numero 1 du vendredi 10 - Le Forum Social Africain
Transcrição
numero 1 du vendredi 10 - Le Forum Social Africain
Un autre monde est possible FSM 2007 EN AFRIQUE Samedi 29 janvier 2005 - N° 3 - Quotidien du 5ème Forum Social Mondial - Porto Alegre Le compte à rebours a commencé P. 4 A l’ouverture du Forum social africain hier : 2007 en ligne de mire. A LONGA LUTA DOS NEGROS BRASILEIROS Reparação é a principal reivindicação 5e Forum Social Mondial Porto Alegre, 26 - 31 janvier 2005 PRIVATISATION DU SERVICE DE L’EAU DANS LES PAYS DU SUD Une catastrophe sur toute la ligne Denrée rare en Afrique, l’accès à l’eau potable a été rendu plus difficile par le monopole des multinationales. Qu’il s’agisse du Niger, du Tchad ou du Sénégal, la gestion du service de l’eau, comme celle de tant d’autres services sociaux, est aujourd’hui confiée à des multinationales plus préoccupées à faire des bénéfices qu’à satisfaire les attentes des populations. En lieu et place des promesses d’un service de qualité à moindre coût agitées par les «repreneurs stratégiques» des compagnies nationales, on assiste plutôt, dans tous les pays africains qui se sont engagés dans la voie de la privatisation, à des tarifications inaccessibles pour la majorité d’une population aux revenus faibles. Cette problématique de la privatisation du service de l’eau a été au centre d’un panel animé le 27 janvier par un groupe d’Ong et associations américaines et latino-américaines. Autour du thème «L’eau sous le domaine public est comme un droit humain, hors des accords commerciaux», les participants au débat ont mis à nu les conséquences néfastes engendrées par la mainmise des multinationales sur ce secteur stratégique, dégagé des méthodes de lutte et proposé des solutions alternatives à la privatisation. Pour une militante uruguayenne d’une des organisations animatrices du panel, l’immixtion des multinationales dans la gestion de l’eau «s’est avérée catastrophique dans les pays latino américains. Il n’y a eu ni amélioration de la qualité de service ni accès d’un plus grand nombre au service. Au contraire, l’eau qui est un bien commun à nous tous est vendue très chère aux populations». Même scénario donc qu’en Afrique, même si ce panel s’est déroulé sans la présence de participants africains. Au Niger, par exemple, depuis la reprise de la Société nationale des eaux par la multinationale française Vivendi International, l’accès des populations pauvres à l’eau potable devient de plus en plus difficile, à cause notamment de la hausse des coûts. «On nous a dit que les coûts allaient baisser, or nous sommes à notre troisième hausse. Et ce qui est plus grave, c’est qu’aujourd’hui les pauvres paient l’eau plus chère que les riches au Niger», confie Abdourahamane Ousmane du Forum social nigérien, interpellé sur cette question. Des puits dans la capitale Membre de la Plate forme nationale des associations de la société civile tchadienne, Mme Sy Koumbo dresse le même constat pour son pays. «La situation a empiré depuis que la société d’eau et d’électricité a été privatisée. Et voilà cinq ans que les populations tchadiennes vivent un calvaire, après que la société nationale a été vendue à Vivendi International. Au bout de deux ans seulement, on s’était rendu compte que c’était la catastrophe», déplore-t-elle. Tant du point de vue de la prestation de service que de l’accès à la ressource, qui est revendue plus chère. Ce qui a contraint de nombreux Tchadiens à se rabattre sur les forages et les puits. «Dans la capitale Ndjamena, de nombreux habitants sont aujourd’hui réduits à boire l’eau de puits», déplore Mme Sy. A en croire M. Boubacar Diop, membre du Conseil national des Ong africaines pour le développement (Congad), au Sénégal, certains habitants de Dakar sont également acculés à ce recours au forage, à cause de la privatisation du secteur. «Il y a eu un bradage de l’instrument (la société nationale) qui existait et cela se répercute sur les populations qui achètent l’eau plus chère aujourd’hui. Même les possibilités qu’il y avait auparavant de favoriser des dynamiques d’accès communautaires ont été supprimées», déplore-t-il. Pour lui, la privatisation des secteurs comme l’eau et l’électricité a été un échec en Afrique. Les résultats escomptés n’ont pas été au rendez-vous. «Il arrive souvent qu’il y ait manque d’eau, qu’il y ait des infrastructures qui ne marchent pas. Et c’est souvent de l’eau de qualité douteuse qui est servie aux populations», énumère M. Diop. Devant ce constat d’échec, le président du Congad préconise le maintien de la lutte pour contraindre les décideurs politiques africains à abandonner les politiques de privatisation en cours, estimant que «l’eau comme l’électricité sont des instruments de souveraineté nationale». Ousseini ISSA ttentes fricaines A TAOUKARA TAMBARE (Guinée) «L’ Afrique montrera son hospitalité en 2007» “Je crois qu’en 2007 l’Afrique montrera son hospitalité, en acceuillant le Forum social mondial, et que les débats toucheront vraiment les problèmes les plus complexes et les plus proches de nous. J’espère également que le monde va connaître les réalités que nous, les altermondialistes nous défendons et pourquoi nous luttons pour changer les choses. On va aussi proposer des solutions que nous pensons raisonnables. C’est un peu difficile, de dire aujourd’hui si l’Afrique va se mobiliser. D’abord, on demande s’il y a une volonté politique. Ensuite, financièrement peut-on faire quelque chose comme le Fsm de Porto Alegre. Déjà, la participation des Africains à ce forum n’est pas celle souhaitée. Mais qu’importe, je pense aussi que si nous représentons l’Afrique, nous devons tout faire pour partager les difficultés de l’Afrique et les solutions que nous Africains préconisons pour les changements”. ACCES A L’EDUCATION Flamme d’Afrique-Flame of Africa, um ano depois Foi no Fórum Social Mundial de Mumbai, em Janeiro de 2004, que este jornal foi lançado. O objectivo de Flamme d¢Afriaue-Flame of Africa era dar mais visibilidade à participação africana nesses encontros, facilitar a expressão e partilhar as ideias desenvolvidas pelos africanos, seus valores e suas expectativas dentro do slogan “um outro mundo é possível”. Este quotidiano, que circula apenas por ocasião dos foras, faz aqui a sua quarta experiência. Após Mumbai, o Chama da África acompanhou o 1º Fórum Social social da África de Oeste realizado em Conakry (Guiné) de 28 a 30 de Novembro 2004. Em Lusaka, durante o 3º Fósum social africano, que decorreu entre 10 e 14 de Dezembro, fez-se mais uma edição deste jornal. Este 5ª FSM é, portanto, a quarta etapa de uma experiência que completa agora um ano de existência. A iniciativa de animar este jornal resulta de uma parceria entre Enda Tiers-monde, Instituto Panos da África do Oeste e Mulheres pela Mudança. Paralelamente ao acompanhamento da participação africana nos FSM, traduz uma vontade de aumentar o trabalho dos m ídias e as comunicações para reforçar os movimentos sociais africanos, assegurando uma maior difusão das ideias e das perspetivas que se vão surgindo. Os jornalistas que compõem a redação do Flamme d’Afrique-Flame of Africa vêm de diferentes países africanos. A par do jornal, eles fazem a cobertura do FSM para melhor informar o público africano através de outros canais (listas de difusão e jornais on line). Rédaction française, lusophone et anglaise Comité éditorial : Taoufik Ben Abdallah, Diana Senghor; Thomas Deve ([email protected]) - Coordinateur : Tidiane Kassé – Rédaction : Hippolyte Djiwan, Ousseini Issa , Vladimir Monteiro, Souleymane Niang, Constança de Pina, Diana Mulilo, Glory Mushinge, Console Tleane, Variatu Temele - Montage : Noma Camara. Contact : [email protected] Comment emmener et maintenir les enfants à l’école Comment faire pour que le plus grand nombre d’Africains ait accès à l’éducation ? Voilà une préoccupation qui devrait tenir à cœur les gouvernants africains en particulier, et ceux des pays en voie de développement de façon générale. A ce 5e Forum social mondial de Porto Alegre qui vise un monde nouveau, la question est revenue sur tapis. D’ailleurs, est-il possible de réaliser un autre monde sans accorder une attention particulière à l’éducation ? Nelson Mandela, ancien président sud africain avait répondu à la question en indiquant que «l’éducation est l’arme la plus puissante pour changer le monde». A travers le thème «Recensement éducationnel : instrument pour la mobilisation sociale et l’amélioration de l’éducation», ce Forum de Porto Alegre a consacré le jeudi dernier une réflexion à la question à travers une conférence animée par les responsables du projet «Programa Educar» en cours au Brésil. Selon Mme Helena Albuquerque, coordonnatrice du projet, sa mission est de procéder au recensement des enfants qui n’ont pas accès à l’école ou qui y sont inscrits et qui, pour une raison ou pour une autre, désertent les classes. Le but de la démarche est d’être en possession des chiffres qui se suffisent pour mener une véritable action de plaidoyer à l’endroit des gouvernants, en vue de mieux organiser la gestion des ressources destinées au secteur de l’éducation. La particularité de ce projet est qu’il s’appuie non seulement sur des partenaires étrangers, mais également sur l’administration municipale et préfectorale. En clair, le recensement des enfants qui Samedi 29 janvier 2005 - n° 3 - PAGE 2 n’ont pas accès à l’éducation devient un enjeu de mobilisation aussi bien des partenaires étrangers que de l’administration locale. Mais si à Porto Alegre on procède au porte à porte pour recenser les enfants en vue de convaincre l’Etat à prendre ses responsabilités, en Afrique, et particulièrement en Afrique subsaharienne, les problèmes liés à l’éducation présentent d’autres dimensions. «L’image d’une école africaine subsiste : un enseignant solitaire, face à 70 à 80 écoliers. Il existe peut être un tableau noir et de la craie. Les élèves ont parfois (Suite page 3) 5e Forum Social Mondial Porto Alegre, 26 - 31 janvier 2005 EXPLOITATION PETROLIERE AU TCHAD Or noir et misère noire des populations de Doba «Les populations de Doba attendent de pied ferme la réalisation des promesses à elles faites par le consortium pétrolier Essor. Elles y croient et sont même réticentes aux sensibilisations des Ong qui essayent de les ramener à la raison». Animatrice de l’Ong Epozop au Tchad, Mme Séïba Martine Dénénoudji, rencontrée à ce Forum social mondial, donne ainsi une idée de la détermination des populations de la région de Doba. Dans zone riche en pétrole regroupe neuf cantons s’étaient vu promettre monts et merveilles pour ouvrir les portes à l’exploitation de ces ressources par la multinationale française. Jusqu’aujourd’hui, les attentes ont été vaines. Et les ressortissants des cantons que sont Béro, Komé, Miandoum, Timbiri, Békam, Ngagibian, Bessao, Mondlanm et Mbaissayen, ne veulent pas que les richesses de leur terre aillent faire le bien-être des autres pour les laisser dans la misère. «Avant l’exploitation pétrolifère dans la région, la Banque mondiale avait certes consulté des populations. Mais cett consultation a été faite à un moment où la zone était aussi bien sous la pression des rebelles que celle des forces loyales», souligne Mme Dénénoudji. On était loin d’une atmosphère permettant un choix serein. «Mais cela n’a pas em- ACCES A L’EDUCATION (Suite de la page 2) des pupitres ou s’assoient sur des bancs ou au sol. Egalement quelques manuels ou tables d’exercices. D’autres n’ont aucune salle de cours, mais doivent s’installer en plein air, sous un arbre…». Ce dénuement que décrit Ernest Harsch (Afrique Relance en ligne, une publication des Nations Unies), est une donnée fondamentale de l’handicape que traîne le secteur éducatif en Afrique. Dans un contexte comme celui-là, aggravé par des grèves des enseignants (ceux du Niger et du Bénin n’ont repris les cours qu’en janvier après la rentrée d’octobre 2004), la tâche est immense pour les acteurs de l’éducation en Afrique subsaharienne. Mais l’immensité du sujet est-il bien perçue par la société civile africaine ? La question mérite bien d’être posée quand on se rend compte par exemple que les Africains sont rares pour ne pas dire absents, au moment où ces questions sont débattues à ce Forum social mondial de Porto Alegre. Et pourtant l’expertise ne manque pas sur le continent, capable d’échanger et de conforter ses acquis. Hippolyte DJIWAN pêché de déboucher sur des promesses de construction d’hôpitaux, d’écoles, de réseau d’adduction d’eau potable et d’électricité, de logements, sans oublier les promesses d’emploi». Devant la conscience qu’on avait abusé de leur confiance, les ressortissants des neuf cantons de Doba, sous l’impulsion de la société civile tchadienne, allaient se décider à faire face. C’est ainsi qu’au terme d’un séminaire, le 19 juillet 1999, ils allaient former l’Entente des populations de la zone pétrolière pour la défense des intérêts communs (Epozop). L’association regroupe des paysans de la zone pétrolière du bassin de Doba, au sud du Tchad, avec pour principal objectif amener les exploitants pétroliers à dédommager les populations. Dommages Les dommages causés par l’exploitation pétrolière à la région de Doba au sud du Tchad sont énormes. Allant de la pollution de l’environnement aux violences inter-ethniques causé par les rivalités qui naissent autour de ces richesses qui restent des mirages, en passant par les maladies infantiles. Entre les mois de mai et juin 2003, souligne Mme Dénénoudji «quarante et un enfants soufrant de vomissement dans vingt villages du canton de Komè ont été enregistrés. Et il en est ainsi presque dans les neuf cantons». A défaut de citernes, de puits et de château d’eau, les carrières creusées et abandonnées sont devenus des réservoirs… d’eau polluée, les populations n’ayant aucun autre recours faute d’installa- Le président Déby (au centre) inaugurant les installations qui font entrer le Tchad dans le cercle des producteurs de pétrole. tion de rétention d’eau voire de puits. Et ces réservoirs sont aussi des mouroirs ou se noient les enfants qui viennent y jouer. Les rares sources d’eau naturelles, comme celle du village de Mampon, traversées par les pipelines, sont devenues impropres à la consommation, mais aussi inaccessibles du fait des installations électriques à haute tension. De même, les terres sont devenues si pauvres que les rares espaces disponibles ne sont plus productifs. Les arbres fruitiers meurent, l’élevage est devenu quasiment impossible. Lorsque les animaux s’aventurent vers les sources d’eau pour se désaltérer, ils meurent plus tard. Les revendications des femmes pour exiger le forage de puits sont restées sans échos. Et comme si tout cela ne suffisait pas, les violences ethniques entre les éleveurs nomades du Nord venues faire fortune dans les installations pétrolières et les autochtones deviennent récur- rentes et se soldent par des morts et des dégâts matériels importants. «Le 27 octobre 2003, par exemple, les affrontements inter-communautaires ont fait 10 morts, 48 blessés, 202 maisons brûlées et plusieurs centaines de sans-abri», témoigne Mme Dénénoudji. Désillusionnés par l’absence du paradis rêvé, les «étrangers», constitués en nouvelle communauté, se livrent à l’abattage des arbres pour en faire du charbon ou pour de la sculpture. Rien que des stratégies de survie. Sur le plan environnemental, la catastrophe écologique qui plane sur les neuf cantons rappelle le drame de la région Ogoni au Nigeria. Et les promesses d’hier ? «Là où l’on doit construire des classes pour tout un cycle scolaire, à peine trois classes sont sorties de terre», dénonce Mme Dénénoudji. Mais la mobilisation des populations flouées n’a pas été vaine. Sous la pression d’Epozop et du député de la région de Doba, les popula- NOIRS BRÉSILIENS ET FORUM AFRICAIN La place du «frère» toujours vide La tente du Mouvement noir unifié. Les Brésiliens y attendent les Africains. «Nous avons monté cet espace dans l’espoir de le partager avec les Africains. Mais comme vous pouvez le voir, nos frères de la mère Afrique ne sont toujours pas là. Les bu- reaux qui leur sont réservés sont vides», se lamente Emir Silva, membre de la coordination nationale du Mouvement noir unifié (Mnu). Fondée en 1978 en réaction au racisme dans le milieu sportif, cette organisation a participé à toutes les éditions du Forum social mondial (Fsm) à Porto Alegre, dans le cadre de sa lutte pour la promotion des Noirs brésiliens, mais aussi pour rencontrer et échanger avec les Africains. «Lors du premier Forum social mondial, le Mnu a pu établir un dialogue avec des mouvements anti-racistes africains. Les deuxième et troisième forum ont été marqués par une relation bien articulée avec le Comité africain et nous avons même travaillé dans le même espace. Ces échanges nous ont permis d’aborder des questions d’intérêt commun», indique Emir Silva. Le responsable du Mnu rappelle, par ailleurs, un résul- Samedi 29 janvier 2005 - n° 3 - PAGE 3 tions ont été dédommagées. «Les plantations détruites ont été payées à 550 000 F Cfa le pied de manguier, 263 000 F Cfa celui du néré, 162 000 F Cfa le pied de karité et à 109 000 F Cfa celui du tamarinier». Mais les paysans, une fois dédommagés ont multiplié les noces et les ripailles pour vite se retrouver dans le dénuement total. Et pourtant les conseils des Ong ne manquaient pas, les invitant à ouvrir des comptes et y déposer l’argent. Aujourd’hui, Essor se satisfait d’avoir dédommagé les victimes. Mais pour Mme Dénénoudji, les clauses de la «compensation communautaire» ne sont pas respectées à 100 %, ce qui amène les populations à continuer de revendiquer de meilleures condition de vie, des routes, des hôpitaux, des écoles, de l’eau potable, de l’électricité, des habitations et de l’emplois. Pendant ce temps Essor accumule les bénéfices. Hippolyte DJIWAN tat concret lors du Fsm 2003 : l’articulation du Comité international pour la réparation des torts causés par l’esclavage, institution initialement créée par seize pays africains. Ce forum 2005 n’a pas encore donné lieu à une nouvelle rencontre afro-brésilienne. Le Mnu est bien présent à Porto Alegre comme en témoignent les trois tentes qu’elle a montées à une centaine de mètres du Gazomètre. L’une abrite des expositions artistiques et culturelles et les deux autres peuvent accueillir des débats et des projections de films. Mais le leader noir brésilien ne se décourage pas. «Par manque d’articulation, la débat n’a pas pu se poursuivre à Mumbai. Nous espérons pouvoir nous réunir à Porto Alegre avant la fin du forum et consolider ce comité avec les représentants africains», conclut-il V. MONTEIRO 5e Forum Social Mondial Porto Alegre, 26 - 31 janvier 2005 FSM 2007 JÁ TEM CANDIDATOS Mali e Quénia na corrida Taoufik ben Abdallah, du Forum social africain, entouré d’Antonio Martins du Fsm et Muhti du Forum social indien, à Lusaka. Le lien se construit entre les mouvements sociaux du Sud. PREPARATION DU FSM 2007 Le compte a rebours à commencé pour l’Afrique Ficeler un dossier à transmettre au Conseil international du Forum social mondial avant avril prochain, trouver un pays disposant d’infrastructures capables d’accueillir des milliers de participants et dont l’environnement politique permet d’abriter l’événement en 2007, mobiliser les populations locales pour donner à l’événement un cachet mémorable. Cet agenda qui attend les Africains au sortir de ce 5ème forum social mondial de Porto Alegre est important. Les altermondialistes africains se disent confiants et capables de relever le défi, en dépit du temps relativement court qu’il leur reste. «Nous n’avons pas le choix, parce que la décision d’organiser le prochain forum en Afrique est prise par le Conseil international. Nous avons accueilli cette décision avec enthousiasme et conviction, donc aujourd’hui nous sommes interpellés ; c’est un défi et nous sommes résolument engagés à le relever», promet Hélène Rama Niang du Forum social africain. Et de ce point de vue, elle pense qu’au sortir de ce forum de Porto Alegre «la première tâche consistera à mettre sur pied les comités qui vont travailler pour matérialiser la tenue du Forum social mondial en Afrique de la meilleure manière qui soit. C’est-à-dire avec toute la logistique qu’il faut, toute l’organisation qui sied, mais aussi tout le processus de réflexion pour arriver à un bon contenu en terme de programme». Un avis partagé par le Tunisien Bédoui Abdeljelil, pour qui «il importe de se mettre au travail tout de suite au sortir de ce forum. On va programmer une réunion du Conseil régional du Forum social africain très prochainement et chacun va apporter des propositions», confie-t-il. Pour Taoufik Ben Abdallah, membre du Secrétaire du Forum africain, il n’y a pas à s’alarmer par rapport au montage du dossier. «On n’est pas obligé de tout ficeler avant avril. Il faut seulement entamer le processus avant. Il faut identifier le pays et continuer à travailler», rassure-t-il. Ajoutant que le travail dont il est question consistera à organiser les discussions autour des processus préparatoires 2006 et 2007. Si le Maroc est admis pour accueillir le forum régional intermédiaire de 2006, les altermondialistes africains n’ont pas en revanche tranché sur le choix du pays devant abriter le Forum mondial de 2007. Même si, par ailleurs, des candidatures ont commencé à être enregistrées. Notamment celles du Mali annoncée de façon informelle et celle du Kenyan. La liste reste néanmoins ouverte. «Toutes les candidatures sont les bienvenues, le Conseil africain va statuer pour regarder selon nos critères quel est le pays susceptible d’accueillir l’événement. Et après cela, nous aviserons nos autres collègues du monde pour annoncer la nouvelle», explique Bakary Fofana de la Guinée, qui pense cependant que sur cinquante-quatre pays africains, seule une quinzaine peuvent effectivement abriter un événement d’une telle envergure. Dans la perspective du choix du pays hôte, «les critères qui seront mis en place par le Forum social africain vont être très rigoureux. Il faut, entre autres, que le pays dispose d’infrastructures adéquates et que son environnement politique soit ouvert à ce genre de manifestation. Nous devons réussir notre forum social mondial. Il y va de la crédibilité du continent, il y va de la crédibilité du mouvement social et de la crédibilité du forum social mondial», estime M. Fofana. Ousseini Issa Quénia e Mali são, até agora, os únicos países africanos que se disponibilizaram, ainda que não oficialmente, a acolher o próximo Fórum Social Mundial, que decorrerá no continente em 2007. Ontem, 28, o Fórum Social Africano, numa demostração de vitalidade e força, fez a restituição de Lusaka e apresentou ao mundo – os europeus e brasilerios presentes na sala de conferência superavam os africanos em número –os temas que são actualmente objecto de preocupação e de elaboração de alternativas em África. Mostrar a dinámica que existe em África, apresentar os temas que são objecto de reflexão e de elaboração de alternativas. Foi isso a restituição do FSA de Lusaka de Dezembro passado. “O movimento social africano trouxe as suas preocupações e falou da luta que está desenvolvimento na busca de alternaticas para libertar a África. Fez-se isso através do debate de alguns temas que consideramos prioritários como por exemplo, a questão da dívida, os conflitos, os recursos naturais, a agricultura, a economia social, o relacionamento com as instituições internacionais, de entre outros, com experiências reais vividas um pouco por todo o continente”, sintentizou Bakary Fofana, de Guiné Conacry. O mote para os debates foi dado por Virgina Setshet (África do Sul), que falou do relacionamento da África com as instituições financeiras internacionais. Em tom crítico e com grito de instigação à resistência, Vírginia Setsheti, denunciou a submissão do continente negro por causa do peso da sua dívida e apelidou a forma como essas instituições se relacionam com a África de ´terrorismo económico´. Já Thomas Dave, Mwengo, preferiu central o seu discurso na cumplicidade dos lideres africanos que acatam as regras definidas por essas instiuições ignoram o lado social e, como alternativa, apresentou um programa lançado em Lusaka denominada “suspender as negociações”. A resistência defendida por Virginia e alternativa apresentada por Dave é importante, mas João Baptista, da Liga Jubilee Angola, prefere realçar a relevância do espaço e a presença de organizações de todo mundo para falar de suas propostas e iniciativas na Continua pá gina 5 FSM e as feiras Uma das actividades praticadas durante os fora sãoas feiras dos livros e outros objectos necessários para enriquecer a ideia de um outro mundo diferente e melhor para a maioria doscidadão. Temos que reconhecer que a realização dos foras sociais em Porto Alegre tranfornaram-se oportunidades de turismo e negocios. Os hoteis ficam lotados, os retaurantes e as lojas registam um movimento sem precedente e há ainda as pessoas aproveitam e ficam para ver e participar do carnaval. Felizmente, não são somente os os grandes negocios que aproveitam o forum social. São sobretudo os vendedores ambulantes de produtos alimenticios e bebidas tais como farrofa, maçarroca, pamonha, sanduíches água, sucos e outros produtos tipicos da região ou do Brasil inteiro que tiram proveito desse evento. Nesse mercado paralelo, encontra-se ainda, os produtos exóticos e o artesanato local, como por exemplo, colares, braceletes, aneis, produtos de cerâmica,pintura e outras quiquilharias feitas por autenticos hippies que otam o acampamento juvenil.E não é por acaso que tanto o Germano Rigotto, Governador do Rio Grande do Sul, estado onde Porto Alegre é a cidade capital e o Samedi 29 janvier 2005 - n° 3 - PAGE 4 proprio Presidente Lula declararam abertamente que, para eles, o Forum Social Mundial não devia sair de Porto Alegre. Voltanto para a feira em si, o espaço é ocupado desde grandes editoras até pessoas particulares. E para algué como eu vindo de um país que utiliza a lígua portuguesa como expressão oficial e que não edita livros de uma forma desejável, vir a um forum social no Brasil passa necessarimente por uma obrigatória visita aos locais onde se vende livros, concretamente pela na feira do forum. Ha escolha e diversificada desde temas desde sociologia, passando pela historia até a literatura infantil encontram espaço aqui e são vendidos por um preço economicamente sustentável. Os autores também variam, sobre Leonardo da Vinci, Marx, Paulo Freire, Noam Chomski, etc. Aacabei de consultar uma nota de lançamentos e vi que esta sendo apresentado neste momento um livro pela Cortez Editora sobre o Forum Social Mundial 2005. Trata-se de um manual de uso que conta com a participação de Chico Whitaker, Boaventura de Sousa Santos, José Correia Leite e Oded Grajew. Como todo o afixionado por livros, quero terminar de escrever este artigo para poder participar neste particular evento. Viriato TAMELE 5e Forum Social Mondial Porto Alegre, 26 - 31 janvier 2005 A LONGA LUTA DOS NEGROS BRASILEIROS Reparação é a principal reivindicação Os negros representam pouco mais de 40% da população brasileira. No entanto, parte dessa comunidade é vítima de exclusão social e económica. Deste modo, decidiram continuar sua luta no seio dos seus movimentos, através da religião, da cultura e da educação. O combate envolve tanto adultos quanto jovens. No Brasil, “país de todos”, nem toda a gente parece estar ao mesmo nível apesar dos esforços institucionais. « Os negros não têm acesso a educação, a universidade, ao mercado do trabalho. O racismo no Brasil é um racismo estruturado», indica Emir Silva, membro da coordenação nacional do Movimento negro unificado (MNU). Esta organização de esquera negra, uma das oito mais importantes do país, foi criada em 1978 devido a atos de racismo contra jovens atletas. Nunca mais parou o seu combate denunciando a desigualdade racial no país. Para Emir Silva, a exclusão dos negros notase em todos os meios de produção e desenvolvimento. « Com a abolição da escravatura os negros foram jogados ao relento sem indemnização. A questão racial é muito séria, emblemática e crónica e o Mnu mantém a sua linha de atuação para que o povo negro consiga chegar ao poder mas sobretudo que tenha a vez na participação do desenvolvi-mento do nosso país », lança o ativista. Também Pedro Homero, um aposentado de Porto Alegre e artista plástico, reconhece a existência do racismo mas admite alguns progressos na luta dos negros. « A gente está resistindo. Já tem a quota para os negros, já se pode estudar na universidade. A gente tem mais prestígio. Estamos fortalecendo muito », indicou. No Brasil como nos Estados Unidos, a questão das quotas no sistema educativo é uma questão polémica. « É uma questão polémica com vários entendimentos mas eu gostaria de deixar nítido que não é um processo discriminatório e sim uma porta de abertura para que o caminho da busca das reparações seja mais rápido », precisa Vera Soares, coordenadora do Forum estadual de entidades negras. A ativista negra precisa que as quotas constituem um primeiro passo no processo de inclusão e por conseguinte a busca eterna da igualdade. « Vamos manter a caminhada, aumentando o número das quotas até chegarmos ao 100% e ter totalmente as reparações», acrescenta. A defesa da comundiade negra não é apanágio dos movimentos de defesa dos negros brasileiros. A cultura e a religião também desempenham uma função bem importante e seus promotores não se coibem em mostrá-lo quer nas suas oficinas quer nos eventos internacionais como o Fórum social mundial (Fsm). Uma rica literatura abordando temáticas que vão desde o racismo a capoeira passando pela música e a diaspora nasceu há vários anos e inclui escritores importantes como Paulo Freire cujas obras versam inclusive alguns países africanos (os títulos “Cartas à Guiné Bissau” e “A África ensinando a gente – Angola, Guiné Bissau e São Tomé e Príncipe” são disso exemplo). Cristina Fraga escolheu a religião para atingir o povo africanista de Porto Alegre. « Tenho uma loja direccionada para o povo africanista: temos orishás, materiais para oferenda, guais, amuletos e fazemos jogos (baralho cigano e búzio) », nota. Cristina considera a religião importante para perpetuar a consciência negra, « ensinando o que é o certo e os nossos antepassados, e principalmente voltando para aqueles grandes babalorishás e alorishás antigos ». Já Pedro Homero, encontrou na pintura o meio de defender sua cultura « Minha temática é o africanismo. Sou praticante da religião africana aqui na região sul desde o tempo dos meus avôs e estou fazendo esse trabalho com Orisha e Oxu por eu ter um referencial. Acho que isso me facilita mais na minha arte », lança. Enquanto fala, alguns negros olham para seus quadros. Outros juntam-se a volta de livraria improvisada instalada a uns cem metros do Gasômetro de Porto Alegre. Há também quem discute, sorri ou troca informações. A luta passa-se pela união. Vladimir MONTEIRO Mali e Quénia na corrida Continuaçã pá gina 4 presença de organizações de todo mundo. “Estamos a partilhar preocupação e mensagens que são as mesmas dessas organizações e a falar dos mecanismos que temos de utilizar para atingir o objectivo que queremos, que é a sua solução”, sustenta Baptista, des-tacando o trabalho de continuidade pós Lusaka, o que reforça a esperança de sucesso em 2007. Aliás, no entender deste integrante do Liga Jubileu Angola, é essencial envolver essas organizações mundial nas lutas contra a pobreza, redução ou mesmo abolição da dívida, desconsideração dos reembolsos, tendo em conta os prejuízos a que o continente foi submetido ao longo da sua história, etc. Sobre este último aspecto em particular, segundo Baptista, essa batalha terá de ter duas vertentes. De um lado deve exigir a eliminação total da dívida e a reparação dos prejuízos e cobrar cooperação no que tange ao combate a corrupção, desvios de recursos e má governação. Com isso, acredita, pode-se mobilizar os países europeurs e tocar as consciências dos seus dirigentes que colaboram com os líderes africanos que compactuam com essas práticas lesivas da população. Nesse contexto, o FSM em África é quase que uma necessidade. Por exemplo, para Moussa Tchangari, Alternativa Espaço Cidadania, esta é uma oportunidade impar para que os africanos se articulem e trabalhem por forma a mobilizar os movimentos sociais e os seus próprios países. “As organizações africanas terão de estar no terre- Negros querem sociedade sem racismo. Sonho de jovens... Wellington (estudante Matemática – Rio de Janeiro) Não se pode negar que o racismo existe e está presente em vários lugares. O sonho do jovem negro no Brasil é conseguir ser tratado de igual por igual, estudar, trabalhar, ter filhos, andar tranquilo por todos os lugares e viver sua cultura. O meu sonho é ver a cultura negra espalhada e respeitada por todo o Brasil, a nossa religião - o Ubandismo e o Kandomblé que vieram lá da África – ser respeitada, ver o negro mais na mídia, nas profissões. Quebrar essa coisa que negro é só jogador de futebol, pagodero ou sambista. Não tenho nada contra mas o negro tem muito valor e o sonho dele é ser respeitado e mostrar o seu potencial, que ele é igual a todo o mundo. Elaine (estudante Jornalismo – Rio de Janeiro) O sonho depende do jovem negro. No meu caso, o meu sonho é conseguir me realizar profissionalmente, dar uma vida digna para a minha família e fazer com que os outros jovens possam ter as mesmas oportunidades que eu tive até agora e que no futuro as dificuldades que hoje conhecemos sejam menores. Queremos que haja mais justiça e menos desigualdade entre a população negra e a população branca. no e fazer um trabalho de mobilização seja através de seminários, foras ou outras actividades e, apartir desses movimenos, traçar a dimámica do FSM 2007 em África”, indica Tchangari, para quem o desafio de fazer o forum mundial no continente é sobretudo mostrar aos altermundialistas uma África viva e que se mexe para solucionar os seus problemas. Boas vontades que, conforme Tchangari, esbarram numa presença bastante diminuta dos integrantes do FSA nos vários atelier realizados aqui em Porto Alegre que, na sua grande maioria, discutiram problemas que afectam o continente negro. “O número de africanos aqui presente traduz o nível de conscientização e de desenvolvimento dos movimentos sociais africanos e nos mostram que um trabalho de fundo precisa ser feito. Ainda estamos na etapa da resistência Samedi 29 janvier 2005 - n° 3 - PAGE 5 parcelada. É preciso agora unir forças para 2007”. Posição diferente tem Fofana que considera normal haver mais africanos nas actividades organizadas pelo FSA porque, assegura, esta-se a dialogar e discutir os problemas da África com outros actores e estes podem nos passar a sua experiência. No meio desse debate, o crescimento dos movimentos juvenis nos países surge como um indicativo da mobilização que começa a despontar em África. Esta temática, a juventude, começou a ser debatida em Bamako, em 2002, foi retomada em Addis Abeba e consolidade em Lusaka. Actualmente, segundo Ouatara Dakalia, Costa do Marfim, está-se a discutir uma cooperação com organizações de juvenis do Brasil e o alargamento do seu campo de acção e uma melhor penetração em todo o continente africano. Constânça de PINA 5 e Forum Social Mondial Porto Alegre, 26 - 31 janvier 2005 “Call for extra-territorial obligations on human rights” By Kimani Ndungu SPEAKERS at a seminar on human rights and globalisation have argued strongly that fundamental rights can no longer be treated as the responsibility of individual states given the negative effects of globalisation. Addressing participants at a plenary session examining the theme of “Extra-territorial obligations-The Human Rights response to globalisation”, Gabriel Fernades of the Brazilian alternative agriculture organisation Assessoria e Serviços a Projetos em Agricultura Alternativa (ASPTA) said it remained disconcerting that no obligations are demanded from multi-national corporations when they engage in their often destructive activities in the third world. He presented a case study on the soya bean farming sector in Brazil, as proof of the devastating consequences of genetic engineering due to the lack of regulation of multi-national corporations. Citing the introduction of genetically modified soya beans in the country by the controversial American bio-engineering firm Monsato, he said Brazilian farmers are now forced to make a choice between planting conventional seeds or Monsato’s genetically modified (GM)ones. Those who choose the latter receive incentives such as agricultural credits, seeds on loan and farming advice. The soya bean market has also been turned around to suit the needs of Monsato and while those who sell the GM beans receive sixty Brazilian Cents a kilo. Farmers who sell conventionally grown beans are forced to submit their beans to tests first before their produce can be accepted. The pay for conventionally grown soya is also lower. Fernades said Monsato’s entry into the farming sector in Brazil in 1997 was done “under the cover of darkness” and that the genetically modified seeds “had been smuggled into the country” because government was not vigilant and there was no law to deal with bio-engineered foods at the time. In addition, Monsato had used millions of dollars to lobby the Brazilian government and farmers in order to convince them that the bio-engineered seeds were profitable as they would withstand extreme weather and plant diseases much better, and produce higher yields. It is worth noting that Monsato has met strong opposition and in some cases outright rejection in its attempts to introduce bio-farming in a number of countries. Most of Monsato’s activities are conducted under a shroud of secrecy and for example in South Africa, environmental activists are up in arms against the company’s seed research work in a remote area in one of the country’s provinces. They argue, correctly it would seem given past experiences elsewhere, that this is just the beginning and the multi-national will soon begin distributing its seeds to farmers across the country once the right time comes. Monsato is notorious for its production of renowned highly toxic bio-chemicals such as Agent Orange which was used extensively by the United States to defoliate large tracts of forests and vegetation during the Vietnam war, as well as Dioxin, a substance so poisonous, that it is now banned by the whole of Western Europe and the United States. There has not been sufficient research into the impact of genetically modified foods and Prioritise social justice issues By Glory Mushinge “ANOTHER World is possible if Social economic and cultural rights as well as ethical and social justice issues are prioritised both in the national and international development agenda,” the Jesuit Centre for Theological Reflection (JCTR) has observed. JCTR policy analyst, Jack Jones Zulu observed that development was only driven by indigenous policies rooted in human values and the aspirations of the local people themselves, rather than outside corporate interests. Zulu notes that there was need for unconditional total debt cancellation for all heavily indebted countries for poverty eradication, as well as having increased aid from rich countries, coming in form of grants and not loans. “Another Word is possible if global economic governance puts human needs of all first, rather than the profit motive of a few,” he stated adding that there was need for genuine partnership based on democratic ideals between the North and the South. Zulu went on to highlight that peace was only promoted through dialogue, respect for fundamental human rights and rejection of military might and the arms trade. He further expressed the importance of gender consideration in the development process, saying that gender concerns needed to be made central to sustainable development effort and further stated that the rights of the youth and the children were basic to decision-making and plan implementation for a just future. The environmental question was also part of the declaration bearing in mind that respect and preservation of the earth was a guiding principle for all economic decisions, regarding development. His organisation noted that it was also campaigning for the establishment of equitable and progressive trade relations between the North and the South and all World Trade Organisation(WTO) arrangements. JCTR declared that there was need to democratise the UN and Bretton Woods Institutions in order to break the domination of the Northern rich countries over the Southern countries as well as the necessity to have serving all people, especially the poor. critics have warned that the alteration of plant and animal DNA could have far reaching consequences in the near future. This could include damage to the body’s immune and reproductive systems, birth defects and an increase in multi-generational cancers. Addressing the same forum, Dennis Matwa from the South African HIV/AIDS lobby group the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC) recounted the struggles that the movement has waged against multi-national corporations in the bid to make HIV/AIDS drugs affordable to the poor. He stated that since the formation of TAC in 1998, the group has used a combination of legal and popular actions to force multinational companies such as Pfizer to lower the price of medicines, and also allow the South African government to permit the parallel importation of cheaper generic drugs from countries such as Thailand. In some instances TAC has collaborated with the South African government in its fight against the multi-nationals. He gave an example where TAC supported the government after it was sued by a total of forty- eight multi-national corporations for passing the Medicines Act of 1997, which legalised the manufacture of generic drugs in the country and the parallel importation of drugs in the event of a “national health emergency”. The pharmaceutical companies accused the government of violating the country’s patent laws as well as the World Trade Organisation’s (WTO), Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) Agreement. Matwa observed that TAC has succeeded in internationalising its struggle and has drawn the support of activists from Western Europe and America where these pharmaceuticals are based. He said this had been particularly important in their campaign against Pfizer as the United States was strongly supportive of the company as well as other US-based drug multi-nationals. Africa’s curse: Her resources By Console Tleane THE shaky truce between the Sudanese government and the rebels received a major blow when government forces bombed a village in North Darfur this week. According to several news sources, government forces are said to have bombed the village in direct violation of the terms and spirit of the peace deal that is being negotiated mainly by the African Union. “This is the latest of several serious cease-fire violations in recent days that are having a devastating effect on civilians and severely disrupt our relief operations,” said Kevin Kennedy, director of the Coordination and Response Division of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, quoted by Reuters news agency. “Thousands of people are being displaced by the violence and we’re struggling to reach and assist them in very dangerous conditions,” Kennedy said. About 100 people were either killed or wounded during the attack. Thousands more have been forced to flee the village. The latest violation of the ceasefire by the Sudanese government, said to be the 100th, has led to the United Nations withdrawing its staff for the troubled Darfur region. This latest news from the African continent come at a time when participants from the continent at this year’s WSF are engaged in animated discussions about how to bring an end to the continent’s woes. For Bakara Fofana, the continent’s rich natural resources are also its curse. Making a presentation at a special session organised by the ASF on Resistance and Alternatives, Bokara drew a link between the ongoing conflicts and the continent’s riches. “Conflicts on the continent are the direct result of natural resources. Africa is a bank of natural resources. Day after day new mining and oil exploration opportunities are discovered, making the continent more attractive for those who would like to exploit its resources,” said Fofana. Fofana pointed to the complicity of western governments and multinational companies. He argued that in all conflicts on the African continent there can be found the direct involvement of these governments and companies. Indeed, we cannot forget the direct and open support for Jonas Savimbi’s Unita by respective USA governments. Neither can the direct interference and interests of the French government in Cote-d’Ivoire be ignored. The direct involvement of diamond companies in most of the conflicts in Africa have led to the Kimberley Process, aimed at stopping what have come to be known as “blood diamonds” trade transactions and economies. The Process, which led to the UN General Assembly Resolution 56/ 263 of February 2002, was seen as carrying the hopes of many Africans for an ultimate end to “diamond conflicts”. Yet, very little can be shown on the ground about the progress accrued from that grand initiative. Are such initiatives genuine enough? Like many others, Fofana expressed his pessimism at the ingeniousness of some of the socalled peace initiatives. It is paradoxical, he said, that it is mainly those who assisted to wage wars and conflicts who are often in the driving seat of socalled peace initiatives. He also criticised the UN system. “The major flaw with the UN system, and others, is that they seek to bring about stability and not solve the problem,” he said. But perhaps the problems presented by Fofana are even more complex. It is true that peace efforts are largely led by the very powers (mainly western) that had or have a direct economic interest in the countries that are afflicted by conflicts. Yet, there seem to be an additional problem that now needs to be confronted. And the ASF and other forums will have to confront this problem – the hidden interests advanced by certain African countries themselves. While praised for its commitment to assisting to bring about peace in conflict-ridden countries on the continent, the Samedi 29 janvier 2005 - n° 3 - PAGE 6 South African government’s real interests are now coming under the spotlight. Just this week, Pretoria was at pains to deny accusations that its real interest in trying to resolve most conflict situations is to secure business deals for itself and South African businesses. Despite these denials there is increasing evidence to support this assertion. Earlier this year President Thabo Mbeki sacrificed New Year’s celebration in what was reported to be a peace effort in Sudan. The actual, or should we say hidden or parallel, motive for such a huge sacrifice was later revealed when it was reported that South African and Sudan have agreed on oil exploration initiatives. The country’s influential business daily newspaper, the Business Day, reported the following about the agreement: “The agreement was reached during a threeday visit by Mbeki to Sudan last week and signals SA’s growing interest in expanding its African oil exploration activities. SA has expressed similar interest in the Equatorial Guinea and Angolan oilfields.” Mind you, South Africa is also actively involved in efforts to mediate peace efforts in Equatorial Guinea. The changing face of African politics, with some countries emerging as major powers in their own right, presents a challenge for initiatives such as the ASF, and activists and analysts such as Fofana, to also look critically at all the players and their interests in so-called peace initiatives. Failure to also take a critical look at the damaging and selfserving role of certain African powers is as dangerous as endorsing old stereotypes that African people like engaging in conflict because of their genetic make-up. Some African countries need to be added to the list of those who benefit from peace efforts. As Fofana said, economic interests are central to most conflicts. And economic interests remain selfinterested, irrespective of whether they are pursued by western powers or Africans. 5 e Forum Social Mondial Porto Alegre, 26 - 31 janvier 2005 Hip-hop linking Afro-Brazilialns to Africa in the global struggle against capitalism? By Magari Mandebvu FOR a group of youth from the favela of Belem in Sao Paolo, it is their point of contact with their Afro-Brazilian identity and a point of integration in the wider world. They came to Porto Alegre with a co-ordinator of the Espaco da Convivencia Meninos e Meninas do Belem, Maria Cecilia Oliveira, who explains that Brazilian hip-hop has its origins in the AfroBrazilian experience of poverty and marginalisation. For a long time it was ignored by the mainstream culture, but of late the mass media have tried to present a more ‘representative’ image of multiracial and multicultural Brazil. The trouble is that the logic of the methods of TV, radio and other mass media make it easy to present more black faces, but automatically edit, sanitise, commercialise and usually debase the message of those black people. Hip-hop has suffered from this commercialisation, just as rap music, originating in the ghetto, has done in North America. However, the tradition still exists in the Hip-Hop Movement of Brazil, many of whose member groups are performing informally at the Forum. There have also been analytical discussions of Brazilian hip-hop, but those did not speak to the youth the way the music itself does. Africa does still have a great opportunity to help members of the diaspora in the Americas, such as the youth of Belem, to find their identity and their voice. Afro-Brazilians are nearer to their real roots than are most black north Americans: their musical instruments, their style of music and dance, their traditional religion and other features of their culture show that it is strongly rooted in Angola. They may not know the ancestor(s) who crossed the ocean, but they do know where their original home is. There lies a great opportunity for Africa, and especially African participants at this Forum, to help these long-lost brothers and sisters find themselves, find their voice and strengthen our common voice declaring that another world is possible. Lula successfully wades off protesters By Viriato Tamele IN THE morning of 27 of January, most of the participants at WSF2005 in Porto Alegre were converging at Estádio Gigantino to witness the launching of the Global Call to Action against poverty. I was late and feared that my entry into Gigantino was no longer guaranteed. While in the taxi it was broadcast on the radio that President Lula, who was a guest at the launch, was now heading for the stadium. My fears increased and I told the taxi driver to take me directly to the entrance number two where my invite spelt out was reserved for express entry for invited guests. In an attempt to find a shortcut, the taxi driver got lost and we had to go back and jostle our way in the traffic jams. Fortunately for me, I arrived before Lula. I witnessed crowds outside the stadium who were demonstrating against him alleging that he had changed since he took over as President of Brazil. This destabilised me because I did not know what was going to happen if this was going to be the atmosphere inside. Entry was punctuated by anxious moments as I had to go through what I viewed as tight security, a price that I had to pay for seeking VIP treatment as spelt out on my invite. Once inside, I could not ignore the PT red colours on flags, banners and T-shirts. There was an electrifying atmosphere as people danced to the rhythm of an orchestra that was performing for guests. Lula eventually took to the stage was accompanied by African Social Forum (ASF) activists Thomas Deve, Wahu Kaara and Coumba Toure. The latter were speakers while the latter was active behind the scenes as he was part of a G CAP hosting committee that had met President Lula on Crowd demonstrating over Lula entering Gigantinho stadium. This was indeed a proud moment for Africa and added to the credibility of the ASF as a pioneer for the WSF processes in different parts of Africa. Present on the high table were representatives of the G CAP, John Samuel and Guy Rider from the International Confederation Free Trade Unions. Well before Lula arrived an array of groups were chanting “Lula” and “100% Lula” respectively. And when the man appeared on stage, certain groups in the crowed went mad and the noise they made as a manifestation of their appreciation delayed the formal beginning of proceedings. Candido Grzybowski of IBASE, a Brazilian based NGO and a close associate of Lula was strategically chosen to chair the launch. Candido chronicled how WSF is promoting the emerging global citizenship by dealing with concrete analysis from multiple participants and their respective movements. He noted its pro-activeness and being more affirmative as witnessed by the growing campaigns and expansion into other different geographical spaces. Lula’s speech touched on a variety of subjects and lent credibility to the concept that diversity was a deep ingredient of the Forum. His speech was subjected to some continuous booing, but overcome this because he said things that drew an equally enthusiastic applause from the very same group that was chanting him down in the stadium. It was humbling to listen to him acknowledging that heckling was as a healthy development for him over the past twenty Samedi 29 janvier 2005 - n° 3 - PAGE 7 years and encouraged this manifestation to mature into some positive political force, which he hoped would speak to issues that had seen him rise and become President. Lula becomes first world leader to embrace the Global Call to Action against Poverty and profile it as a worldwide alliance of hundreds of organizations, comprising trade unions, women’s groups, nongovernmental organizations and faith groups, spanning every culture across the world calling on world leaders to fulfill their commitments on trade justice, more and better aid and debt cancellation hence his gesture of wearing the white band, which is the symbol of the campaign. Lula said that he was on his way to Davos and he was invited to G8 where he promised to carry the same message he had shared in Gigantinho. He mentioned the September United Nations General Assembly meeting as a moment of action that he encouraged the social forum to influence the in efforts towards fulfilling the Millennium Development Goals. Further he noted that it was a must for social forum entities to work towards democratisation of the UN and other multilateral institutions in the world. He stated that there is a need to build another world, change the world trade and other domestic policies all over the world. Finally, while this story has been told in the African Flame already, I felt it obligatory to give personal reflections on the developments of this day because this was an inspiring phenomenon that saw me dashing backstage where I had another opportunity of Lula preparing to leave for Davos. Almost all present were given a chance to say something to him until they were exhausted thus leaving him to grapple with all the favours he had to consider. Fireworks in ASF Council meeting By Viriato Tamele AFRICAN Social Forum council members walked along the river Gauíba for almost thirty minutes at the World Social venue, Usina do gasómetro to the H area where they were expected to hold an Africa wide meeting to finalise how they were going to prepare interventions in the 2005 Porto Alegre international council meetings. They walked in the heat, which took its toll when they later met in numerous heated sessions. Some chairs, a technician, and booths without interpreters greeted those who managed to locate the advertised venue, factors, which made it impossible to proceed with the first Porto Alegre African Social Forum consultations according to plans the secretariat, had proposed. A change of venue was immediately announced forcing most African delegates to head back to Hotel Novotel, where they had just left. Because of this, a whole afternoon was lost. Some delegates never made it to the meeting, as they did not get details of the venue change. The agenda was very simple, evaluation of the last África Social Fórum meeting held last December in Lusaka, the participation of ASF members in WSF 2005 and WSF 2007 in Africa. This meeting was proposed in December just after Lusaka and some members were not able to attend as the final details of the preparations were undertaken during the 2004 end of year festive Another World is Possible 27th Thurday, January 2005 - Number 1 - World Social Forum, Porto Alegre (Brasilia) AFRICAN DELEGATES DURINGTHE WSF season and beginning of 2005 when most people were taking a break, a factor that saw fewer people attending the meeting. Edward Oyugi from Kenya chaired the meeting on its first day. African activists say no to World Bank and IMF aid By Diana Mulilo AFRICANS stood proud to say NO! to economic terrorism at one of the ASF sessions held yesterday. They demanded that institutions of international finance capital should return back what has been stolen from the continent. Speaking during a panel discussion organised by the ASF a female activist, Virginia Setshedi from South Africa, expressed her concerns at what International Financial Institutions (IFIs) where doing to Africa. In an implied reference to efforts by organisations such as Civicus, which, at last year’s ASF meeting in Lusaka tried to promote World BankCivil Society dialogue, Setshedi emphasised that not all civil society organisations have dealings with the IMF or World Bank. She went on to emphasise that debt is a tool for capitalist forces. “We as Africans must be puzzled or confused about whose interests IMF has been working for,” Setshedi said. Setshedi related how, in South Africa, privatisation has been wreaking havoc in communities. Instead of delivering the goods promised by government officials, privatisation has brought a lot of problems especially in water, health, and education provision. It has also caused unemployment. Its privileges profits before people. For the African continent the approach should be to bring people before profit. Most land policies on the continent were formulated with a direct influence from the World Bank, with communities having no say in the formulation of such policies. “Iraq people are suffering from militarisation whereas Africa is suffering from economic terrorism,” observed Setshedi. Most often, when Africans demand for what is rightfully theirs the IFIs usually come up with new and enticing strategies such as Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which are also formulated without any direct input from people. One of the major demands for the continent must be “an unconditional cancellation on debt,” said Setshedi. She also continued to call on the rich to invest resources in peoplecentred initiatives such as health and education. Setshedi urged civil society groups to go on demonstrating their powers by boycotting these institutions, and start making it clear that it is them who owe the continent and not the other way round. “Civil society organisations need to join hands in order to fight imperialism,” Setshedi said. Civil society organisations need to wage a war against imperialism and debt domination. Turning to the composition of the WSF Setshedi emphasised to participants not to just enjoy seeing friends and colleagues at forums but to ensure that forums like this are used maximally to advance the struggle and solidify collaboration. Thomas Deve, an activist from Zimbabwe, urged government leaders to stop negotiating but instead to start using Africa’s natural resources to develop the continent. Deve also highlighted problems faced by women on the continent. “The feminisation of poverty will continue to grow because women and children are the majority of Africa’s population, hence the reasons for mass jointed efforts in the mass struggles,” Deve said. Deve expressed concerns on how privatisation of water was a source of concern because water is life and people cannot survive with it. Hassan Sumonu, a trade unionist, said African presidents must make demands for the stolen monies to be brought to the continent. These monies are currently kept in Western banks. Also, African governments should be urged to resist further privatising resources such as water, electricity, health, and even education. The message from the panel was clear: Africa must stand up for her rights and demand what is rightfully hers. And that won’t come from the World Bank or IMF. He faced a major challenge because it appeared as if the debates were charged and emotions were running high, making facilitation almost impossible. The agenda was repeatedly adopted. But repetition of issues and positions related to procedures dogged the day rendering invalid a number of positions ASF had sought to harmonise at a brief evaluation undertaken at the Holiday Inn in Lusaka just after the December 2004 annual social forum. No equipment for simultaneous translation was made available since the venue shifting had been a hurried move, leading to repeated interjections and apparent indiscipline when one evaluates previous meetings that were held using similar translation techniques. The evaluation exercise was logjammed on whether to review the whole process of ASF starting from Bamako, where the ASF was held for the first time in 2002. It was restated that Zambia had made major strides and taken ASF to a greater height, but had also brought in major set major setbacks in terms of anticipated support and mobilisation levels in host country. At the Mulungushi conference centre, activists had repeatedly been disrupted by very loud sessions that were run by Churches who had booked the main hall and a lot of other events, which had nothing to do with ASF, that were running parallel to the Forum. Elsewhere, many NGO leaders from southern Africa and Zambian activists were engaged with the Blair Commission on Africa. Proceedings raised governance questions in ASF, reviewed the effectiveness of the Forum’s commissions established after the Cairo meeting before finalising the Porto Alegre 2005 programme. The burning question that tore apart delegates revolved around methods of work the ASF processes had triggered and whether these had produced the intended results. The secretariat was repeatedly attacked. Its leadership had argued that the Council was not helping it develop good positions in order for it to democratise decision making in matters related to critical issues like the controversial devolution of the WSF in 2006. The latter issue was complicated by the fact that Morocco had affirmed directly to the International Council that its movements were interested in hosting the African continental process. This was problematic for many Council members who were of the opinion that Africans must collectively make decisions within the framework of the African Social Forum. The Council paid tribute to all those that had pioneered the African women’s court which they noted had brought new voices into the ASF and was indeed a tool for popular participation. The council was also briefed of regional and national social forums that had taken place and all this pointed towards a stronger convergence of African social movements and progressive voices and organisations in civil society experienced for example in the Arabic and Southern Africa regions and other national platforms like Senegal, Malawi, Zimbabwe, Malawi, Morocco and Somalia to name a few. But at the end of the day, the Council was being challenged to make concrete and move away from making general criticisms.
Documentos relacionados
numero 1 du vendredi 10 - Le Forum Social Africain
africanos, assegurando uma maior difusão das ideias e das perspetivas que se vão surgindo. Os jornalistas que compõem a redação do Flamme d’Afrique-Flame of Africa vêm de diferentes países africano...
Leia mais