa, vol. 6, nº 2 (1933), 172–
186; T. Walter Wallbank, ‘The Educational Renaissance in British Tropical
Africa’, The Journal of Negro Education, Vol. 31, no. 1 (1934), 105–122; Ann
Beck, ‘Colonial Policy and Education in British East Africa, 1900–1950’, The
Journal of British Studies, Vol. 5, no. 2 (1966), 115–138, especially 124–127;
Clive Whitehead, ‘The Advisory Committee on Education in the [British]
Colonies, 1924–1961’, Paedagogica Historica, vol. XXVII, nº 3 (1991), pp.
385–421; Bob W. White, ‘Talk about School: education and the colonial
project in French and British Africa (1860–1960)’, Comparative Education, vol.
32, nº 1 (1996), 9–25; Aaron Windel, ‘British colonial education in Africa:
policy and practice in the era of trusteeship’, History Compass, vol. 7, nº 1
(2009), 1–21.
Jesse Jones, ed., Education in Africa..., xiii–xx.
Jesse Jones, ed., Education in Africa..., 296–297, 302–305, 312.
Idem, 314.
The International Institute of African Languages was funded by the Carnegie
Corporation and the Rockefeller Foundation, and had Frederick Lugard as
its first chairman, Maurice Delafosse and Diedrich Hermann Westermann
as initial co-directors, and Hans Vischer as secretary. The latter – a former
minister of education of Lugard in Northern Nigeria and secretary of the
Advisory Committee on Native Education in the British Tropical African
Dependencies – was one of the most interested in US models.
For Westermann and the Institute see Holger Stoecker, ‘“The Gods are
Dying”: Diedrich Westerman (1875–1956) and some aspects of his studies
of African religions’, in Frieder Ludwig and Afe Adogame, eds., European
Traditions in the Study of Religion in Africa (Otto Harrassowitz Verlag, 2004),
169–174, especially 171–172. See also Henrika Kuklick, The Savage Within
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), especially 205ff; C. G. Baëta,
‘Missionary and Humanitarian Interests...’, 434.
For the relations between the United States and Africa in this context, see
Peter Duignan and L. H. Gann, The United States and Africa (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1984), especially 226–283.
Frank Freidel and Alan Brinkley, America in the Twentieth Century (New York:
McGraw-Hill, 1982), 24–27. For Dewey and Ross, see, for example, Donald
Johnson, ‘W. E. B. Du Bois, Thomas Jesse Jones and the Struggle for Social
Education’..., 74–75.
222
223
30. Donald Johnson, ibid., 29–31; Libby Schweber, ‘Progressive Reformers,
Unemployment, and the Transformation of Social Inquiry in Britain
and the United States, 1880–1920’, in Dietrich Rueschemeyer and Theda
Skocpol, eds., States, Social Knowledge, and the Origins of Modern Social Policies
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 186–187.
31. Omer Buyse, Méthodes Américaines d’Éducation Générale et Technique
(Charleroi: Presses de L’Établissement Litographique de Charleroi, 1909),
15–585; A. Freire de Andrade, Relatórios sobre Moçambique, Vol. V (Lourenço
Marques: Imprensa Nacional, 1910), 368ff.
32. Jesse Jones, ed., Education in Africa..., xii–xxv.
33. Ralph E. Luker, The Social Gospel in Black & White (Chapel Hill: University of
North Carolina Press, 1991), pp. 125–128.
34. Luker, The Social Gospel..., 132–134 (cited in Edward Ross, 34); Freidel
and Brinkley, America in the Twentieth Century..., 32–34 (cited in Booker
Washington, 33).
35. Sampayo e Mello, Política Indígena..., 61–68; Marnoco e Souza, Administração
Colonial..., 414–415.
36. See Arthur M. Schlesinger (‘A Critical Period in American Religion, 1875–
1900’, in Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 64 [1932]) versus Ralph Luker, The Social Gospel..., 1, 3–5; and Ronald C. White Jr. and C.
Howard Hopkins, eds., The Social Gospel (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University
Press, 1976), xi–xix.
37. Shailer Mathews, author of the entry ‘Social gospel’ in the Dictionary of
Religion and Ethics (1921), cited in White Jr. and Hopkins, eds., The Social
Gospel, xi; Walter Rauschenbusch, author of A Theology for the Social Gospel
(1917), cited in Freidel and Brinkley, America in the Twentieth Century..., 32;
Michele Mitchell, ‘The Black Man’s Burden: African Americans, Imperialism
and The Notions of Racial Manhood, 1890–1910’, International Review of
Social History, 44 (1999), 79–80.
38. Paul Toews, ‘The Imperialism of Righteousness’, in White Jr. and Hopkins,
eds., The Social Gospel..., 114–117. For an extensive analysis of Strong’s
proposals and the criticisms it received, see Luker, The Social Gospel...,
268–275.
39. Carroll D. Wright, author of Some Ethical Phases of the Labor Question (1902),
cited in White Jr. and Hopkins, eds., The Social Gospel..., 129–130.
40. Ibid., 135–138.
41. For Park and Booker T. Washington see Booker T. Washington, with the collaboration of Robert E. Park, The Man Farthest Down (New York: Doubleday,
Page & company, 1912); Robert M. Park, ‘Tuskegee international conference
on the Negro’, The Journal of Race Development (1912), pp. 117–120; Idem,
‘Politics and “The Man Farthest Down”’, in E. C. Hughes et al., eds., Race
and Culture (Glencoe, IL: Free Press, 1950), 166–176; Paul Jefferson, ‘Working
Notes on the Prehistory of Black Sociology: The Tuskegee Negro Conference’,
in Robert Alun Jones and Henrika Kurlick, eds., Knowledge and Society
(Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, 1981), 119–151; St Clair Drake, ‘The Tuskegee
Connection: Booker T. Washington and Robert E. Park’, Society, vol. 20, nº
4 (1983), pp. 82–92; Zine Magubane, ‘Science, reform, and the “science of
reform”: Booker T Washington, Robert Park, and the making of a “science of
society”’, Current Sociology, vol. 62, nº 4 (2014), 568–583. Sean H. McMahon,
Notes
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
54.
Notes
Social Control and Public Intellect (New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers,
1999), 142–143.
Donald N. Levine, Visions of the Sociological Tradition (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1995), 251–252; Skocpol and Rueschemeyer, ‘Introduction’,
in Rueschemeyer and Skocpol, eds., States…, 3–4.
Arthur J. Vidich and Stanford M. Lyman, American Sociology: Worldly
Rejections of Religion and Their Directions (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1985), 151; Arthur J. Vidich and Stanford M. Lyman, ‘Secular evangelism at
the University of Wisconsin’, Social Research, vol. 49, nº4 (1982), 1047–1072.
Vidich and Lyman, American Sociology..., 153–155; for Richard T. Ely see
White Jr. and Hopkins, eds., The Social Gospel..., 129.
W. R. Matthews, ‘Religious Thought’, in The New Cambridge Modern History,
Vol. XII (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1964), 656–664.
For a rigorous analysis of the academic contributions of these two authors,
see Dorothy Ross, The Origins of American Social Science (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1991). See especially the chapter entitled
‘Towards a sociology of social control’, 219–256.
Matthews, ‘Religious Thought’..., 661.
Ross, The Origins of American..., 230.
Edward Ross, Seventy Years of It: An Autobiography (New York: Century Co.,
1936); Vidich and Lyman, American Sociology..., 157; Edward Ross, The
Outlines of Sociology (New York: The Century Co., 1923), 56ff.
In addition to the works cited in Vidich and Lyman see Dorothy Ross, The
International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (Macmillan and Free Press, t.
13–14, 1968), 560–562.
He changed his views, nonetheless, as he clarified in his autobiography.
Ross, The Outlines..., 57; Edward A. Ross, Foundations of Sociology (New York:
Macmillan, 1905), 376–377, 379, 384; Idem, Seventy Years of It, 276. See also
Curto, ‘Prefácio’, 33–36.
Edward Ross, Roads to Social Peace (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina
Press, 1924), 48–49, 54–58.
Ross’s article is reproduced in his Foundations of Sociology..., 353–385, at 353.
For Richard H. Edwards, author of The Negro Problem (1908), see Luker, The
Social Gospel..., 258.
Vidich and Lyman, American Sociology..., 157–159, 165; McMahon, Social
Control..., 144–146.
5 New Methods, Old Conclusions: The Ross Report
1. Ernesto de Vasconcelos, ‘Escravatura?!...’, Boletim da Agência Geral das
Colónias, 1, no. 1 (July 1925), 10–12.
2. Journal de Genève, 6th November 1920 in Arquivo Histórico Diplomático,
Fundo MNE (hereafter AHDMNE), Sociedade das Nações, Processo 14, 3º piso,
armário 28, maço 71, A questão da escravatura, 1919–1924. For the context of
legislative reforms see Jerónimo, ‘The States of empire’.
3. For the general policy see Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo, ‘Administração
colonial’, in M. F. Rollo, ed., Dicionário de História da I República e do
Republicanismo (Lisbon: Assembleia da República, 2013), pp. 26–31.
224
225
4. Afonso Costa to Rodrigo Xavier da Silva, Minister of Foreign Affairs, 26th
and 28th April (confidencialíssimo), 19th and 20th May, 3rd (telegram,
confidencialíssimo) and 6th June 1919; Afonso Costa to João de Melo
Barreto, Minister of Foreign Affairs, 15th August 1919, both in AHDMNE,
3º piso, armário 12, maço 168, Colónias em geral. Volume IV – Reforma da
Administração Colonial.
5. Bernardo Botelho da Costa was Judge of the Supreme Military Court and
had relevant experience in courts in several colonies (Estado da Índia, Cape
Vert, Nova Goa, Angola). Bernardo Botelho da Costa, Relatório ordenado pelo
Decreto número 5706 de 10 de Maio de 1911, do Ministério das Colónias (Diário
do Governo Nº 98 1ª Série) (typewritten), in Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino
(hereafter AHU), MU-DGE-RCM-M2243/5, at 3–4, 158, 183; Memorandum
Colónias Portuguesas by the Portuguese delegation to the Peace Conference,
14th December 1918, in AHDMNE, 3º piso, armário 12, maço 168, Colónias
em geral. Volume I - Miscelânea; Freire de Andrade, ‘Nota sobre os indígenas de
Moçambique’, s.d.; Freire de Andrade, memorandum titled Le main d’oeuvre
indigene dans la colonie africaine, 19th February 1919; in AHDMNE, 3º piso,
armário 12, maço 168, Colónias em geral. Volume III - Mão-de-Obra Indígena.
6. Botelho da Costa, Relatório ordenado pelo Decreto número 5706 de 10 de
Maio de 1911, do Ministério das Colónias (Diário do Governo Nº 98 1ª Série)
(typewritten), in Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino (hereafter AHU), MU-DGERCM-M2243/5, at 3–4, 158, 183. For the Nyassa Company see Barry NeilTomlinson, ‘The Nyassa Chartered Company: 1891–1929’, The Journal of
African History, vol. 18, nº1 (1977), 109–128; Malyn Newitt, História de
Moçambique (Mem-Martins: Publicações Europa-América, 1995), 332–334,
359, 365–369, 408. For the report see also António Manuel Hespanha, ‘Um
relatório inédito sobre as violências portuguesas na frente moçambicana da
I Grande Guerra’, Africana Studia (2010), 163–197.
7. Grémio de Proprietários e Agricultores da Zambezia to Alexandre de
Vasconcelos e Sá and José Carlos da Maia, Ministers of Colonies, 12th
September 1918, 20th February and 15th March 1919; Grémio de Proprietários
e Agricultores da Zambezia to Pedro Massano de Amorim, Governor-general
of Mozambique, 6th May 1918; all AHDMNE, 3º piso, armário 12, maço 168,
Colónias em geral. Volume III - Mão-de-Obra Indígena.
8. Direction of the Boror Company to Freire de Andrade, 12th May 1919, in
AHDMNE, 3º piso, armário 12, maço 168, Colónias em geral. Volume III - Mãode-Obra Indígena.
9. Memorandum Recrutamento dos Trabalhadores d’Angola para a Katanga.
Sua alimentação, habitações, doenças, deserções antes de terminarem os respectivos contractos, 10th September 1918; Mariano Machado, Companhia do
Caminho de Ferro de Benguela, to Afonso Costa, 15th October 1919; both
in AHDMNE, 3º piso, armário 12, maço 168, Colónias em geral. Volume III Mão-de-Obra Indígena.
10. Lancelot D. Carnegie to Portuguese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Memoranda,
19th March 1914, 7th April 1919, in AHDMNE, 3º piso, Armário 10, maço 65;
Lancelot D. Carnegie to Portuguese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Memoranda
and dispatches of 19th March 1914; 9th April 1916; 13th January, 16th April,
2nd August 1917; 7th April 1919; all in Botelho da Costa, Relatório, 19–32,
48–51 (Document nº 9), 203–205.
Notes
Notes
11. Afonso Costa, confidencialíssimo, to Rodolfo Xavier da Silva, Minister of
Foreign Affairs, 20th May 1919; in AHDMNE, 3º piso, Armário 10, maço 65.
12. Newitt, História de Moçambique, 366; Pélissier, História de Moçambique, 426–427.
13. Allen F. Isaacman and Barbara Isaacman, The Tradition of Resistance in
Mozambique (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), 156–185;
Terence Ranger, ‘Revolt in Portuguese East Africa: The Makombe Rising of
1917’, in St. Antony’s Papers, Nº 15 (Oxford: Chatto and Windus, 1963), pp.
54–80; Linda Heywood, Contested Power in Angola (Rochester, NY: University
of Rochester Press, 2000), 33–34. For the First War and the Portuguese empire
see Marco Arrifes, A Primeira Grande Guerra na África Portuguesa (Lisbon:
Edições Cosmos, 2004) and Filipe Ribeiro de Meneses, ‘The Portuguese
Empire’, in Robert Gerwarth and Erez Manela, eds. Empires at War, 1911–
1923 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 179–196.
14. Botelho da Costa, Relatório, 362ff.
15. Botelho da Costa, confidential, to Ministry of Colonies (which had ten
several Ministers since June 1919…), 28th September, 8th October and 17th
November 1919, 13th June, 5th and 14th July 1920; all in AHDMNE, 3º piso,
Armário 10, maço 65.
16. Botelho da Costa, confidential, to Ministry of the Colonies, 5th July
1920, in AHDMNE, 3º piso, Armário 10, maço 65. For the workings of the
Repartição do Trabalho Indígena and the overall local context see Eric Allina,
Negotiating Colonialism, 183–192, 271–300, 303-footnote 8; idem, Slavery by
Other Name, 123.
17. BIDI succeeded the 1908 Swiss League for the Protection of the Natives of
Congo (Ligue Suisse pour la Défense des Indigènes du Congo), led by René
Claparède.
18. Afonso Costa, telegrams dated 26th November and 4th December 1920,
AHDMNE, Sociedade das Nações, Processo 14, 3º piso, armário 28, maço
71, A questão da escravatura, 1919–1924. For BIDI see Rene Claparède and
Edouard Mercier-Glardon, Un bureau international pour la défense des indigènes
(Geneva: Société générale d’imprimerie, 1917) and Edouard Junod, ‘Le
Bureau international pour la défense des indigènes’, Revue Internationale de
la Croix-Rouge et Bulletin international des Sociétés de la Croix-Rouge, vol. 4, nº
37 (1922), 27–43. See also Amalia Ribi, ‘“The Breath of a New Life”?: British
Anti-Slavery Activism and the League of Nations’, in Daniel Laqua, ed.,
Internationalism Reconfigured (London: I. B. Tauris, 2011), 93–113. See also
Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo and José Pedro Monteiro, ‘O império do trabalho.
Portugal, as dinâmicas do internacionalismo e os mundos coloniais’, in
Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo and António Costa Pinto, eds., Portugal e o fim do
Colonialismo (Lisbon: Edições 70, 2014), 15–54, especially 23–25.
19. Portuguese legation in London to Minister of Foreign Affairs, 9th October
1920; Telegram of Afonso Costa, 4th November 1920; Afonso Costa to
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Confidencialíssimo, 18th and 19th November
1920, in AHDMNE, Sociedade das Nações, Processo 14, 3º piso, armário 28,
maço 71, A questão da escravatura, 1919–1924. Archives de la Société des
Nations (hereafter ASDN), R30, dossier nº 8218, Memorandum on the subject of
slavery practices and general labour conditions in Portuguese West Africa. For Sir
S. Hoare’s questions and Cecil Harmsworth answers see Hansard Commons,
Debate of 6 July 1920, vol. 131, cc1199–1200.
226
227
20. ASDN, R30, dossier nº 8218, Memorandum on the subject of slavery practices
and general labour conditions in Portuguese West Africa; Sociedade de Emigração
para S. Thomé e Principe, La Main d’oeuvre indigene dans l’Ouest africain
(Geneva: Imprimerie du Journal de Genève, 1920), at 7.
21. Inquérito sobre trabalho agrícola nos países tropicais. As novas instituições criadas
pelos Tratados de Paz e o trabalho Tropical (1919), in AHDMNE, Sociedade das
Nações, Processo 14, 3º piso, armário 28, maço 71. Jaime Batalha Reis to
Alexandre de Vasconcelos e Sá, Minister of Colonies, 20th September 1918, in
AHDMNE, 3º piso, armário 12, maço 168, Colónias em geral. Volume III - Mãode-Obra Indígena. See also J. Batalha Reis and F. Heim, Enquête internationale
sur la main-d’oeuvre agricole dans les colonies et les pays tropicaux (Paris: Bureau
International de l’Association, 1914).
22. Afonso Costa to João de Melo Barreto, Minister of Foreign Affairs, 15th
August 1919, in AHDMNE, 3º piso, armário 12, maço 168, Colónias em geral.
Volume III - Mão-de-Obra Indígena.
23. Manuel Fratel, Director-General of the Western Colonies, to Director–general
of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 4th January 1921; Telegram from Ministry
of Colonies to Director-General of the Western Colonies, 3rd January 1921;
Correia de Aguiar, Curator of the natives, to governor-general of São Thomé
and Principe, 27th October 1919; Correia de Aguiar to governor-general of
São Thomé and Principe, 29th July 1920; all in AHDMNE, Sociedade das
Nações, Processo 14, 3º piso, armário 28, maço 71, A questão da escravatura,
1919–1924.
24. ASDN, R589, dossier nº11787, Protestations des natifs de Sao Thome demandent protection contre le gouverneur qui fait persecuter la population de Sao Thome.
Letter from SDN to Bernardino Machado, 30th March 1921, in AHDMNE,
Sociedade das Nações, Processo 14, 3º piso, armário 28, maço 71, Telegrama
dos indígenas de S. Tomé à SDN sobre maus tratos das autoridades – telegrama da
delegação à 2ª Assembleia da SDN (1921)
25. Freire de Andrade to Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 13th September 1921;
Fernando Machado, Director of Western Colonies Department, to Freire
de Andrade, 21st September 1921; all in AHDMNE, Sociedade das Nações,
Processo 14, 3º piso, armário 28, maço 71, Telegrama dos indígenas de S.
Tomé à SDN sobre maus tratos das autoridades – telegrama da delegação à 2ª
Assembleia da SDN (1921).
26. M. Teixeira Gomes to Barbosa de Magalhães, 14th November 1922; M.
Teixeira Gomes to Augustin Edwards, President of the League of Nations,
2nd January 1923; both in AHDMNE, Sociedade das Nações, Processo 14, 3º
piso, armário 28, maço 71, A Questão da Escravatura na 3ª Assembleia da SDN/
Proposta do Delegado da Nova Zelândia/Campanha da Harris na Imprensa Inglesa
(1922).
27. BIDI, ‘L’esclavage sous toute ses forms. Mémoire’, 2nd August 1923, in
ASDN, Commission Temporaire de Esclavage (1924). Freire de Andrade, ‘Nota
sobre os indígenas de Moçambique’, s.d., in AHDMNE, 3º piso, armário 12,
maço 168, Colónias em geral. Volume III - Mão-de-Obra Indígena. For Junod see,
for instance, Patrick Harries, Butterflies & barbarians (Oxford: Currey, 2007).
28. H. A. Grimshaw to William E. Rappard, 27th January 1925; Travers Buxton to
H. A. Grimshaw, 13th November 1924; G. A. Morton to ASAPS, 17th October
1924; all in ASDN, Commission Temporaire de Esclavage (1924).
Notes
Notes
29. All these replies were submitted to the League’s Commission. Portuguese
Government to Temporary Slavery Commission, 5th June 1925; António
Centeno to Francisco José Pereira, government Commissioner to the Nyasa
Company, 27th May 1925, both in ASDN, R64, dossier nº23252, Documents
concerning the Treatment of Natives in Portuguese East Africa.
30. The best study of the question of slavery in the League of Nations is that of
Suzanne Miers, Slavery in the Twentieth Century (Walnut Creek, CA: Altamira
Press, 2003), especially 58–173.
31. In the report of the Temporary Slavery Commission, approved during the
second session that began on 13 July and ended on 25 July 1926, in Chapter
1, entitled ‘The state of slavery and the condition of the slave’, it reads:
‘With the exception of Abyssinia, the legality of the condition of the slave
is not actually recognised in any other Christian state, nor in any of their
territories, nor is it recognised in their colonial dependencies nor in the
territories placed under their mandate’. However, the promulgation of various dispositions that the respective government made in order to diminish
such situations was referred to. As the report confirmed from the outset, the
abolition of slavery was a desire that was not easy to achieve. The essential
reason highlighted as a cause for its legal persistence rested in the fact that
the ‘legality of such an institution to be found, among Muslims, in the holy
book upon which they base their religion and, among the Abyssinians, by
secular tradition’. The arguments explaining the persistence of slavery had
changed little. ‘A escravatura e a sociedade das nações’, Boletim da Agência
Geral das Colónias (October, 1925), 28–29. For the case of Abyssinia see Jean
Allain, ‘Slavery and the League of Nations: Ethiopia as a Civilised Nation’,
Journal of the History of International Law, vol. 8, nº 2 (2006), 213–244, especially 219–223, 243–244, and Amalia Ribi, ‘“The Breath of a New Life”?’,
especially 101–103. See also Joel Quirk, The Anti-Slavery Project (Philadelphia:
University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 77.
32. Société des Nations, Comission Temporaire de L’Esclavage, Première Session,
Première Séance (9 July 1924), 5–6.
Première Séance (9 July 1924), 5–6
34. For Maurice Delafosse, who was a very important person at this time, and
who was deeply involved in Charles Lavigerie’s abolitionist crusade and was
also a colonial administrator in French West Africa, see Jean-Loup Amselle
and Emmanuelle Sibeud, eds., Maurice Delafosse (Paris: Maisonneuve &
Larose, 1998).
Troisième Séance (10 July 1924), 14.
Troisième Séance (10 July 1924), 15; Francisco Mantero, ‘A mão d’obra indígena nas colónias africanas’, in Congresso Colonial Nacional (1924), 3–11.
37. Société des Nations. La Question de L’Esclavage. Mémorandum du Secrétaire
Général. A. 25. 1924. VI. Genève, 4 Août 1924, at 1.
38. La Question de L’Esclavage. Lettre du president de la delegation du Portugal
et Memoire du government Portugais relatifs a la question de l’esclavage. C.
532.M.188.1924.VI.C.T.E.17. Genève, 27 Septembre 1924, in AHDMNE,
Sociedade das Nações, Processo 14, 3º piso, armário 28, maço 71. For the
Lisbon Geographical Society see Freire de Andrade to Domingos Leite
228
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
229
Pereira, Minister of Foreign Affairs, 3rd January 1924; Vicente de Almeida
d’Eça, president of the society, to Ministry of Colonies, 7th February 1924;
Memorandum, 14th August 1925; all in AHU, Caixa 354, 2 G, MU-DGSC, 19231945. For the case of the Centro Colonial see http://archive.spectator.co.uk/
article/1st-february-1913/13/portuguese-methods-in-political-controversy.
Dispatch of the Portuguese Legation in London, 10th April 1923; Freire de
Andrade to Domingos Leite Pereira, Minister of Foreign Affairs, 3rd January
1924; both in AHU, Caixa 354, 2 G, MU-DGSC, 1923–1945; M. Teixeira
Gomes to Council of the League of Nations, full date illegible but from
maço 71, A questão da escravatura, 1919–1924. John H. Harris, Slavery and the
Obligations of the League of Nations (London: ASAPS, 1923).
Freire de Andrade, sd.; Secretariat of Ministry of Colonies to Directorategeneral of Colonies of the East and of the West, 13th August 1923; both in
AHU, Caixa 354, 2 G, MU-DGSC, 1923–1945.
Freire de Andrade to Domingos Leite Pereira, Minister of Foreign Affairs,
18th June 1923, in AHDMNE, Sociedade das Nações, Processo 14, 3º piso,
armário 28, maço 71
La Question de L’Esclavage. Lettre du president de la delegation du Portugal
et Memoire du government Portugais relatifs a la question de l’esclavage. C.
532.M.188.1924.VI.C.T.E.17. Genève, 27 Septembre 1924; Lettre du president de
la delegation du Portugal et Memoire du government Portugais relatifs a la question
de l’esclavage (1924), pp. 5, 11, 13, both in AHDMNE, Sociedade das Nações,
Processo 14, 3º piso, armário 28, maço 71.
Newitt, A History of Mozambique, 430.
Lettre du president de la delegation du Portugal et Mémoire du government
Portugais relatifs a la question de l’esclavage (1924), 23–25, 31–32.
Idem, 33–35, 39.
Ibid., 41, 46. For the prazos case see 47–54.
Ibidem, 54–55.
‘Uma campanha difamatória: A propósito do “Report on Employment of
Native Labour in Portuguese Africa”’, Boletim da Agência Geral das Colónias,
vol. 1, nº 2 (1925), 123–142. For a detailed description of the politicodiplomatic context of the period and of the negotiations with the League of
Nations, see Miers, Slavery in the Twentieth-Century, 102–113.
Société des Nations, Comission Temporaire de L’Esclavage, Première Session,
Première Séance (9 July 1924), 6.
Mémoire sur la question de l’esclavage soumis à la Commission par le Bureau
International pour la Défense des Indigènes, 20th May 1925, in ASDN,
Commission Temporaire de Esclavage (1924); Lettre du Chef de la Délégation portugaise à la VIème Assemblée, transmettant les observations de son Gouvernement
sur la mémoire, en date du 20 Mai 1925 du Bureau International pour la Défense
des Indigènes, 21st October 1925, in ASDN, R64, dossier nº23252; Portuguese
Delegation at the League of Nations, confidential, to Vitorino Henriques
Godinho, Minister of Foreign Affairs, 19th September 1924, in AHDMNE,
Sociedade das Nações, Processo 14, 3º piso, armário 28, maço 71.
Société des Nations, Comission Temporaire de L’Esclavage. Procès-Verbaux de la
Deuxième Session, Huitième Séance (16 July 1925).
Published in Boletim da Agência Geral das Colónias, December 1925, under the
title ‘Algumas observações ao relatório do professor Ross. Apresentadas como
Notes
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
Notes
elemento de informação à Comissão Temporária da Escravatura da Sociedade
das Nações’, Boletim da Agência Geral das Colónias (December 1925; January
and February 1926), 179. This is a document that was transcribed over several issues of the Diário de Notícias and, later, in several issues of the Boletim
da Agência Geral das Colónias, and was translated to English and French.
Huntington Gilchrist, US diplomat at the League, who considered the
report’s conclusions ‘clear and well supported by a most enormous array
of direct evidence’, states that only 100 copies were delivered, while Ross
himself states 300. Raymond Fosdick to A. L. Warnshuis, 18th June 1925;
H. Gilchrist to A. L. Warnshuis, 23rd June 1925; Edward Ross to W. L.
Warnshuis, 25th May 1935; both in IMC/CBMS, FBN87, Portuguese Africa.
For brief accounts see Duffy, Portuguese Africa, 166–168; Vail and White,
Capitalism and Colonialism in Mozambique, 222–224; Valentim Alexandre,
‘Ideologia, economia e política: a questão colonial na implantação do Estado
Novo’, Análise Social, XXVIII, nº 123–124 (1993), 1120; Penvenne, African
Workers…, 72–77; and Eric Allina, ‘“Fallacious Mirrors”: Colonial Anxiety
and Images of African Labor in Mozambique, ca. 1929’, History in Africa
(1997), 9–52; Negotiating Colonialism, 292ff; Slavery by Other Name, 75–77.
Included in Edward Ross, Report on Employment of Native Labour in Portuguese
Africa (New York: The Abbot Press, 1925), 3. See also Georges Foster
Peabody, Raymond B. Fordick, E. E. Alcott and others to Temporary Slavery
Commission, 18th May and 5th June 1925, in ASDN, R66, dossier nº 23252,
Treatment of Natives in Portuguese Africa. Report by Prof. E. A. Ross, concerning
employment of native labour.
For Holt see Warren F. Kuehl, Hamilton Holt (Gainesville: University of
Florida Press, 1960).
For Peabody see Louise Ware, George Foster Peabody (Athens: University of
Georgia Press, 2009 [1951]). For the role of philanthropy in ‘black education’ see Eric Anderson and Alfred A. Moss, Dangerous Donations (Columbia:
University of Missouri Press, 1999). More generally see Robert F. Arnove,
ed., Philanthropy and Cultural Imperialism (Bloomington: Indiana University
Press, 1980); Edward H. Berman, The influence of the Carnegie, Ford, and
Rockefeller Foundations on American foreign policy (New York: SUNY Press,
1983).
Luker, The Social Gospel..., 144–151, 181–182, 258–260.
A. L. Warnshuis to Edward Ross, 17th April 1925; in IMC/CBMS, FBN87,
Portuguese Africa.
A. L. Warnshuis to Joseph H. Oldham, 15th April 1924, in IMC/CBMS, Box
298 – Portuguese Africa: Labour – Report by Prof. Ross.
Julius Weinberg, Edward Alsworth Ross and the Sociology of Progressivism
(Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1972), 186.
Note by A. L. Warnshuis, ‘Confidential. Presentation of Professor Ross’
Report to the League of Nations’, 16th July 1925, in IMC/CBMS, FBN87,
Portuguese Africa; Ross, Report on Employment..., 5.
Julius Weinberg, ‘E. A. Ross: The Progressive as Nativist’, The Wisconsin
Magazine of History, vol. 50, nº 3 (1967), 242–253.
See, for instance, Edward A. Ross, ‘Sociological Observations in Inner China’,
American Journal of Sociology, vol. 16, nº 6 (1911), 721–733, and his book The
Changing Chinese (New York: The Century Co., 1911).
230
231
65. He published three books and several articles: Edward A. Ross, Russia in
Upheaval (New York: The Century Co., 1918); Idem, The Russian Bolshevik
Revolution (New York: The Century Co., 1921); Ibidem, The Russian Soviet
Republic (New York: The Century Co., 1923).
66. McMahon, Social Control..., 137–139.
67. Weinberg, Edward Alsworth Ross, 185ff. On Mexico see Edward A. Ross, The
Social Revolution in Mexico (New York: The Century Co., 1923).
68. H. A. Grimshaw to A. L. Warnshuis, 12th December 1924; A. L. Warnshuis
to H. A. Grimshaw, 26th January 1925; H. A. Grimshaw to A. L. Warnshuis,
10th February 1925; all in IMC/CBMS, FBN87, Portuguese Africa.
69. H. A. Grimshaw to A. L. Warnshuis, 23rd June 1925; 8th September 1925;
A. L. Warnshuis to Edward Ross, 15th July 1925; all in IMC/CBMS, FBN87,
Portuguese Africa.
70. Ross, Report on Employment…
71. Ross, Report on Employment..., 5–58.
72. Ross, Seventy Years of It, 191. See also Curto, ‘Prefácio’, 30–31.
73. Ross, Report on Employment..., 58–59.
74. Ibid., 10, 13–15, 17.
75. Ibid., 59–60.
76. Ross, Report on Employment..., 59.
77. A. Freire de Andrade, ‘Trabalho indígena e as colónias portuguesas’, Boletim
da Agência Geral das Colónias (September 1925), 8–9; Caetano, Portugal e a
Internacionalização..., 191, 194–195.
78. A. L. Warnshuis to H. A. Grimshaw, 5th June 1925; J. H. Oldham to W. L.
Warnshuis, 28th May 1925; Edward Ross to W. L. Warnshuis, 25th May
1935; W. L. Warnshuis, ‘strictly confidential’, to Edward Ross, 3rd September
1935; Emory Ross to A. L. Warnshuis, 13 June 1935; H. S. Hollenbeck to
Mabel E. Emerson, 17th June 1935; Mabel E. Emerson to A. L. Warnshuis,
3rd July 1935 (for W. C. Bell); all in IMC/CBMS, FBN87, Portuguese Africa.
W. L. Warnshuis to J. H. Oldham, 8th June 1925, in IMC/CBMS, Box 298 –
Portuguese Africa: Labour – Report by Prof. Ross. For early negative appraisals
of these missionaries see Linda Heywood, ‘Slavery and Forced Labor in the
Changing Political Economy of Central Angola, 1850–1949’, in Suzanne
Miers and Richard Roberts, eds., The End of Slavery in Africa (Madison:
University of Wisconsin Press, 1988), 415–436, at 426–427.
79. H. S. Hollenbeck to Mabel E. Emerson, 17th June 1935; W. C. Bell, memorandum, 7th January 1926; W. C. Bell, ‘Notes’, 10th November 1925; W. C. Bell
to Ernest W. Riggs, American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions
(ABCFM), 8th January 1926; T. S. Donohugh, ‘Suggestion for missionaries
in Portuguese territory’, 1st June 1926; all in IMC/CBMS, FBN87, Portuguese
Africa.
80. Ernest W. Riggs to A. L. Warnshuis, 22nd July 1926, in IMC/CBMS, FBN87,
Portuguese Africa. C. T. Loram, The Education of the South African Native
(London: Longmans, Green and Company, 1917).
81. Pierre Loze to A. L. Warnshuis, 30th October 1925; in IMC/CBMS, Box 298 –
Portuguese Africa: Labour – Report by Prof. Ross. Portuguese Africa; Pierre Loze
to J. H. Oldham, 13th June 1927, in IMC/CBMS, Box 1204 – Portuguese East
Africa: Beira Scheme: M. Pierre Loze. See also Leon P. Spencer, Toward an African
Church in Mozambique (Luwinga: Mzuni Press, 2013).
Notes
Notes
Portuguese Africa.
83. Warnshuis also noticed the different impacts of the report in Angola and
Mozambique. E. W. Riggs, ‘The missionaries serving in Portuguese territories in Africa’, 3rd February 1926; A. L. Warnshuis to H. H. Oldham, 11th
February 1926; A. L. Warnshuis to P. Loze, 11th February 1926; Undated
and unsigned, ‘Suggested paragraphs that may be included in letters to the
missionaries in Portuguese colonies’; all in IMC/CBMS, FBN87, Portuguese
Africa.
Portuguese Africa.
85. William C. Terril to T. S. Donohugh, 11th December 1925 (extracts); in
IMC/CBMS, FBN87, Portuguese Africa.
86. James R. Angell to Viscount d’Alte, Portuguese Legation in the United
States of America (Washington), 15th October 1925; Viscount d’Alte,
confidential, to Vasco Borges, Minister of Foreign Affairs, 16th and 26th
September and 19th October 1925; AHDMNE, Sociedade das Nações,
Processo 14, 3º piso, armário 28, maço 71, Relatório Ross.
87. W. C. Bell, ‘Notes’, 10 November 1925; Robert Shields to Edwards, 16th
August 1926 (includes interview, translated); both in IMC/CBMS, FBN87,
Portuguese Africa.
88. John T. Tucker was originally appointed as member of the Jesse Jones
Commission and collaborated in its organisation. Given personal circumstances (his wife illness), he resigned. He was the author of the important
Angola, the land of the blacksmith prince (London: World Dominion Press,
1933). John T. Tucker to the American Board and the Canadian Board of
Missions, 23rd September 1925; ‘Note of Interview with Rev. J. T. Tucker’,
17th March 1926; both in IMC/CBMS, FBN87, Portuguese Africa. See also
Linda Heywood, Contested Power in Angola, 52 ff.,
89. U. J. Minto to Ernest Riggs, 1st May 1925; D. A. Hastings, 28th April 1926;
both in IMC/CBMS, FBN87, Portuguese Africa.
90. For Ross’s explanations about this text, which was translated into English
within the IMC, see ‘Comment of Professor Ross upon the Observations
of the Portuguese colonial office upon the Report on the Employment of
native Labour in Portuguese Africa’; T. S. Donohugh to A. L. Warnshuis,
17th December 1926; A. L. Warnshuis to T. S. Donohugh, 28th December
1926; all in IMC/CBMS, FBN87, Portuguese Africa.
91. AHDMNE, Sociedade das Nações, Processo 14, 3º piso, armário 28, maço
71, A Conferência internacional das missões cristãs em África realizada em
Zoute-sur-mer (Bélgica) e o castigo, em angola, de vários pretos suspeitos de terem
fornecidos elementos para o relatório Ross (1926).
92. Alberto de Oliveira to António Bettencourt Rodrigues, 22nd September
maço 71, A Conferência internacional das missões cristãs em África realizada em
Zoute-sur-mer (Bélgica) e o castigo, em Angola, de vários pretos suspeitos de terem
fornecidos elementos para o relatório Ross (1926). For Anet’s trip to Portugal
see also Leon P. Spencer, Toward an African Church in Mozambique, 44–45.
Henri Anet was the author of Quelques resultats pratiques de la Conference
Missionaire Internationale du Zoute (Bruxelles: L. Lignier, 1926) and ‘Protestant
232
93.
94.
95.
96.
97.
98.
99.
100.
101.
102.
103.
104.
105.
106.
233
missions in Belgian Congo’, International Review of Mission, vol. 28 (1939),
pp. 415–425. See also his short biography in Academie Royale des Sciences
d’Outre-Mer Belge d’Outre-Mer, T. VII-A, 1973, col. 9-14.
Henri Anet, ‘Report on a journey to Portugal’, 3rd June 1926; in IMC/
CBMS, Box 298 – Portuguese Africa: Anet visit to Portugal, 1926–1930.
Ernest W. Riggs to A. L. Warnshuis, 22nd July 1926, in IMC/CBMS, FBN87,
Portuguese Africa.
Henri Anet, ‘Portuguese situation’, undated; Henri Anet to A. L. Warnshuis,
20th July 1926; Henri Anet to Freire de Andrade, 20th July 1926; Document
‘Comments on ‘Report on a journey to Portugal by Henri Anet’; all in
IMC/CBMS, FBN87, Portuguese Africa. Henri Anet, ‘Report on a journey to
Portugal’, 3rd June 1926; in IMC/CBMS, Box 298 – Portuguese Africa: Anet
visit to Portugal, 1926–1930. Jesse Jones to Norton de Matos, 31st January
1921; in IMC/CBMS, Box 1002 – Portuguese West Africa: Norton de Matos,
Governor of Angola, 1921/1922.
Freire de Andrade to Henri Anet, 14th September 1926, in IMC/CBMS, Box
298 – Portuguese Africa: Anet visit to Portugal, 1926–1930.
Henri Anet to A. L. Warnshuis, 27th January 1927, in IMC/CBMS, FBN87,
Portuguese Africa.
On the conference see Who’s Who. International Conference on the Christian
Mission in Africa. Le Zoute, Belgium. September 14–21, 1926; Edwin Smith,
The Christian mission in Africa (The International Missionary Council,
1926). See also a review by Joseph H. Oldham, ‘The Christian Mission in
Africa’, International Review of Mission, vol. 16, nº 1 (1927), 24–35.
Alberto de Oliveira to António Bettencourt Rodrigues, 22nd September
maço 71, A Conferência internacional das missões cristãs em África realizada
em Zoute-sur-mer (Bélgica) e o castigo, em angola, de vários pretos suspeitos de
terem fornecidos elementos para o relatório Ross (1926).
Alberto de Oliveira to Henri Anet, 4th October 1926, in IMC/CBMS, Box
298 – Portuguese Africa: Anet visit to Portugal, 1926–1930.
League of Nations, ‘Response of the Portuguese Government’, 27 August,
Publications de la Société des Nations. Projet de Convention sur L’Esclavage,
Réponses des Gouvernements (31 August 1926), 2–3.
A. Galvão, ‘A mão-de-obra indígena em Angola’, Diário de Notícias, 30
March 1925; cf. A. Galvão, ‘O regime da mão-de-obra indígena em Angola’,
Boletim da Agência Geral das Colónias (August 1925) and J. A. Lopes Galvão,
‘O regime de mão-de-obra indígena em Moçambique’, Boletim da Agência
Geral das Colónias (September 1925).
A. Freire de Andrade, ‘Trabalho indígena e as colónias portuguesas’..., 9.
‘Resposta do governo português ao projecto de convenção sobre a escravatura’, 27 August, included in Publications de la Société des Nation. Projet de
Convention sur L’Esclavage, Réponses des Gouvernements (31 August 1926), 2–3.
Leite de Magalhães, ‘A farça da escravatura: O nosso depoimento’, A Gazeta
das Colónias (10 September 1925), 4.
Instruções provisórias para o recrutamento e emprego de trabalhadores indígenas nas províncias, aprovadas por portaria provincial nº 4, de 16 Janeiro de
1925 (Luanda: Imprensa Nacional, 1925), 5, 7–8, 11; Norton de Matos to
António do Lago Cerqueira, Minister of Foreign Affairs, 16th and 25th July,
Notes
107.
108.
109.
110.
111.
112.
113.
114.
115.
116.
117.
118.
119.
120.
121.
122.
123.
124.
125.
126.
127.
128.
123.
130.
131.
Notes
1st August 1925; Afonso Costa to Vasco Borges, 13th and 17th September
1925; Vasco Borges to Afonso Costa, 18th September 1925; both in
AHDMNE, Sociedade das Nações, Processo 14, 3º piso, armário 28, maço
71. For the Kenyan example see Anthony Clayton and Donald C. Savage,
Government and labour in Kenya, 1895–1963 (New York: Frank Cass, 2005),
especially 134ff; and Bruce J. Berman and John M. Lonsdale, ‘Crises of accumulation, coercion and the colonial state: the development of the labor
control system in Kenya, 1919–1929’, Canadian Journal of African Studies,
vol. 14, nº 1 (1980), 55–81.
Afonso Costa, telegram to Vasco Borges, 6th September 1925, in in
AHDMNE, Sociedade das Nações, Processo 14, 3º piso, armário 28, maço 71.
‘Algumas observações...’
Diário de Notícias (30 September 1925 and 26 August 1925).
Boletim Oficial de Angola, Series II, Nº 34, dated 20th, published 22nd August
1925; Edward Holmes (Baptist Missionary Society, Portuguese Congo) to C.
E. Wilson, 30th September 1925, in IMC/CBMS, FBN87, Portuguese Africa.
Francisco Oliveira Santos, Resposta às acusações que o americano Professor
Edward Alsworth Ross fez à Administração dos Portugueses em Angola num
Relatório que enviou à S. D. N. em 1925 (Loanda: Imprensa Nacional de
Angola, 1926–1927).
Oliveira Santos, Resposta às Acusações..., 4, 11.
‘Algumas observações...’, 183.
Oliveira Santos, Resposta às Acusações..., 19–21.
‘Algumas observações...’, part 3, 154–155.
‘Uma campanha difamatória’, Boletim da Agência Geral das Colónias, 1, no.
2 (August 1925), 124–125.
Edward Ross, Report on Employment..., 5.
‘Algumas observações...’, 184.
‘Algumas observações...’, part II, 151. Edward Ross, Report on Employment ...,
16, 23, 25.
Id., 11–12.
Recall the defence Freire de Andrade made of the need to introduce the
question of ‘arms imports’ into the general framework of the discussion
on slavery during the first sessions of the Temporary Slavery Commission.
‘Algumas observações...’, part II, 157.
‘Uma campanha difamatória’, 128, 131–134.
A. Galvão, ‘A mão-de-obra indígena...’.
Resposta do Governo Português, 27 de Agosto. Publications de la Société des
Nations. Projet de Convention sur L’Esclavage, Réponses des Gouvernements (31
August 1926), 3.
Penvenne, African Workers…, 72–77.
O Brado Africano, 25 July 1925, 2.
Id., 10 April 1926.
Ross, Report on Employment..., 40–45, 59.
José Cabral to Artur Ivens Ferraz, confidential, 27th January 1928.
‘Uma campanha difamatória’, 136.
O Brado Africano, 25 July 1925, 2.
For a short enumeration of the ‘native’ associations in Angola, see Douglas L.
Wheeler and René Pélissier, Angola (London: Pall Mall Press, 1971), 115–120.
234
235
132. Their declaration was included in ‘Algumas observações...’, on the last
page. João de Castro, President of the PNA, and other members, to Secretary
of the League of Nations, 8th September 1925; Afonso Costa to Vasco
Borges, 12th and 13th September 1925; Council of the PNA to Freire de
Andrade, 25th June 1926; all in AHDMNE, Sociedade das Nações, Processo
14, 3º piso, armário 28, maço 71.
133. ‘Uma campanha difamatória’..., 123–124.
134. Anonymous, ‘O momento colonial’, A Gazeta das Colónias (15 December
1925), 5.
135. Ross, Seventy years of it..., 199–204.
136. John Harris, Slavery or ‘Sacred Trust’? (London: William and Norgate Ltd.,
1926), 45–48.
137. For a list of the documents that in 1925 were submitted by ‘organisations
and individuals’ and discussed by Temporary Slavery Commission, see ‘A
escravatura e a sociedade das nações’, Boletim da Agência Geral das Colónias
(October 1925), 54–55. This issue also includes a copy of the letter sent
by the commission’s chairman to the president of the League of Nations
Council, as well as the commission’s report, 24–55.
138. See, for instance, Daniel Roger Maul, ‘The international labour organization and the struggle against forced labour from 1919 to the present’, Labor
History, vol. 48, nº4 (2007), 477–500, and Susan Zimmerman, ‘“Special
Circumstances” in Geneva: The ILO and the World of Non-Metropolitan
Labour in the Interwar Years’, in Jasmien Van Daele et al., eds., ILO
Histories. (Bern: Peter Lang, 2010), 221–250.
139. Silva Cunha, O Trabalho Indígena (Lourenço Marques: Imprensa Nacional,
1928), 3–6, 9–10, 39–42; Publications de la Société des Nations. Bureau
International du Travail. Conférence Économique Internationale. L’Organisation
Scientifique du Travail en Europe (Geneva, 4 May 1927), 5–6; Silva Cunha,
O Sistema Português, 35–41; Final report of the 1926 Convention, in ‘A
escravatura e a sociedade das nações’, Boletim da Agência Geral das Colónias
(October 1925), 28–55; Almada, Apontamentos Históricos..., 114–119. For
more on the 1926 convention and for the Bureau International du Travail,
see Miers, Slavery in the Twentieth-Century..., 121–141; Jean Allain, The Slavery
Conventions (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 2008), especially 31–172.
140. Response of the Portuguese government, 27 August. Publications de la Société des
Nations. Projet de Convention sur L’Esclavage, Réponses des Gouvernements (31
August 1926), 1–7.
141. Document appointing the commission, 8th December 1925; Document
‘Alterações ao Regulamento de trabalho indígena’ (1926); Vasco Borges to
Norton de Matos, Portuguese Legation in United Kingdom (London), 30th
January 1926; Norton de Matos to Vasco Borges, 15th January and 22nd
March 1926; Travers Buxton to Norton de Matos, 15th January, 19th March
and 28th April 1926; Freire de Andrade to António Bettencourt Rodrigues,
8th July 1927; all in AHDMNE, Sociedade das Nações, Processo 14, 3º piso,
armário 28, maço 71.
142. Publications de la Société des Nations: Convention de L’Esclavage. Rapport
annuel au Conseil, 6–8.
143. Silva Cunha, O Trabalho Indígena..., 201–203.
144. See Miers, Slavery in the Twentieth-Century..., 141–148.
Notes
Notes
145. Eduardo Marques, Minister of Colonies, confidential, to Jaime da Fonseca
Monteiro, 13th December 1929.
146. To this end, it organised an international committee that would bring
together, classify and conserve the publications, particularly ‘official
documents’, relating to colonial administration and law, establishing
the Annuaire de Documentation Coloniale Comparée and the International
Colonial Library.
147. Report of the ICI, reproduced in Silva Cunha, O Trabalho Indígena..., 44.
Penha Garcia to the Minister of the Colonies, 2nd November 1928. Institut
Colonial International, Le régime et l’organisation du travail des indigènes
dans les colonies tropicales (Brussels: Établissements généraux d’imprimerie,
1929); Institut Colonial International, Statuts et Règlement (Brussels: Siège
Administratif de L’Institut, s.d.).
148. Memorandum by Freire de Andrade, in AHDMNE, 3º piso, armário 12,
maço 168, Colónias em geral. Volume II – Mandatos.
149. Vasco Quevedo to Henrique Trindade Coelho, 3rdAugust 1929; Luís Sampayo,
Secretary-general of Ministry of Foreign Affairs, to Artur Ivens Ferraz, Minister
of Foreign Affairs, 4th September 1929; both in AHDMNE, Repartição dos
Negócios Políticos, maço 164, Trabalho indígena nas colónias, 1929–1937.
150. Alberto de Oliveira to Manuel Quintão Meireles, confidential, 29th June,
4th July 1929; Alberto de Oliveira to Henrique Trindade Coelho, Minister
of Foreign Affairs, 14th August 1929; Manuel Quintão Meireles, confidential, to Aníbal de Mesquita Guimarães, Minister of Colonies, 3rd July 1929;
Manuel Quintão Meireles, confidential, to Alberto de Oliveira, confidential,
3rd July 1929; all in AHDMNE, Repartição dos Negócios Políticos, maço
164, Trabalho indígena nas colónias, 1929–1937. See also Jerónimo and
Monteiro, ‘O império do trabalho’, 26.
151. Portuguese Legation in Belgium (Brussels) to Fernando Branco, Minister
of Foreign Affairs, 24th October 1930; Anonymous minute, s.d.; Fernando
Branco to Eduardo Marques, Minister of Colonies, 22nd November 1930;
all in AHDMNE, Repartição dos Negócios Políticos, maço 164, Trabalho
indígena nas colónias, 1929–1937.
152. Response of the Portuguese government reproduced in Silva Cunha, O
Trabalho Indígena..., 275–276; Almada, Apontamentos Históricos..., 14.
153. Note ‘Campanha da Anti-Slavery. Trabalho indígena em Angola’, 19th
September 1930; Tomaz Garcia Rosado, Ambassador in London, to
Fernando Branco, Minister of Foreign Affairs, 17th January 1931; both in
AHDMNE, Repartição dos Negócios Políticos, maço 164, Trabalho indígena
nas colónias, 1929–1937. Kathleen Simon, Slavery (London: Hodder and
Stoughton, 1929); R. T. Smallbones, Economic Conditions in Angola (London:
H.M. Stationery Office, 1929), at 21.
154. For developments on this see Jerónimo, Livros Brancos, Almas Negras, chapter
VI, ‘Argumentos velhos, métodos novos: a propaganda colonial’, 219–236.
Conclusion
1. For a comparable process see Conklin, A Mission to Civilize, 212–245.
2. Apart from this volume and the references already provided see also Patrícia
Ferraz Matos, The Colours of the Empire (New York: Berghahn, 2013).
236
237
3. See Miers, Britain and the Ending of the Slave Trade.
4. For the debates on the 1920s onwards see Cooper, Decolonization and African
Society, especially 21–56.
5. For a development of this argument see Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo, ‘A Escrita
Plural dos Impérios: Economia, Geopolítica e Religião na obra de Andrew
Porter’, in Andrew Porter, Imperialismo Europeu, 1860–1914 (Lisbon: Edições
70, Coleção História&Sociedade, 2011), especially 30–48.
6. For instance, Alice Conklin states that despite all colonial powers having
mobilised civilising principles and purposes, only in the French case was this
elevated to a major cornerstone of the imperial doctrine. Conklin, A Mission
to Civilize, 1.
7. Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo and José Pedro Monteiro, Internacionalismo e
Império (forthcoming 2015).
Notes

`Civilising Mission` of Portuguese Colonialism

Transcrição

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