adriana barbosa dantas - Urban Management

Transcrição

ADRIANA BARBOSA DANTAS
Master Thesis
Brownfield Redevelopment
in Rio de Janeiro
Housing vs. Public Participation
in the Manguinhos Area
University of Technology, Berlin
Urban Management Studies Master Course
Berlin
GERMANY
2008
ADRIANA BARBOSA DANTAS
Master Thesis
Brownfield Redevelopment
in Rio de Janeiro
Housing vs. Public Participation
in the Manguinhos Area
Supervisor: Professor Adrian Atkinson
(TU-Berlin)
Second Supervisor: Andreas Nieters
(Energy and Urban Environment Programme - German Technical Corporation (GTZ))
27th of March 2008,
Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the
‘Degree of Master of Science’
at the University of Technology, Berlin
Berlin
GERMANY
2008
STATEMENT OF AUTHENTICITY OF MATERIAL
This thesis contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other
degree or diploma in any institution and to the best of my knowledge and belief, the
research contains no material previously published or written by another person, except
where due reference has been made in the text of the thesis.
Adriana Barbosa Dantas
March 27th, 2008
ii
Adriana Barbosa Dantas – [email protected] – Berlin: TU-BERLIN, 2008
ACKOWLEDGEMENT
I would like to thank all those who made this work possible:
Professor Adrian Atkinson, for his supervision, patience and trust.
Andreas Nieters, for his dedicated co-supervision during the entire development and
definition of this thesis.
Alexander Jachnow, for the friendship that made my presence here in Germany
possible.
Renato Pequeno, for introducing me to Urban Planning and showing me the path to
follow until today.
My family, for always giving me support to achieve my dreams.
GTZ, for sponsoring my field work in Brazil.
Alban Programme, for supporting me in the development of this research in Germany.
My especial friends cousin Renata and her husband Beto, Gustavo, Carneiro, Danielle,
Fernanda, Débora, Luize, master’s colleagues, especially Raquel and Ghazaleh, and all
the others who together have somehow given me power to get through this master’s
degree.
All the interviewees from the public and private institutions (SMU, SMH, SMAC,
EMOP, IPP, Sinduscon, Supervia, FIOCRUZ) and especially the ones from the
community (Patrícia, Auxiliadora and Leonidio).
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ABSTRACT
DANTAS, A.B. Brownfield Redevelopment in Rio de Janeiro: Housing vs. Public
Participation in the Manguinhos Area. 2008. Thesis (Urban Management Studies
Master’s Course) – TU-Berlin, Berlin, 2008.
All the definitions for brownfield share a common characteristic: a brownfield is a space
with the potential for another function in urban life. Usually, old industries become
brownfields and they may be abandoned with contamination problems although they are
located near to the downtown area of the city or in a place with good infrastructure.
Brazil as a whole is an urbanized country, similarly to Latin America, with its
population concentrated in the large metropolitan areas. The industries, however, could
no longer compete with the city growth. During the last decade of the 20th century, the
industrial sector in Rio de Janeiro lost its importance and the companies moved to other
municipalities, creating vacant lands and problems such as the inadequate treatment of
decontamination and occupation of these places by poor families. The Manguinhos area
is a good example of this problem in Rio de Janeiro. Brownfield management also has a
long term strategic dimension of urban development and regional planning that requires
different levels of decision making. In this way, this study aims to analyze the potential
re-use of brownfields in Manguinhos through the application of oriented interviews with
different actors who discussed the topic among each other and also using the diagnosis
of the area. The public policies within the area were analyzed and associated with the
problem so as to verify if they could help or if they are working as a barrier in the reuse
of the vacant and potentially contaminated land.
Key words: Brownfield Redevelopment, Public Participation, Housing.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
STATEMENT OF AUTHENTICITY OF MATERIAL ......................................................................II
ACKOWLEDGEMENT..................................................................................................................III
ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................. IV
TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................................................................................... V
LIST OF FIGURES ..................................................................................................................... VII
LIST OF TABLES ......................................................................................................................... X
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS......................................................................................................... XI
FOREWORD............................................................................................................................... 16
INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................................... 18
Research Questions ............................................................................................................... 21
Objectives ............................................................................................................................... 21
Research Limits ...................................................................................................................... 22
Methods .................................................................................................................................. 23
Contents.................................................................................................................................. 24
1.
INDUSTRIALIZATION IN RIO DE JANEIRO, BRAZIL..................................................... 26
1.1. Origin of the problem...................................................................................................... 26
1.2. Industrialization in the City of Rio de Janeiro – Beginning of the 20th Century.............. 29
1.3. Industrialization in the City of Rio de Janeiro – 20th Century ......................................... 34
1.4. Changes in the Industrial Sector – 21st Century ............................................................ 38
2.
CONTAMINATED SITES MANAGEMENT ....................................................................... 43
2.1. The Environmental Legacy ...................................................................................................... 43
2.2. Definitions ...................................................................................................................... 44
2.2.1. Environment
44
2.2.2. Pollution
45
2.2.3. Contaminated Areas
45
2.2.4. Risk Evaluation (of contaminated area)
47
2.2.5. Environmental Degradation
47
2.2.6. Environmental Impact
48
2.2.7. Environmental Recovery
48
2.3. Contaminated Sites Around the World........................................................................... 49
2.4. Contaminated Sites in Brazil.......................................................................................... 51
2.4.1. The Diagnosis of Contaminated Sites in Brazil
53
2.4.2. Law Regarding Soil Contamination
54
Federal Law
55
State Law
57
Local Governments
59
3.
PUBLIC POLICIES IN SUSTAINABLE URBAN DEVELOPMENT VS. BROWNFIELD
REDEVELOPMENT.................................................................................................................... 61
3.1. Urban Revitalization – Transformation – Rehabilitation................................................. 64
3.1.1. Urban Public Policies on the National and State Levels
64
3.1.2. Urban Public Policies and Local Governments
68
Strategic Plan for Rio de Janeiro
68
Strategic Master Plan (Plano Diretor Estratégico – PDE) for São Paulo
70
3.1.3. Examples of Rehabilitation Projects
71
The Rio de Janeiro Harbor
71
Maritime Front Rehabilitation of the Historical Downtown Areas of Recife and Olinda
72
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4.
BROWNFIELD REDEVELOPMENT .........................................................75
4.1. Definitions ...................................................................................................................... 75
4.1.1. Scale and Nature
77
4.2. Why Brownfield Redevelopment?.................................................................................. 79
4.2.1. Economic Viability
82
4.2.2. Cultural Heritage
84
4.2.3. Environmental Quality and Protection
85
4.2.4. Social aspects: Urban Degradation x Revitalization
86
4.2.5. Housing
88
4.3. Research and Networking of Multi-Stakeholders........................................................... 95
4.4. Brownfield Redevelopment in Brazil ............................................................................ 102
5.
BROWNFIELD VS. THE MANGUINHOS DISTRICT ..............................110
5.1. Urban Development in Manguinhos............................................................................. 113
5.1.1. From the 16th to 19th Century
113
5.1.2. 20th Century
118
5.1.3. Developing Community Relationships
122
5.2. Demographical and Social Aspects ............................................................................. 126
5.2.1. Housing
132
5.3. Economic Aspect in Manguinhos: Industrial Focus ..................................................... 138
5.4. Challenges and Trends ................................................................................................ 143
5.4.1. Growth Acceleration Program (PAC)
144
6.
GUIDELINES FOR ACTION....................................................................149
6.1. Players and Roles ........................................................................................................ 150
6.1.1. Public Participation
154
6.2. Proceedings in Brownfield Redevelopment ................................................................. 155
6.2.1. Instruments
158
6.3. Benefits ........................................................................................................................ 160
6.4. Challenges ................................................................................................................... 163
6.4.1. What Can Be Done
165
6.5. Strategies for Manguinhos ........................................................................................... 168
6.5.1. Brownfields in Manguinhos vs. Community Needs
169
6.5.2. PAC
171
FINAL CONSIDERATIONS ............................................................................173
REFERENCES ...............................................................................................177
ANNEX A – DISTRICTS IN THE CITY OF RIO DE JANEIRO .......................183
ANNEX B – AUDIENCES...............................................................................185
ANNEX C – INTERVIEWS .............................................................................193
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Metropolitan Areas in Brazil ........................................................................... 18
Figure 2: Research Methods and Phases......................................................................... 23
Figure 3: Municipality of Rio de Janeiro: freguesias in the 19th Century...................... 27
Figure 4: Railway Route in Rio de Janeiro ..................................................................... 28
Figure 5: Condominium for Aliança’s textile industry workers in Laranjeiras, Rio de
Janeiro ........................................................................................................... 30
Figure 6: Design of Rio Branco Avenue, Rio de Janeiro................................................ 31
Figure 7: Slums in the City of Rio de Janeiro – 2004..................................................... 32
Figure 8: Industrial Zoning in Rio de Janeiro ................................................................. 35
Figure 9: Movement of Large and Medium Sized Industries in Rio de Janeiro Until
1965............................................................................................................... 36
Figure 10: Slums in the City of Rio de Janeiro – 1942................................................... 37
Figure 11: Metropolitan Area of Rio de Janeiro ............................................................. 42
Figure 12: Definitions of Degradation and Environmental Recovery vs. Sustainability 47
Figure 13: Brownfields and Contaminated Sites in Europe............................................ 50
Figure 14: Favela-Bairro (project included in the Strategic Plan) ................................. 69
Figure 16: Rio de Janeiro Harbor.................................................................................... 71
Figure 17: Model of the General Design for the Tourist-Cultural Complex in Recife/
Olinda............................................................................................................ 73
Figure 18: The Tetrahedron Model ................................................................................. 81
Figure 19: Sustainable Dimensions of Brownfield Regeneration................................... 82
Figure 20: DSUP Brownfield in Manguinhos, Rio de Janeiro........................................ 83
Figure 21: The A-B-C Model.......................................................................................... 84
Figure 22: Invasion of CCPL .......................................................................................... 88
Figure 23: Slum vs. Brownfield in Manguinhos, Rio de Janeiro.................................... 92
Figure 24: Possible Escalation of Conflicts .................................................................... 97
Figure 25: Orbits of Involvement in Public Participation............................................... 98
Figure 26: Stakeholder Wheel......................................................................................... 99
Figure 27: Stakeholder Wheel in Brazil........................................................................ 103
Figure 28: Urban Operation “Diagonal Sul” – Area of Interest and Urban Interventions
..................................................................................................................... 105
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Figure 29: “Diagonal Sul:” Former Industrial Site (front) and Processes of Urban
Growth (back) ............................................................................................. 106
Figure 30: Brownfields in São Cristóvão...................................................................... 108
Figure 31: Design Proposal for Brownfield Redevelopment in Ceramics.................... 109
Figure 32: Planning Area 3 (AP-3) ............................................................................... 110
Figure 33: Manguinhos and Neighboring Districts....................................................... 111
Figure 34: Aerial View from Manguinhos.................................................................... 112
Figure 35: Inhaúma Freguesia on the Current Map of Rio de Janeiro......................... 113
Figure 36: Engenho Novo Freguesia ............................................................................ 114
Figure 37: Map of Urban Occupation, Railways and Train Stations at the Start of the
20th Century Source: Pessoa (2006, 49) ...................................................... 116
Figure 38: Streets localization in Manguinhos.............................................................. 117
Figure 39: Aerial view of the Moorish Pavillon in 1922 plus embankments made...... 118
Figure 40: Area of the 1927 Plan, and in green, the area reserved for the Oswald Cruz
Institute (a); in red, the original Manguinhos Coast (b).............................. 119
Figure 41: Arial View in 1938. In the center, the Moorish Pavilion; on the left, the
Rockefeller Foundation building built in 1937; and on the right, a hangar
from Manguinhos Airclub........................................................................... 120
Figure 42: Agache Zoning within the Industrial District. ............................................. 121
Figure 43: Communities in Manguinhos ...................................................................... 124
Figure 44: Type of families in Manguinhos.................................................................. 127
Figure 45: Percentage of the Population by Age in Manguinhos (a) in Slums from
Manguinhos (b) ........................................................................................... 127
Figure 46: Literacy Rate in Manguinhos (a) and CCDC (b)......................................... 128
Figure 47: Educational Level for the Manguinhos Population ..................................... 129
Figure 48: Percentage of Population per Income Level................................................ 129
Figure 49: View from the Fiocruz campus ................................................................... 131
Figure 50: Types of Housing in Manguinhos ............................................................... 133
Figure 51: Occupation in Embratel, Manguinhos ......................................................... 133
Figure 52: Tenure Type................................................................................................. 134
Figure 53: Announcement of House for Sale................................................................ 135
Figure 54: Jacaré river, Maguinhos.............................................................................. 135
Figure 55: Number of people per house, Manguinhos.................................................. 136
Figure 56: Sanitation Inside the District and inside the Slums of the District (b) ........ 136
Figure 57: Pollution of the river, Manguinhos.............................................................. 137
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Figure 58: Numbers of Bathrooms per House in Manguinhos ..................................... 137
Figure 59: Type of Waste Disposal in Manguinhos...................................................... 138
Figure 60: Headquarters of a Community Association Together with the Post Office 139
Figure 61: Commercial Area within the Communities ................................................. 139
Figure 62: The Fiocruz Library..................................................................................... 140
Figure 63: Abandoned and Underused Land in Manguinhos ....................................... 142
Figure 64: Aims of PAC ............................................................................................... 147
Figure 65: Partnership in PAC ...................................................................................... 147
Figure 66: PAC Program in Manguinhos ..................................................................... 148
Figure 67: Ceramic industry brownfield that will be site to redevelopment through
housing ........................................................................................................ 162
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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Industrial Development in Rio de Janeiro ........................................................ 41
Table 2: Ladder of Participation ..................................................................................... 99
Table 3: Current Population and Projection – 2005 - 2020 .......................................... 123
Table 4: Communities in Manguinhos and their Respective Years of Occupation ...... 123
Table 5: Communities from Complexo de Manguinhos in others districts................... 132
Table 6: Industry Activities in Manguinhos.................................................................. 141
Table 7: Budget Sources – PAC Rio............................................................................. 145
Table 8: Percentage of the Budget per Institution – PAC Rio ...................................... 146
Table 9: Stakeholders Involved in the Development and Use of Brownfield Sites...... 151
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AEIS – Área Especial de Interesse Social: Special Area of Social Interest
AP-3 – Área de Planejamento 3: Planning Area 3
APARU - Área de Proteção para Reordenamento Urbano: Protection Area for Urban
Reorganization
BMZ - German Federal Ministry of Economic Cooperation and Development
BR – Brownfield Redevelopment
CABERNET - Concerted Action for Brownfield and Economic Regeneration Network
CAIXA – Caixa Econômica Federal: Federal Loan and Savings Bank
CCDC - Centro Comunitário de Defesa da Cidadania: Community Citizenship Center
CCPL - Cooperativa Central dos Produtores de Leite: Central Milk Producer
Cooperative
CEDAE – Companhia Estadual de Águas e Esgoto: State Water and Sewage Company
CEG – Companhia de Energia e Gás: Energy and Gas Company
CEHAB – Companhia Estadual de Habitação do Rio de Janeiro: Rio de Janeiro State
Housing Company
CETESB - Companhia de Tecnologia de Saneamento Ambiental: São Paulo State
Environmental Sanitation Technology Company
CHP2 - Centro de Habitação Provisória 2: Temporary Housing Center 2
CI – Certidão de Informação: Information Certificate
CLARINET - Contaminated Land Rehabilitation Network for Environmental
Technologies
COBAL – Companhia Brasileira de Alimentos: Brazilian Food Company
CONAB - Companhia Nacional de Abastecimento: National Supply Company
CONAMA – Conselho Nacional de Meio Ambiente: National Environmental Board
COOTRAM - Cooperativa dos Trabalhadores Autônomos do Complexo de
Manguinhos: Manguinhos Complex Autonomous Workers Cooperative 1
1
Group of slums
xi
COPPE – Instituto Alberto Luiz Coimbra de Pós-Graduação e Pesquisa de Engenharia:
Alberto Luiz Coimbra Engineering Pos-Graduate and Research Institute.
Fecomércio-RJ – Federação do Comércio do estado do Rio de Janeiro: Rio de Janeiro
State Trade Federation
CORREIOS - Empresa Brasileira de Correios e Telégrafo: Brazilian Mail and
Telegraph Company
DSUP – Depósito de Suprimento do Exército: Army Supply Deposit
DLIS – Programa de Desenvolvimento Local Integrado e Sustentável: Local Integrated
and Sustainable Development Program
DNOS – Departamento Nacional de Obras e Saneamento: National Construction
Project and Sanitation Department
EEA - European Environment Agency
EMBF – Empresa de Melhoramentos da Baixada Fluminense: Baixada Fluminense
Improvement Company
Embratel – Empresa Brasileira de Telecomunicações: Brazilian Telecomunications
Company
EMOP – Empresa de Obras Públicas: Public Works Company
ENSP - Escola Nacional de Saúde Pública Sérgio Arouca: Sérgio Arouca National
School of Public Health
EPA - U.S. Environmental Protection Agency
ERM - Environmental Resources Management
EU – European Union
FAFERJ - Federação das Associações de Favelas do Estado do Rio de Janeiro: Rio de
Janeiro State Slum Association Federation
Favela-Bairro – Slum Improvement Program
FAU – Faculdade de Arquitetura e Urbanismo: Architecture and Urbanism School
FECAM – Fundo Estadual de Conservação Ambiental e Desenvolvimento Urbano:
State Environmental Conservation and Urban Development Fund
Fecomércio-RJ – Federação do Comércio do Estado do Rio de Janeiro: Rio de Janeiro
State Trade Federation
FEEMA – Fundação Estadual de Engenharia do Meio-Ambiente: State Environmental
Engineering Foundation
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FGTS – Fundo de Garantia por Tempo de Serviço: Unemployment Insurance Fund
FIOCRUZ – Fundação Oswaldo Cruz: Oswaldo Cruz Foundation
FIRJAN – Federação das Indústrias do Estado do Rio de Janeiro: Rio de Janeiro State
Industries Federation
FNHIS - Fundo Nacional de Habitação de Interesse Social: National Social Housing
Fund
FUNASA – Fundação Nacional de Saúde: National Health Foundation
GDP – Gross Domestic Product
GIDUR – Gerência de Desenvolvimento Urbano: Urban Development Management
GTZ - Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit: German Technical
Cooperation
IAB – Instituto de Arquitetos do Brasil: Brazilian Architects Institute
IBE – International Brownfield Exchange
IBGE – Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística: Brazilian Institute of Geography
and Statistics
IDB - Inter-American Development Bank
IDH – Índice de Desenvolvimento Humano: Human Development Index
IEF.RJ – Fundação Instituto Estadual de Florestas do Rio de Janeiro: Rio de Janeiro
State Forest Institute Foundation
INSS – Instituto Nacional de Seguro Social: National Institute of Social Security
IPHAN – Instituto do Patrimônio Histórico e Artístico Nacional: National Historic and
Artistic Patrimony Institute
IPP – Instituto Municipal de Urbanismo Pereira Passos: Pereira Passos Municipal
Urbanism Institute
IPPUR – Instituto de Pesquisa e Planejamento Urbano e Regional: Urban and Regional
Research and Planning Institute
IPT - Instituto de Pesquisa e Tecnologia: Research and Technology Institute (a São
Paulo state-owned research facility)
ISS – Imposto Sobre Serviço: Service Tax
MAER – Ministério da Aeronáutica: Ministry of Aeronautics
MMA – Ministério do Meio-Ambiente: Ministry of the Environment
MS – Minimum Monthly Salary
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MTE - Manual Técnico de Especificações: Technical Specifications Manual
NBSP - National Brownfields Sites Project
NGO – Non-Governmental Organization
NICOLE - Network for Industrially Contaminated Land in Europe
OEMA - Órgão Estadual de Meio Ambiente: State Environmental Agency
OGU – Orçamento Geral da União: General Budget of the Union
OIPSOLO - Observatório Imobiliário e de Políticas do Solo: Real Estate and Soil
Policy Observatory
OSCIP - Organização da Sociedade Civil de Interesse Público: Civil Society
Organization of Public Interest
PAC – Programa de Aceleração do Crescimento: Growth Acceleration Program
PAR - Projeto de Arrendamento Residencial: Residential Leasing Project
PCRJ – Prefeitura da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro: Rio de Janeiro City Government
PDE – Plano de Diretor Estratégico: Strategic Master Plan
PDTSP - Programa de Desenvolvimento Tecnológico em Saúde Pública Technological Development Program for Public Health
PDU – Plano de Desenvolvimento Urbano: Urban Development Plan
Petrobras – Petróleo Brasileiro: Brazilian Oil Company
PEU - Projeto de Estruturação Urbana: Urban Structuring Project
PDDU – Plano Diretor de Desenvolvimento Urbano: Urban Master Plan
PPP – Public-Private Partnership
PRI – Plano de Reabilitação Integrada: Integrated Rehabilitation Plan
Prodetur - Programa de Desenvolvimento do Turismo: Tourism Development Program
PSF – Programa Saúde da Família: Family Health Program
PUC-Rio - Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro: Pontifical Catholic
University of Rio de Janeiro
RA – Região Administrativa: Administrative Region
Rede CCAP – Rede Centro de Atividades Populares: Popular Activity Center Network
RESCUE - Regeneration of European Sites in Cities and Urban Environments
REVITA - Revitalização de áreas urbanas degradadas por contaminação:
Revitalization of Urban Areas Degraded by Contamination
RFFSA – Rede Ferroviária Nacional: Federal Railway
xiv
ROBIN – Regional Online Brownfield Information Network
SENAC – Serviço Nacional de Aprendizagem Comercial: National Business Learning
Service
SENAI – Serviço Nacional de Aprendizagem Industrial: National Industrial Learning
Service
SEOBRAS – Secretaria Estadual de Obras: State Department of Construction Works
Sinduscon – Sindicato da Construção Civil: Civil Construction Trade Union
SERLA – Fundação Superintendência Estadual de Rios e Lagoas: State
Superintendence Foundation for Rivers and Lakes
SISNAMA – Sistema Nacional de Meio-Ambiente: National Environmental System
SMAC – Secretaria Municipal do Meio-Ambiente: Municipal Environmental
Department
SMF - Secretaria Municipal da Fazenda: Municipal Treasury Department
SMH – Secretaria Municipal do Habitat: Municipal Housing Department
SMU – Secretaria Municipal de Urbanismo: Municipal Urbanism Department
SPU – Secretaria do Patrimônio da União: Union Patrimony Department
SuperVia – Concessionária de Transportes Ferroviários: Railway Transportation
Company
UFRJ – Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro: Federal University of Rio de Janeiro
UN – United Nations
USA – United States of America
VIGISOLO – Vigilância em Saúde de Populações Expostas a Solo Contaminado:
Health Monitoring of Populations Exposed to Contaminated Soil
ZEIS – Zona Especial de Interesse Social: Special Zone of Social Interest
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FOREWORD
The population in the largest metropolitan areas in Brazil doubled between 1970 and
2000. At the same time, the population from the suburban peripheral areas more than
tripled, threatening environmental systems such as the Atlantic Forest in Brazil’s
Southeastern region, which still forms greenbelts in cities like Rio de Janeiro and São
Paulo (see Nieters (2007, 34)).
In addition to this tremendous growth, the functions of the downtown areas of the city
started to change in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The industries started to move into
the peripheral areas of the mega cities due to transportation and infrastructure problems,
environmental restrictions and tax disadvantages. Unemployment, social degradation
and brownfields within the downtown areas of the city became related consequences
(see Marker et al (2007, 17)).
The city limits are also growing as a result of the migration from poorer Brazilian
regions in direction of larger downtown areas and because poor income families that
already live within the city are no longer “allowed” to stay near the downtown area. It is
more expensive to live in areas where infrastructure already exists. Therefore, many
vacant lands are also being speculated and, consequently, the urban sprawl begins to
occupy green fields.
The challenge is to preserve the remaining green areas and, at the same time, make
growth within the city possible.
In the Brazilian case, these brownfield are also occupied by informal settlements even if
they are not decontaminated. If there is no national law on this issue, how can this topic
be dealt with?
This research project focuses on brownfield redevelopment through housing in Brazil as
a way of minimizing the segregation problem and giving the poorer classes the chance
for insertion into the formal city in a healthy manner. It also aims to show that besides
16
the specialized expert knowledge, development projects must be inserted into a broader
common context strategy (see Oppermann/ Langer (2005, 08)).
17
INTRODUCTION
Brazil as a whole is currently an urbanized country, similarly to Latin America, with
approximately 80% of the Brazilian population living in cities. Thirty percent of this
population, however, is concentrated within the large Brazilian metropolitan areas, with
Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo as the main examples (see Figure 1).
Figure 1: Metropolitan Areas in Brazil
Source: adapted from Observatório das Metrópoles (2008)
Nevertheless, the infrastructure of the Brazilian cities was unable to keep up with the
population growth. The city began to extend its services only to some people and as a
consequence, urban problems began to affect all citizens.
18
Industries were not able to compete with the city’s growth. During the last decade of the
20th century, the industrial sector in Rio de Janeiro lost its importance, with major
industries moving to other municipalities within the metropolitan area.
Even though the city government provides some incentives for keeping industries
within the city, they continue to leave. The reasons are many: layout changes in the
industries, technological evolutions, the sites and infrastructure required to transport
production, public security, the high price of labor, etc.
This has led to vacant lands and with them, several problems. Among these types of
spaces, there may be contamination. If it is found, another barrier to redevelop those
areas has appeared: generally they do not count on adequate treatment of
decontamination. Besides this, low income families excluded from formal/ legal city
start to occupy those places that are usually provided with urban infra-structure and
services.
These industries are also moving because Rio de Janeiro has started making increased
investments in the service sector. Today, the city concentrates its economic activities on
the areas of tourism, communication and entertainment, although its surroundings still
have the strong presence of the oil industry that attracts other industries and makes the
state of Rio de Janeiro one of the most industrialized in Brazil.
In this way, there are countless degraded and abandoned properties in the city of Rio de
Janeiro, concentrated largely within Planning Area 3 (AP-3) in the Northern zone of the
city. This occurs due to the existing transportation infrastructure in the area. There are
four railways and other important roads that connect the city to other cities even in
different states. Several industries came with the transportation system, aiming to
benefit from the logistics structure.
In this way, AP-3 includes 13 Administrative Regions formed by 80 quarters. It has the
biggest population of all the zones in the city (2,353,590 inhabitants), which
corresponds to 40% of the total population. Of this total, 500,000 people live in slums
(see Rio de Janeiro (2006b)).
19
The city government has defined AP-3 as a priority area and made its brownfields the
object of municipal urban proposals. Surveys were performed on the degraded urban
properties within the area, and as a result, some guidelines for redevelopment were
defined.
Special attention must be paid to the brownfield issue in Rio de Janeiro. Within the city,
this problem is strongly correlated to two other major urban problems: the reduced
quality of life of middle class neighborhoods, the abandonment and urban exclusion of
the Northern and Western suburban zones and the urban exclusion of the informal cities
such as slums and informal settlements (see Sirkis (2001, 07)).
In this way, an area within AP-3 was chosen for a case study. Regarding the current
policies on slum upgrading, the Brazilian federal government has developed the
Acceleration Growth Program (PAC), directing a large budget at improving the quality
of life in the large slums, especially in Rio de Janeiro.
Two of those projects will be developed in AP-3 on areas with abandoned or underused
land. The district of Manguinhos will be one of these assisted by PAC, and it is inserted
into an industrial zone and right in the middle of former important industrial areas with
decreasing activities.
Manguinhos experiences the same problem as that of AP-3: slum vs. abandonment /
under use of former industrial and commercial areas. PAC intends to provide housing,
infrastructure and social equipment. The area is so densely populated and has such a
high housing deficit that the research begins from the point that those empty spaces
could be used in a way to minimize the problems in the area.
The research focus is the Manguinhos district and its surrounding districts, since not
only the community, but its problems and also potentials exceed the limits of the
political division (see Chapter 5).
20
Research Questions
Accordingly, the research was developed as a way to answer the following related
questions:
1. Which urban aspects could be improved through brownfield redevelopment?
2. Which aspects could influence the success of a brownfield redevelopment
project?
3. Is brownfield redevelopment a good way to solve the housing problem in Brazil?
4. How can citizens and other actors involved in the process truly take part?
Objectives
The research objectives were defined to answer the above questions.
General Objective
To analyze and evaluate brownfield redevelopment as a way of efficiently minimizing
the housing problem in Brazil.
Specific Objectives
•
Analysis of the social aspects, problems and requirements within the context of
brownfield redevelopment (international comparison with a focus on Brazil).
•
Identification of suitable strategies and instruments for the integration of social
interests in projects focused on brownfield revitalization that fit within the
context (international comparison, best practices).
•
Through a case study in Rio de Janeiro - Manguinhos:
o Analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of brownfield redevelopment
in Manguinhos.
o Analysis of the actors' role, including forms and innovative methods of
citizen participation (empowerment).
o Analysis of monitoring measurements, urban and financing instruments,
as well as possible housing policies.
21
Research Limits
The researcher encountered certain barriers when trying to achieve the above mentioned
objectives: the availability of different actors to provide data and be interviewed as well
as the violence that exists in Manguinhos.
Because of the first problem, there was a great deal of data that could not be acquired.
For example, the researcher was unable to access legislation concerning contaminated
sites. Other institutions were not available to talk about the problem, and some could not
properly answer the questions asked, perhaps due to the fact that they are unaware of the
brownfield redevelopment issue.
The violence that exists today in Manguinhos requires some precautions, such as not
going inside the area without being accompanied by a community member. To meet a
contact from the community, the researcher had to participate in audiences and request
help from the Fiocruz Institution. However, this occurred only two and a half months
after the researcher was in Rio de Janeiro. After finding the contact, the researcher had
to wait yet again for the availability of community members to go inside the area, while
at the same time writing the thesis. Accordingly, even if the researcher went to Fiocruz
several times to participate in the community meetings, the area could only be visited
three times.
22
Methods
The research was developed in three phases (see Figure 2):
Figure 2: Research Methods and Phases
First Phase
The first phase involved understanding the problem of contaminated sites and how this
problem is related to housing and public participation. In order to obtain this
knowledge, a literature review was performed in Berlin in August 2007.
This phase served as the basis for the research. At the same time, the research project
was also re-formulated considering the new information acquired on a constant basis.
Second Phase
The literature review continued into this phase, but now in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. From
September 2007 to January 2008, the researcher completed an internship at GTZ. The
internship itself had the main objective of evaluating and analyzing brownfield
23
redevelopment as a way of minimizing the housing problem in Brazil. Then, the issue
was further developed in the case study.
After characterizing the Brownfield problem in Brazil, especially in Rio de Janeiro,
through quantitative and qualitative data, a specific area in Rio de Janeiro was chosen as
the case study: Manguinhos.
Within this case study, surveys were conducted to describe the context of the area
through documents (maps, pictures, videos, forms) supplied by different institutions that
would be involved in the brownfield redevelopment process in the city.
Parallel to the surveys, oriented interviews were conducted with different actors who
have some type of influence on urban development in the area, primarily within the
Brownfield context. Fourteen interviews were conducted with the private and public
sectors and four interviews were conducted with inhabitants from different communities
within Manguinhos.
In total, four kinds of interviews were conducted: three with institutions and another one
with the community (see ANNEX C). The researcher also attended seminars as well as
Audiences and Forum on the discussion of PAC (see ANNEX B).
The researcher also visited the district to verify and better understand the problems and
potentials of the following communities: Parque Carlos Chagas, Samora Machel,
Embratel and Nelson Mandela.
Third Phase
After returning to Germany, the research was reviewed, presented and discussed.
Contents
This thesis is divided into six chapters plus a foreword, introduction and final
considerations. The foreword presents the topic that will be addressed in the thesis while
the introduction defines the research object, the questions that the research intends to
answer, the objectives and the document outline.
24
The first chapter focuses on the changes in the industrial sector in Rio de Janeiro and the
consequences of such: urban degraded areas in productive parts of the city. The second
chapter relates the industrialization with the issue soil contamination and how to
manage this kind of problem.
The third chapter describes the public policies in urban sustainable development that
aim to somehow deal with the problems described in the earlier chapters.
Brownfield redevelopment is then discussed in the fourth chapter as a way of explaining
the connection between the topic at hand and other fields of knowledge. It also clarifies
how the redevelopment should be undertaken and by whom and provides some past
examples.
The fifth chapter presents the results obtained from a diagnosis of the case study. After
explaining the context of the case study and the methods used to understand the
brownfield redevelopment vs. housing problem in the region, the sixth chapter then
shows the results obtained from the interviews.
The last part of the thesis includes the Final Considerations, which discuss the
conclusions brought forward by the research and some suggestions for future studies.
25
1. INDUSTRIALIZATION IN RIO DE JANEIRO, BRAZIL
Similarly to what occurred all over the world, Brazil passed through an industrialization
process, although slightly later. Even so, problems that have already been addressed in
developed countries can be found in developing nations like Brazil.
Industries have started to move away from their first location in search of improved
financing conditions, technology, transport and security.
What remains in their place? This is still a point to be discussed in Brazil, especially in
the largest metropolitan areas such as Rio de Janeiro (Metropolitan Area of Rio de
Janeiro – RMRJ).
By providing an overview of the city and state of Rio de Janeiro, this chapter is
designed to describe the problems associated with soil contamination as a result of
industrialization and urban sprawl.
1.1. Origin of the problem
For almost 200 years (from 1763 until 1960) during the time in which Rio de Janeiro
was the country’s capital, economic development was never considered a priority. This
condition of being the capital of the country gave the city many advantages in terms of
the presence of a large number of workers with stable and high incomes (see Santos
(2003, 72)).
However, with the arrival of the Portuguese Royal Family in Brazil in 1808, Rio de
Janeiro underwent a major change. Because the Royal Family brought with them all the
nobility from Portugal, they needed to build the infrastructure required, such as banks,
university, museums, an electricity network, transportation, gas, etc. Many international
enterprises were responsible for providing these kinds of services in Brazil. It was the
first significant moment in both the country’s and city’s industrialization process.
26
Thirteen years after that Royal Family arrived in Brazil, in 1821, Rio de Janeiro was
still a simple city. It was built by freguesias 2 of Candelária, São José, Sacramento,
Santa Rita and Santana that today correspondent to the administrative regions of the
Downtown and Harbor areas (see Figure 3 and ANNEX A).
Figure 3: Municipality of Rio de Janeiro: freguesias in the 19th Century
Source: adapted from Noronha Santos (1965) apud Abreu (2006, 38)
In a short time, the freguesias of Candelária and São José were transformed into the
preferred places to live by the powerful class responsible for administrative activities.
During the first half of the 20th century, the high income class was able to move from
the downtown area in the direction of the neighborhoods of Lapa, Catete and Glória
(freguesia of Glória), Botafogo (freguesia of Lagoa) and São Cristóvão (freguesia of
Engenho Velho) (see Figure 3 and ANNEX A).
At the same time, freguesias of Santana and Santa Rita were places for the low income
class (see Figure 3). Since they were not able to use public transportation and they
needed to live near the downtown area of the city, this was one of the few possibilities
to fulfill their needs.
2
Former area of church assistance that originated the smallest administrative division of a city.
27
The others freguesias of the city did not change much and their morphology-appearance
between 1838 and 1870 was essentially rural. Many of them, however, presented
intense economic activity, as shown through the ceramics and tanneries within Inhaúma
freguesia, and through the small harbors that were responsible for distributing goods in
the urban area (Inhaúma, Maria Angu, Brás de Pina, Pavuna) (see Abreu, (2006, 43)).
Between 1870 and 1902, Rio de Janeiro underwent accelerated urban sprawl also
because of the transportation system, which involved trams and trains. The trams were
more often used by the high income class, which could afford to use them. The trains,
however, were more related to the sprawl of those who were not able live as close to the
downtown area or pay for the expensive land in the downtown districts.
The year 1858 marked the first phase of the Dom Pedro II Railway, connecting Santana
freguesia to Queimados (located today in the city of Nova Iguaçu) (see Figure 4). Three
years later the train reached Cascadura. This infrastructure attracted people to live all
along the route between the downtown area and Cascadura. The former rural area
transformed into small villages where people could find low cost housing (see Abreu
(2006, 50)).
Figure 4: Railway Route in Rio de Janeiro
Source: adapted from Abreu (2006, 52)
28
In 1880, two more railways began operating: Rio D’Ouro Railway, which connected
Royal Quinta 3 do Caju to the dam of Gold River (Rio D’Ouro) in Baixada Fluminense;
and the soon to be Leopoldina Railway, known at that time as North Road (Estrada do
Norte), which connected Bonsucesso, Ramos, Olaria, Penha, Bras de Pina, Cordovil,
Lucas and Vigário Geral to the downtown area of the city (see Figure 4) (see loc. cit.,
51 and 53).
Finally, the first part of the Melhoramentos do Brasil Railway (Brazil Improvements)
was opened in 1893, later to be called Linha Auxiliar (Auxiliary Line) after being
connected to the Central Station (Central do Brasil). The Auxiliary Line was used to
connect Mangueira to Sapopemba (today, Deodoro) (see Figure 4) (see loc. cit., 53).
1.2. Industrialization in the City of Rio de Janeiro – Beginning of the 20th
Century
As can be noted, in the last decade of the 19th century, the suburbs of Rio de Janeiro
were growing like never before. At the beginning of the 20th century, this growth would
come into conflict with the industries that started to leave the downtown area in
direction of the suburbs.
The 20th century began with the most important industrial park installed in the city of
Rio de Janeiro. Although the sector improved its role in the economic life of the city
between 1907 and 1920, its leadership was replaced by the city of São Paulo. Even if
Rio de Janeiro was in second place, it concentrated around one-fifth of the invested
capital, driving power, employees and total industrial production of the country (see
Brasil (1927) apud Freitas Filho/ Cury (2004, 11)).
At this time, the countryside of Guanabara State 4 had coffee production as its main
economic activity. A more diversified industrial structure was consolidated: the
3
Urban property
Guanabara State used to be what today is the Municipality of Rio de Janeiro. It had this status between
the time that Rio de Janeiro ceased from being the capital of Brazil (in 1963) until 1974. The Estate of
Rio de Janeiro was formerly all the municipalities existing today except for the city of Rio de Janeiro, and
the capital was Niteroi.
4
29
predominant producers of consumer goods, producers of intermediary goods (chemistry
– production of caustic soda, sulphate, explosives, mineral paint, varnishes, plant-based
glue, manure) and of capital (iron foundry and lamination, machinery in general, repair
of electric engines, etc.). The majority of the factories were, however, small or medium
in size (see Freitas Filho/ Cury (2004, 11)).
The textile industries were located in the city’s Southern zone, while the other industries
(shoes, hats, drinks, furniture, provision industries and others) were installed in the
downtown area until the beginning of the 20th century. At the end of the 19th century,
however, the industries started to move from the downtown area in direction of São
Cristóvão. It was easier for them to use large houses to implement their industries.
Additionally, São Cristóvão was a district with solid infrastructure next to the railways
and harbor.
At the same time that the industries began to increase their role in the Brazilian
economy, slavery was coming to an end. That gave rise to another problem: the former
slaves no longer had anywhere to live. Because the industries needed labor, the
government came up with the idea of giving the industries incentives to build
condominiums for their workers (see Figure 5).
Figure 5: Condominium for Aliança’s Textile Industry Workers in Laranjeiras, Rio de Janeiro
30
And as this took place, some of the workers’ condominiums were built near the
downtown area of the city, Jardim Botânico, Vila Isabel, Sampaio, Bangu, Caju,
Andaraí and São Cristóvão. This policy would lose its place in the future. This was one
of the main connections between industries and housing. Later, these types of
condominiums would attract more and more people to live near possible work sites, and
some slums began to form (see Figure 7).
The trains and trams led to a type of specialization within the city at the start of the 20th
century. The functions of working and living were separated at the same time that low
income families lived far apart from high income families.
Therefore, the first decade of the 20th century was marked by the completion of several
different works in the city of Rio de Janeiro with the objective of cleaning up the city’s
downtown area to improve its sanitary conditions. This meant that low income families
were driven away. Some avenues (like Rio Branco Avenue) or streets were opened
exactly where low income families used to live. The families were then forced to pay
high rents, live with others families or to move away from the downtown area to the
suburbs in slums (see Figure 6).
Figure 6: Design of Rio Branco Avenue, Rio de Janeiro
Source: Ferrez (1982) apud Abreu (2006, 65)
After this reform, the lower income families began to occupy the hills, originating in the
slums (Providência, São Carlos, Santo Antônio and others). This also gave rise to the
31
start of informal settlements in the suburbs found today in the city’s Northern zone (see
Figure 7).
Northern Zone
Figure 7: Slums in the City of Rio de Janeiro – 2004
Source: Armazém de Dados
The “urban surgeries” continued to affect the poor districts. On the other hand, the
industries could be found throughout the entire city and began to reach the suburbs,
bringing with them infrastructure and jobs. Those excluded by the reform began to
move closer to the industries creating new slums.
Between 1920 and 1940, the industry in Rio de Janeiro became more diverse with the
increased presence of areas such as Civil Construction, Editorial and Graphics,
Production of Non-Metallic Minerals and Mechanics, among others. The “traditional”
industries, producers of consumer goods, intermediate goods and capital, still retained
their dominant position, although their participation in the overall percentage fell in
relation to 1920. The innovative element was on account of the “new” branches,
Mechanical Manufacturing, Non-Metallic Minerals, Editorial and Graphics and Civil
Construction. In 1950, the four industrial areas accounted for more than 30% of the total
number of shops and employees. They also participated with about one-fourth of the
32
total production value, driving force and capital employed in all of Rio de Janeiro’s
industrial production (see Freitas Filho/ Cury (2004, 11)).
After the World War I, industry began to receive investments that before were directed
at the coffee economy. As a result, there were improvements in the downtown area as
well as the city’s Northern and Southern zones. The government also destroyed some of
the hills (slums) occupied by low income families.
The second decade of the 20th century was marked by the intense movement of the
industries from the downtown areas to the suburbs. The glass industry CISPER installed
itself in Maria da Graça. In 1921, General Electric started operations on an old farm
and was followed by the company Marvin and then by others industries. This negatively
affected the housing of many people who had formed informal settlements, such as the
Jacarezinho slum (see Abreu, (2006, 80)).
Certain industries began to occupy the suburbs of Leopoldina, Auxiliary Line and Rio
D’Ouro even before 1930. These included the National Textile Company Nova America
in Del Castilho in 1924; General Electric in Maria da Graca in 1921; and Cisper and
Marvim in Jacarezinho in 1917 and 1921, respectively. Those were the first industries
to come to the suburbs and without public help (see Abreu (2006, 99)) (see ANNEX A).
Although the large industries began to occupy the suburbs, the smaller industries
continued to operate in the downtown area, while the medium sized industries moved to
São Cristóvão.
By any means, the industrial sector kept attracting people and due to the single-charged
tariff and affordable price at the time, they began to move to the suburbs and established
new districts.
Certain facilities then came to be installed in the suburbs, such as the Army Installations
in Inhaúma, Irajá and Campo Grande as well as the Automobile and Suburban
Avenues. Industry attracted infrastructure that attracted people that in turn attracted
more industry that then attracted more infrastructure and so on. The suburbs were no
longer suburban, but rather urban.
33
1.3. Industrialization in the City of Rio de Janeiro – 20th Century
Between 1930 and 1950, the city of Rio de Janeiro became more populated, primarily
due to the growing industry activity that attracted people from neighboring states and
then from the country’s Northern region who were looking for jobs.
Because the industrial sector could not count on government incentives, they installed
their operations in already urbanized sites, usually next to the downtown area of the city
where they could take advantage of the already existing transportation, commerce and
available, low-cost labor.
After the 1930’s, this scenario would change. With the international crisis in 1929,
Brazilian industry had the chance to develop in sectors that had been little explored
before, such as equipment and consumer goods. Between 1940 and 1950, the number of
industrial establishments grew 30% (from 4,169 to 5,693); number of employed people,
40% (from 115,020 to 160,105); and production, 441% (see Lobo (1978) apud Abreu
(2006, 96)).
At the same time that the production increased, the industries’ installations had to
undergo certain physical changes. Different kinds of industries that did not exist before
installed their operations in Rio de Janeiro. As a result, the suburbs began to be
occupied by both types of industries at the time: the existing ones that needed to
improve their installations and the new industries.
In 1930, others industries joined the first ones, such as Gillette and Silva Pedrosa in
Benfica, and the National Paper Company in Jacarezinho.
This industry movement from the downtown area in direction of the suburbs was also
intensified by the occupation of the former industrial areas localized in the downtown
area by other types of industry, such as furniture, as well as by the government
intervention that began to play a role in industrial localization starting in the 1930s.
For the first time, through the Decree-Law 6000/37, an industrial zone was defined
inside the city. The zone defined by the Decree covered the traditional district of São
34
Cristóvão, the new Jacarezinho district until Bonsucesso, and along the coast until
Ramos. The priority zone where the large industries set up shop in 1937 was the land
from the automobile club until Guanabara Bay, next to the limits of the former State of
Rio de Janeiro. Three others areas were defined for industries: the left border of the
central railway Central do Brasil, another following the Auxiliary Line and a third one
following Rio DÒuro Railway (see Figure 8) (see Abreu (2006, 101)).
Figure 8: Industrial Zoning in Rio de Janeiro
Source: Estado da Guanabara (1969) apud Abreu (2006, 102).
During World War II, the difficulties associated with importing manufactures prompted
the city government to allow the installation of the industries wherever they wanted in
the suburbs. During the 1950’s, the industries that remained left the downtown area.
Another axel of expansion for industrial growth was the effective occupation of Brasil
Avenue (see Figure 9).
35
Figure 9: Movement of Large and Medium Sized Industries in Rio de Janeiro Until 1965
Source: Estado da Guanabara (1969) apud Abreu (2006, 104)
Brasil Avenue would later be occupied by the slums. The localization of the slums near
the industrial areas at that time was commonplace. Some industries, such as
Jacarezinho, looked for a site near the slums to profit from the concentrated amounts of
low-cost labor. Slums could also be found in the downtown area and Southern zone of
the city where the job market was growing due to the increased service offer, especially
domestic services (see Figure 10) (see Abreu (2006, 103)).
36
Figure 10: Slums in the City of Rio de Janeiro – 1942
Source: adapted from Parisse (1969) apud Abreu (2006, 105)
In 1975, the new State of Rio de Janeiro emerged through the union of the former states
of Guanabara and Rio de Janeiro. The government made this decision with the
objective of correcting a mistake unremedied until that time: the lack of improvement to
the rural economy. However, even with state planning, the government responsible for
the union of the former states could not change the panorama of economic crisis in Rio
de Janeiro, even with the presence of the company Petrobras (see Freitas Filho/ Cury
(2004, 73)).
Thus, the decay of Rio de Janeiro’s economic participation in the Brazilian GDP
occurred while the country continued to undergo industrialization. São Paulo was
leading this process and Rio de Janeiro had become just a minor player. Between 1960
and 1970, the slow-down of the Rio de Janeiro economy became extremely serious.
This situation continued until the 1990’s when the state’s participation in the GDP
increased slightly between 1991 and 1993. In 1994, its participation fell yet again.
37
Therefore, the state intended to boost its economy one more time, although now using
the base of the tertiary sector. Between 1998 and 2005, the tertiary sector received 60%
of the investments programmed in Rio de Janeiro, while the industrial sector
participated with less than 40% (see Santos (2003, 75)).
Since the 1980’s, however, a new special configuration has been articulated regarding
the effects of globalization in terms increasing population urbanization. The government
lost the financing and political capacity of being the main actor of public policies related
to spatial development. The municipal governments have become more independent
and, as a result, are more apt to face problems associated with city management such
generation of income and job. In the state of Rio de Janeiro, the capital is given an
important role as the nucleus of the metropolitan area of Rio de Janeiro. In the 1990’s, it
was successful in keeping unemployment rates lower in all of Brazil’s metropolitan
areas.
According to the Municipal Secretary of Urbanism (Secretaria Municipal de Urbanismo
- SMU), during the 1990’s, the sectors with better performance were the ones from the
communication and public utilities areas. The sectors of transportation, schools and
hospitals, lodging and provisions, conservation and repairs, domestic and personal
services also grew. On the other hand, the transforming industries of the city as well as
the civil construction took some steps backward.
1.4. Changes in the Industrial Sector – 21st Century
In 2001, the Fluminense 5 economy produced 12% less than in 1990. While its total
participation in the economy was 43.5% in 1985, this figure could be estimated at less
than 30% in 2001. Better results were observed in the production of intermediary goods,
chemical, and primarily, food, with all experiencing significant expansion. Some
sectors, such as durable consumer goods, drinks, pharmaceutical and perfumes, tended
to decrease as well (see Rio de Janeiro (2006b)).
5
Any individual born in the state of Rio de Janeiro is called fluminense.
38
Besides the empowerment of the municipal governments, privatization in the productive
state sector also contributed to the changes in the industrial sector. The privatizations in
the telecommunication services transformed the city of Rio de Janeiro into the
headquarters for large number of enterprises responsible for this service.
Last, but not the least, the industrial sector decrease in Rio de Janeiro could be
considered a change in default pattern of development that reduces the centrality of the
industries as a dynamic axel that contributes to the sprawl of the production process and
creation of jobs (see Santos (2003, 77)).
Even though data from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (Instituto
Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística – IBGE) for 1999 and 2000 shows that
investments in the secondary sector increased, it is important to underline that during
the 1980’s, there was a secondary sector loss of participation in the GDP as well as in its
redistribution. The industry went forward with its strategy of moving away from
metropolitan spaces, seeking refuge in places where it would be possible to find cheaper
labor while avoiding problems with the labor union movement (see loc. cit., 79).
In this way, the majority of the industries that used to be in Rio de Janeiro city moved
from the capital to others municipalities within the metropolitan area or to another city
in the state. The city of Rio de Janeiro therefore lost its importance as a secondary
sector. However, the state is currently the second largest economic pole in the country,
responsible for 14.5% of the national GDP (see CODIN (2007)).
The metallurgy of iron pole was installed in Itaguaí, the chemical-gas pole in Duque de
Caxias and the petrochemical pole in Itaboraí and São Gonçalo, and there was an
empowerment of the naval, automobile and the transformation industries. In Santa Cruz,
industrial district of the city Rio de Janeiro the iron metallurgy sector was improved, as
was mechanical, metallurgical, mineral and non-metal, chemical and leather material
production (see Rio de Janeiro (2006)) (see Figure 11).
Other districts installed inside the city, such as Campo Grande, Palmares, Paciência
and Botafogo, receive different gender of industries: chemical, metallurgy, mechanical,
39
plastic, food, mineral and non-metal, pharmaceutical products, furniture, drinks and
perfumery (see loc. cit.).
Nowadays, the city of Rio de Janeiro concentrates its economic activities in the areas of
tourism, telecommunications and entertainment. Recently, the creative and knowledge
industries associated with the segments connected to the culture, entertainment and
technology have attracted investments to the city due to its strong image.
In 2004, the state of Rio de Janeiro was a leader in the attraction of new direct
investments, with about $ 16.7 billion from 2004-2010. Petrobras alone plans to invest
about $ 28 billion in Rio de Janeiro. Furthermore, exports by the state grew more than
150% for the 2000-2004 period, placing 5th in the ranking of state exporters (see
CODIN (2007)).
With a per capita income of $ 16,500 (2004 estimate), the second largest in the country
and 60% above the national average, the city recorded industrial growth of 48.93%,
while Brazil has not surpassed the 25.72% mark over the past five years. Among the
states of the more developed regions (South and Southeast), Rio de Janeiro had the
biggest participation in the Brazilian GDP (see loc. cit.).
The main activities that are implemented all over the state include: Oil, Industry and
Naval and Offshore; Telecommunications and Information Technology; Cinema, Video
and TV (Audiovisual; Metal-mechanic, Steel and Automotive; Petrochemical and GasChemical; Irrigated Fruits, Flowers and Ornamental Plants, Ornamental Rocks; Drinks;
Pharmaceutical and Biotechnology and Cement (see loc. cit.).
However, although the city gives some incentives to the industries, they continue to run
away from their original installation sites, creating a challenge for the municipality.
Some of the reasons for the industrial extinction or migration include changes in the
factory layout (due to technological development), location and infrastructure
(fundamental to the distribution of wealth), public security and work force costs, etc. As
a consequence, the large pieces of equipment located in areas without infrastructure that
40
before were used in industrial production are now abandoned, some the object of illegal
occupations and others becoming vacant urban lands (see loc. cit.).
Table 1: Industrial Development in Rio de Janeiro
19th Century
Beginning of the 20th
century (until 1930)
FACTS
CONSEQUENCES
INDUSTRY TYPE
Arrival of Portuguese
Royal Family
Improvement of
transportation system
Industries were
constructed throughout
the entire city
Rio de Janeiro is
considered the most
important industrial
center in Brazil
Urban Reforms
Unpretentious beginning
of industrialization
Ceramics
Urban sprawl
Tanneries
Industries
start
occupy the suburbs
20th Century
to
Decree Law 6000/37
World War II
Construction of Brasil
Avenue
Creation of Rio de
Janeiro State
21st Century
Distribution of goods
(Harbor)
Slums
Avenues
An industrial zone is
defined for the first time
in Rio de Janeiro.
The remaining industries
left the downtown area.
New direction of urban
sprawl, also for slums
Decay of Rio de
Janeiro’s economy as
the industries move to
other states
Rio de Janeiro lost its
first place position in
industrialization to Sao
Paulo
Metropolitan Area of Rio
de Janeiro
Privatization
Rio de Janeiro is the
Brazilian headquarters
for the
telecommunications
industry
Intense industrial
growth
Oil
Producers of consumer
goods, intermediary
goods (chemistry –
production of caustic
soda, sulphate,
explosives, mineral
paint, varnishes, plantbased glue, manure)
and of capital (iron
foundry and lamination,
machinery in general,
repair of electric
engines).
The sectors of
transportation, schools
and hospitals, lodging
and provisions,
conservation and
repairs, domestic and
personal services have
grown. On the other
hand, the
transformation of
industries in the city as
well as the civil
construction sector
have taken some steps
backwards.
Oil, Industry and Naval
and Offshore;
Telecommunications
and Information
Technology; Cinema,
Video and TV
(Audiovisual; Metalmechanic, Steel and
Automotive;
Petrochemical and GasChemical; Irrigated
Fruits, Flowers and
Ornamental Plants,
Ornamental Rocks;
Drinks; Pharmaceutical
and Biotechnology and
Cement.
41
METROPOLITAN AREA OF
RIO DE JANEIRO
GUARAPIRIM
PARACAMBI
DUQUE DE CAXIAS
NOVA IGUAÇU
MAGÉ
JAPERI
BELFORD ROXO
QUEIMADOS
ITABORAÍ
SEROPEDICA
MESQUITA
TANGUÁ
SÃO JOÃO DE MERITI
NORTHEASTERN- FLUMINENSE
NILÓPOLIS
SÃO GONÇALO
ITAGUAÍ
MANGARATIBA
RIO DE JANEIRO
NITERÓI
MARICÁ
NORTHERN-FLUMINENSE
CENTER-FLUMINENSE
FLUMINENSE-SOUTHERN
METROPOLtTAN MESOREGION
OF RIO DE JANEIRO
Figure 11: Metropolitan Area of Rio de Janeiro
Source: Observatório da Metrópoles (2005)
Rio de Janeiro
Metropolitan Area
56,890m
BAIXADAS
Rio de Janeiro
State
2. CONTAMINATED SITES MANAGEMENT
Urban regeneration is an important emerging issue in Brazil, although the topic of
contaminated land management seriously lacks the legislation, appropriate institutional
structures and financial resources to cope with the problem.
Since the legal and institutional framework that regulates land use based on soil quality
is weak or even non-existent, it makes it difficult to consider “brownfields” as a real
public policy issue. In order to promote the brownfield issue, then, soil contamination
must become an environmental issue to be legally enforced.
In this way, many questions involving contaminated site revitalization still require law
enforcement, since the situation falls under the investor’s responsibility and the future
party responsible for the area remediation, the choice of remediation objectives, the
communication risk and the connection between the public institutions in the field.
Brazil, on the other hand, has been investing in urban sustainable development policies
on an international level as a result of Rio-92, Agenda 21, and Millennium
Development Goals, and on a national level due to the City Statute. The country,
however, is not yet concerned about the management of contaminated sites
2.1. The Environmental Legacy 6
The topic of contaminated land has gained increasing importance in many areas of
policy, research and practice and also within different countries and on an international
level.
Contaminated land is the general term used to describe sites and wider areas of land that
have elevated concentrations of chemicals or other substances (contamination), usually
resulting from human use of land.
6
See Clarinet (2002b).
43
The environmental legacy that is discussed here is characterized as the contamination
resulting from past practices – historic (past) or legacy (inherited) contamination. It is
an important category of land contamination for two main reasons: (1) the persistent
nature of contamination in soil or groundwater means that problems can occur now or
that they may occur in the future as a result of actions that took place several years ago;
(2) the problems from legacy contamination are often more difficult to manage than
contamination which might result from new activities.
The extent of contaminated land in different countries and the approaches to manage the
associated problems have been the subject of considerable discussion and exchange of
information and ideas over the last 10 years or so. To some degree, all countries have
inherited a legacy of contamination from previous land use.
2.2. Definitions
The topic is not very easy to understand since there are many definitions that must be
analyzed to gain an improved comprehension of the problem. Important terms like
environment, environmental risk, environmental pollution, environmental degradation
and environmental recovery are defined below.
2.2.1. Environment
According to Brazilian law, environment is defined as “the group of conditions, laws,
influences and interactions of a physical, chemical and biological order that permit,
shelter and conduce life in all its forms”(Federal Law 6938/ 1981 apud Sanchez (2006,
19)).
There are several others definitions for environment all over the world, but the
important point that must be emphasized is the fact that the concept of environment fits
between two poles: the resource provider and the way of life. Environment is not only a
place to be defended, protected, or even conserved intact, but rather must be seen as a
potential source of resources that allows for the renewal of material and social
development (see Goudard (1980, 07) apud Sanchez (2006, 21)).
44
2.2.2. Pollution
Pollution is basically a condition that surrounds life and can be dangerous to it. Human
action is the cause of pollution and therefore, human activities must be controlled to
avoid or to minimize the same.
According to Rio de Janeiro Law (Rio de Janeiro Law-Decree 134/75, Art 1.), pollution
is any modification of physical, chemical and biological properties caused by any type
of material or energy as a result of human activities and that may be either directly or
indirectly harmful to the health, security and well-being of populations; it can be caused
by the inappropriate use of the environment for domestic, agricultural, breeding,
industrial, public, commercial, leisure and esthetical objectives and which may also
cause damage to the fauna, flora and ecological balance and properties if the activities
are not in harmony with their surrounding.
The National Policy of Environment Law (see Federal Law 6938/1981) defines
pollution as the degradation of environmental quality resulting from activities that
directly and indirectly cause damage to the health, security and well-being of
population, create adverse conditions for social and economic activities and affect
esthetic or sanitary conditions.
The terms pollution and contamination are important in the definition of a contaminated
area, since the relevant technical literature and also Brazilian environmental laws
sometimes include these. In the Brazilian Federal Laws, pollution is the most commonly
used term, while contamination is limited to some references (see Cetesb (1999, 04,
chapter 01)).
2.2.3. Contaminated Areas
According to the National Environmental Board (CONAMA), a contaminated area is
defined as an area, piece of land, place, installation, building or wealth that before was
classified as a contaminated area under investigation in which a quantity or
45
concentration of material is found with the conditions to cause damage to human
health 7.
CETESB defines contaminated areas as those with proven pollution caused by any
substance or waste that has been placed there, accumulated, stored, buried or infiltrated,
and that has a negative impact on that which should be protected (see CETESB (2001)).
Considering a contaminated area as a particular kind of degraded area is important,
since it allows for the use of Federal Law in cases of contaminated site remediation.
Law 6938/81 regulated by Decree 99.271/90, which outlines the National
Environmental Policy in its Articles 2 and 4, aims to recover degraded areas and make
the polluter responsible for the recovery of the area or for paying for the damage caused
(see Cetesb (2001, 04, chapter 01)).
Contaminated areas are lands with pollution or contamination caused by the
introduction of any substance or waste that has been discarded, accumulated, stored,
buried or infiltrated in a planned, accidental or even natural way (see Instituto EKOS
Brasil (2004-2008) – the Contaminated Areas FAQs ).
According to CETESB (1996-2008), a contaminated area is defined as an area, piece of
land, place, installation or wealth that, after a risk evaluation, is reported as having a
quantity or concentration of material that causes or may cause damage to human health.
Soil and groundwater can be contaminated because of black ditches and septic tanks,
wells, the injection of hazardous substances, runoffs of municipal and industrial
effluents into the soil and others. Such sites may also be contaminated by storage
activities or the treatment and disposal of substances in the soil, such as landfills and
industrial landfills, storage ponds and the treatment of industrial effluents, deposits or
piles of waste from mining, storage tanks, etc. of the transportation of dangerous
substances such as oil pipelines, pipelines, sewage and industrial effluents, and the truck
and train transport of chemicals can also lead to contamination. Agricultural activity can
7
Resolution proposal presented by the Contaminated Area Group within the subject “Management of
Contaminated Areas” – CONAMA, meeting of 03 – 4/10/2007.
46
also be a source of contamination through irrigation or fertilization combined with the
irrigation of crops and application of pesticides and fertilizers (see loc. cit.).
2.2.4. Risk Evaluation (of contaminated area)
Risk evaluation is a process through which the risks to human health or to an area of
environmental interest are identified, evaluated and quantified (see CETESB (2007)).
According to the EKOS Institute, risk evaluation is the identification and quantification
of risks not only to human health but also to ecosystems, agriculture production,
buildings and the urban infrastructure present in a contaminated area.
2.2.5. Environmental Degradation
Environmental degradation can be defined as any non-expected modification in
environmental processes, functions and components, or any non-expected modification
in the environmental quality. To summarize, environmental degradation has a negative
environmental impact (see Figure 12).
The environment may be degraded in different ways, and the term “degraded area” is
considered the result of soil, vegetation and water degradation.
Figure 12: Definitions of Degradation and Environmental Recovery vs. Sustainability
Source: adapted from Sánchez (2006, 27)
47
2.2.6. Environmental Impact
Environmental impact can be defined as changes in environmental quality that result
from changes caused by human action in natural or social processes (see Sanchez
(1998a) apud Sánchez (2006, 32)).
CONAMA Resolution 1, dated January 23, 1986 defines environmental impact as any
change in the physical, chemical and biological properties of an environment caused by
any material or energy form resulting from human activities that could affect: I. the
health, security and well-being of the population; II. social and economic activities; III.
biota - the esthetic and sanitary conditions of the environment; and V. the quality of
environmental resources.
2.2.7. Environmental Recovery
Environmental recovery is a general term used to describe the adoption of management
techniques to change a degraded environment into an adequate space for new
production use, granted that it is sustainable in nature (see Figure 12).
In this way, Sanchez (2006) divides environmental recovery into three types:
restoration, rehabilitation and remediation. The first one is the return of a degraded area
to the conditions that existed before the degradation. Rehabilitation is the most common
type of environmental recovery, designed to habilitate the area for a new use.
Remediation defines the environmental recovery of a particular kind of degraded area,
the contaminated one.
When overland environments are recovered, the process may be referred to as the
recovery of degraded areas. And since it refers to degraded urban environments, it is
common to hear the terms revitalization or re-qualification (see Sanchez (2006, 42)), as
well as renovation (Maricato (2003, 125)).
48
2.3. Contaminated Sites Around the World
Due to more intense and longer periods of industrial production, many of the most
developed countries currently have several contaminated sites that have already been
identified (see Figure 13).
Initially, these sites were perceived as severe incidents, as widespread infrastructural
problems of varying intensity and significance. Today, it is widely recognized that
drastic risk control, for example cleaning up all sites to reduce concentrations to levels
suitable for the most sensitive types of land use, is neither technically nor economically
feasible (see Fergunson (1999, 33)).
In the United States, there are an estimated 600,000 brownfields. A national report from
February 2000 lists 201 cities that, together, have more than 81, 568 acres of land
occupied by brownfields. Until today, however, several studies have tried to quantify
the brownfields within U.S. territory (see Vasques (2005, 26)).
In Europe, brownfields are mainly concentrated in countries with older industrialization
histories, such as the United Kingdom, France, Germany and Belgium, as a result of the
economic structure changes and the decay of the traditional industries (see Vasques
(2005, 30)).
About 50,000 to 100,000 contaminated areas can be found in the United Kingdom,
while at the start of the 1980s, the Netherlands had a survey containing around 4,000
possible contaminated areas. Up to 1993, almost 140,000 had already been identified
(see Valentim (2007, 46)).
49
Figure 13: Brownfields and Contaminated Sites in Europe
Source: CLARINET (2002a, 10).
In Latin America, urban brownfield redevelopment and the management of
contaminated sites are currently new topics of concern, especially in the metropolitan
areas of mega cities like Mexico City, São Paulo, Buenos Aires and Rio de Janeiro (see
Marker et al. (2007b, 05)).
Industrialization during and after World War II, intense mining activities and the
processing of raw products like ore, crude oil, timber and enhanced industrial growth,
especially in the areas of metallurgy, metal transforming and chemicals in the 1960s and
1970s left traces in the soil and groundwater. Law on solid waste management and
pollutant industry licensing is rather recent in Latin American countries. The rapidly
increasing population concentration in urban centers and metropolis made the issue of
solid waste disposal even more critical since the installations were often not controlled
and inner urban spaces became scarce and expensive. The result was obvious: landfills
contaminated the soil and groundwater and jeopardized human health. In the late 1980s
and early 1990s, a new cycle of economic reorientation and the increasing
infrastructural difficulties in the mega-cities led to the exodus of industries, similarly to
what occurred in Europe 15 years earlier. The resulting derelict land was left with the
stigma of contamination and degradation, remained abandoned and started attracting
dwellers and illegal or informal occupation. Urban planners and regulators were aware
of the problems, but it has only been in recent years that these issues have started to
gain more importance and consideration as far as legal frameworks and more
sustainable urban development strategies are concerned (Marker et al. (2007a, 02)).
50
2.4. Contaminated Sites in Brazil
Until today, Brazil treats the issue of contamination with the existing laws on pollution
control, even though Brazil and in particular the state of São Paulo have submitted draft
bills on soil protection and contaminated site remediation.
Through the Ministry of the Environment (MMA) and the Federal Ministry of Health,
the Brazilian Federal Government has promoted certain actions focused on remediating
contaminated sites.
The MMA has elaborated a diagnostic with information on the management of chemical
substances, including an inventory of priority contaminated sites in Brazil (National
Chemical Substance Management Profile) within the PRORISC program of the
Ministry (see Brazilian Ministry of the Environment, (2007) apud loc. cit.)
The National Program for Public Health Control in Populations Exposed to
Contaminated Sites (VIGISOLO) implemented by the Federal Ministry of Health has
the objective of establishing an information system on contaminated sites for the
Brazilian national territory, promoting inter-institutional cooperation, developing
nationwide guidelines on the identification and evaluation of site-related health risks,
and skill building and environmental education, involving federal, state and municipal
agents of the Unified Health System (SUS) of Brazil. In 2005, the government
identified 703 sites with exposure risk for the population (see VIGISOLO (2007), apud
loc. cit.).
Through its National Environmental Board (CONAMA), the federal government
created a task force focused on managing the contaminated sites. The task force is
currently preparing a resolution to establish criteria, guidelines and institutional
processes for contaminated site management.
Inventories of contaminated sites are rather well developed in the state of São Paulo,
where almost 2000 sites have already been registered, investigated and partially
remediated (see CETESB Inventory, 2007 apud loc. cit). São Paulo has the best
institutional structure of all the states in Brazil when it comes to contaminated sites.
51
Other states, however, have also been dealing with this problem for some time now,
especially in cases that are well-known due to the extension of the contamination as
well as the risks to public health. Contamination by organochlorides in the municipality
of Duque de Caxias (Cidade dos Meninos), in the state of Rio de Janeiro and by the
leader Santo Amaro da Purificação, Bahia, are some of the most notorious examples
(See Valentim (2007, 47)).
Also in Duque de Caxias, there was an important case that made the Brazilian Federal
Loan and Savings Bank (CAIXA) aware of the contamination problem. The event
occurred in a condominium building in which CAIXA was financing future inhabitants.
Because Duque de Caxias is also considered an industrial municipality that is now
losing its industries to other municipalities, many former industrial sites gained new
uses 8 .
The Flamboyant condominium building was one of these. While the construction was
taking place, the bank supervisors found oil in some of the puddles. The enterprise
responsible for the construction then performed a preliminary environmental analysis
and discovered that there was soil contamination from a nearby gas station.
Three years after this event, the venture is bankrupt and those responsible for the
damage have not yet been judged guilty. Only this year, the State Environment
Engineering Foundation (FEEMA) made a statement about the environmental crime.
Another case occurred with CAIXA when it was financing the construction of a
building in Mauá, São Paulo. A worker died during the construction project after an
explosion caused by gases found in the soil in an underground garbage storage.
According to Natália Couto, coordinator of the Environmental Liability Group from the
municipality of Rio de Janeiro, another major case that caused the municipal
government to pay more attention to the problem of contaminated soil involved the
Public Energy and Gas Company (CEG).
8
See Interview with CAIXA.
52
The enterprise had the intention of selling its huge plot located near the harbor zone.
Even the municipality had many plans for the area, like a new large condominium with
6,000 apartments, among other projects. However, one day a journalist passing by on
the CEG sidewalk saw some oil spots in the puddles as the result of infrastructure
repairs.
Helped by the Coordination of Post-Graduate Programs in Engineering (COPPE), the
municipality performed an initial analysis and discovered that the soil was
contaminated. CEG was then held responsible for performing a more in-depth analysis
to see where the contamination was migrating. The result was unbelievable: all of the
surroundings, the plot itself and even the ocean were contaminated with oil and in high
levels. For the past three years, the company has been cleaning up the site.
2.4.1. The Diagnosis of Contaminated Sites in Brazil
Those above mentioned examples reflect a problem found all over the country. In Rio
de Janeiro as well as in the other Brazilian states, it is still not easy to convince
industries to invest in environmental protection. Some executives believe that
environmental costs may reduce the competitiveness of national and foreign products.
Because of this, some of them see numerous problems in obtaining an environmental
license and dealing directly with the responsible public institutions.
The most important consortium is the PRI São Cristóvão. It refers to a revitalization
project for the São Cristóvão zone. Many actors worked together to survey the degraded
urban areas and discover which ones had potential contamination. As an end result, one
was chosen as object of Private-Public Redevelopment Partnership.
The Municipality also had the initiative to conduct a survey of the vacant lands near
Brasil Avenue, including the associated debts, occupation situation, owner and the
possible new uses.
The Rio de Janeiro Civil Construction Union (SindusCon) in partnership with SuperVia
(the Concessionaire of Rail Transportation) also elaborated a list of the vacant land
53
around the railways. And the Rio de Janeiro Federation of Commerce (Fecomércio) has
a list with all the business addresses that are no longer in operation
Even if these institutions are trying to take a first step by listing the vacant land within
the city, none of them except for PRI São Cristóvão considered the possible
contamination of these plots.
2.4.2. Law Regarding Soil Contamination
The policies to deal with contaminated sites are different from country to country due to
differences in the definition of contaminated areas, the ways of evaluating risk, the
concepts of recovery and remediation and the guarantee of inventory quality and
monitoring (see VAN DEN BRINK et al. (1995) apud CETESB (2001)).
All over the world, an environmental issue that has been recently regulated is soil
protection and the remediation of contaminated areas. Until some years ago, the
environmental institutions were oriented to use laws geared toward solid waste, water
pollution, licensing, etc. In Brazil, it still works like this (except for in São Paulo) even
though CONAMA is already working on a new law for contaminated sites.
The first specific laws for contaminated areas were developed at the end of the 1980s
and had a primarily corrective focus, without considering the preventive aspects in the
sense of avoiding future contaminations and guaranteeing environmental quality.
Recently, soil was defined in some industrialized countries, such as Germany, as a
wealth to be protected in order to allow for its protection, predefining quality criteria
and regulating the actions to sanitize the soil and underground water. Especially in
terms of the issue of responsibility, the reference values for soil quality and
underground water, the requirements for the inventory, risk evaluation and remediation
of contaminated sites, inter-institutional actions, the municipal participation and the
financing question are covered in the most recent and modern laws on contaminated
sites (CETESB (2001,01, Chapter 02)).
54
Connecting contaminated sites to the urban development policy, the Brazilian
Constitution defines the municipal government as being for responsible for
implementing this policy in a way that guarantees that the social functions of the city be
achieved by requiring that the urban property perform its social function.
If there is an abandoned area, this would be against the social function of the property
and the owner would be required to find another use for the land. Many of these
abandoned areas may be contaminated and due to their possibility of causing risk to
human health or the environment, a contaminated site may not follow the principles of
the Article 225 from the Federal Constitution: “every individual has the right to an ecobalanced environment, wealth of collective use and essential to a healthy quality of life,
making the Public Government and society responsible for defending and preserving for
present and future generations. 9 ” [translated by the author].
Therefore, in legal terms, a contaminated site is a kind of polluted area that is a
“species” belonging to the degraded area “genus.” In this sense, even if still there is no
law or public policy in Brazil that deals specifically with the subject of “contaminated
sites,” the legal apparatus that refers to pollution and degradation can be applied to
contaminated sites.
Federal Law
The Brazilian Constitution of 1988 defines the national environment policy in its
Chapter VI, “About the Environment.” According to Article 225, every individual has
the right to an ecologically- balanced environment that is essential to a healthy quality
of life. To give this to the society, the government and all its citizens have the obligation
of defending it and preserving it for future generations.
Regulating the National Constitution, Law 6938/81 on the National Environmental
Policy and regulated by Decree 99274/90, defined the national environment policy and
administrative structure for protection and environmental planning – the National
9
Original text in Portuguese: “Todos têm direito ao meio ambiente ecologicamente equilibrado, bem de
uso comum do povo e essencial à sadia qualidade de vida, impondo-se ao Poder Público e à coletividade
o dever de defendê-lo e preservá-lo para as presentes e futuras gerações”.
55
Environmental System (SISNAMA). It also determines responsibilities and fines for
pollution cases.
Regarding Article 14, IV, § 1, the party responsible for the pollution has the duty of
repairing the damage caused by its activities, to the environment or to other people, or
shall be required to pay fines.
Article 6 establishes the National Environmental System (SISNAMA) and lists the
entities from the Union, States and Municipalities that must implement the functions
defined by the Public Government regarding the environment. The States must create an
Environmental Organization to control the environment while the Municipalities must
create local organizations to deal with the problem. The States and Municipalities
should also legislate about the topic considering the higher federal laws.
Another federal law that is important for the topic at hand is Law 6766/79. It defines the
competencies of States and Municipalities regarding plotting. As for contaminated sites,
the law forbids plotting in polluted land.
Article 49 regulates an important tool for notifying the owner of a contaminated area. It
is called a summons. It also describes the consequences related to the remediation
responsibility.
The Civil Code, approved by Law 10406, dated 1/10/2002, adopts the theory of
objective civil responsibility for environmental damage and establishes in its Article
927 that the party that has caused damage to another by means of an illicit act must
repair its damage.
The Environmental Crime Law, Law 9605/98, discusses the criminal and administrative
sanctions for activities or actions against the environment.
The crime of pollution established in Article 54 of this law may be applicable to
contaminated sites that fit within the foreseen situation. According to the article, it is a
crime “to cause any pollution at levels that result or may result in damages to human
56
health or provoke the death of animals or the expressive destruction of flora 10 ”
[translated by the author].
This law defines high fines for transforming an area into one that is no longer suited for
human occupation, as well as for the disposal of solid, liquid and gas waste, oils or
similar, that do not comply with the requirements established in laws and regulations.
In Section IV (Pollution and other Environmental Crimes), the law establishes a prison
sentence of up to five years. The sale of toxic substances (e.g. contaminated areas)
dangerous to human health is also considered an infraction (Article 56).
The omission of environmental authority is considered an administrative infraction and
also subject to a co-responsible fine (Art. 70, § 3º)
Law 7347, dated 7/24/1985 regulates public civil action on the responsibility for moral
and property damages caused to the environment. The condemnation involves the
obligation to start or stop an activity, as be the case (for example, to remediate a
contaminated site or stop releasing pollutants) or pay an associated fine.
CONAMA Resolution 273, dated 11/29/2000 establishes the proceedings for the
environmental licensing of gas stations as well as the legal responsibility for repairing
the environmental liability or damage caused by accidents or spills that may create
contaminated sites.
State Law
At the State level, the States have the competence to create environmental laws and to
act in the sense of environmental protection and pollution monitoring. Within this
context, the Sao Paulo State Government has played an important role as the first in
Brazil to create laws, guidelines and institutional proceeding for contaminated sites. The
10
Original text in Portuguese": “causar poluição de qualquer natureza em níveis tais que resultem ou
possam resultar em danos à saúde humana, ou que provoquem a mortandade de animais ou a destruição
significativa da flora”
57
State attempts to promote the appropriate management of such areas as well as their
rehabilitation for a defined future use.
Rio de Janeiro State law is not very specific when it comes to contaminated areas.
Indirectly, however, there are different kinds of law that attempt to regulate the use of
the environment in a sustainable fashion.
But as soon as the Stockholm Protocol was drawn up, countries all over the world
started to follow its rules. In Brazil, Rio de Janeiro was the first state to publish a law on
controlling pollution in 1975. Obviously, the law followed the general statements of the
Constitution.
The most important state law is the State Constitution, the last edition of which was
issued in 1989. The State Constitution was elaborated considering federal law and it is
also the basis for the municipal law. Therefore, there are some general considerations,
and some competences are defined.
One of the competencies of state government together with the federal and municipal
governments is to ensure environmental protection and combat any kind of pollution
(see State Constitution (1989, Article 73, VI)).
In this article, it is clear that the State is responsible for creating legislation on the
conservation of nature, soil and natural resources, as well as for determining
environmental protection and pollution control. Another responsibility of the State when
not determined by the Federal Government is the responsibility established for damage
caused to the environment, the consumer, the wealth and rights of an artistic, esthetic,
historic, touristic and landscape value (see State Constitution (1989, Article 74, VI and
VIII)).
Also in the constitution under Title VII “About the Economical Financing Order and
about the Environment,” the State declares that it and the Municipalities should
guarantee the social function of the property, meaning that the property should fulfill the
requirements imposed by law, take advantage of the land in a rational and appropriate
way, ensure the appropriate use of the natural resources available and practice
58
environment preservation and so on (see State Constitution (1989, Article 216, § 1., I
and II)).
Regarding the industries, the state government should provide incentives for enterprises
with a socially relevant impact as well as for the process of special deconcentration (see
State Constitution (1989, Articles 224 and 225)). The first topic is a good point that
should be considered not only before starting an industry, but also after closing it, which
seems to be the state policy in terms of the second point above.
In the section about Urban Policy, the Brazilian Constitution states that in urban
development laws, the State and Municipal Governments should preserve, protect and
recover the urban and cultural environment and use territory and the natural resources in
a rational way by controlling the implementation and operation of industrial,
commercial, residential and transportation activities (see State Constitution (1989,
article 234, V and VIII)).
At the end in the chapter entitled About the Environment, it is clear that the State
Government has a role in monitoring the environmental quality through the control of
polluting activities. An interesting fact is the creation of the State Environmental
Conservation and Urban Development Fund (FECAM), which could be widely used for
degraded area recovery programs.
Some other legal tools were implemented in order to put all the general statements from
the Constitution into practice.
Local Governments
A municipal law on the use and occupation of soil and the prevention of contaminated
site occupation, especially within the context of licensing constructions, starts to
regulate the redevelopment of contaminated or potentially contaminated sites in the
metropolitan area of Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo, for example. In the other Brazilian
municipalities,
the
promulgations
about
the
management,
remediation
redevelopment of contaminated sites is still in the initial phases or non-existent.
59
and
The reuse of contaminated land, however, depends on the establishment of standards for
soil use and close cooperation between environmental and local urban planning
authorities. In the city of São Paulo, the occupation of contaminated soils is oriented by
soil use-related guidance values and the contamination situation is stated as fixed in the
public registry of the property. Almost all new real estate market building projects must
undergo environmental site assessment and terrains may be contaminated. Rio de
Janeiro also intends to do the same (see Marker et al (2007a)).
60
3. PUBLIC POLICIES IN SUSTAINABLE URBAN DEVELOPMENT vs.
BROWNFIELD REDEVELOPMENT
Since the agreement between the 179 countries represented in the United Nations World
Conference on Environment and Development in 1992 in Rio de Janeiro, Agenda 21
became a tool for promoting and discussing the new topic of sustainability on both an
international and national level (Hermanns/ Macedo (2003, 11)).
Many definitions related to sustainable development within the urban context were
provided at this time. During preparatory meetings for the URBAN21 Conference
(Berlin, July 2000), the following definition was developed to define sustainable urban
development:
"Improving the quality of life in a city, including ecological, cultural, political, institutional,
social and economic components, without leaving a burden on future generations that results
from a reduced natural capital and excessive local debt. Our aim is to ensure that the flow
principle based on a balance between material and energy and financial input/output plays a
crucial role in all future decisions concerning the development of urban areas."
Concerning sustainable urban development, the United Nations (UN) gave the
following definition for a sustainable city:
“(…)is a city in which achievements in social, economic, and physical development are made to
last. A Sustainable City has a lasting supply of the natural resources on which its development
depends (using them only at a level of sustainable yield). A Sustainable City maintains a lasting
security against environmental hazards that may threaten development (permitting only
acceptable risks)” (UNCH/ UNEP (2000, 02)).
The definition may be also different depending on the country. By any means, the idea
of putting sustainable urban development into practice is currently present all over the
world: it is an international problem that requires an international solution. “No nation
can achieve this on its own; but together we can - in a global partnership for
sustainable development” (United Nations (2004), preamble).
“The picture of environmental degradation in cities, an inheritance of the peripheral growth
urbanization model and social-spatial segregation currently demand that the country and its
federal entities work together with greater efficiency toward an articulated development of
urban policies” (Castro/ Benevides (2007, 487)).
61
In this way, countries nowadays are looking for urban policies that stimulate sustainable
urban development.
In Brazil, this is a major problem, since the process of urbanization works like a
machine that produces slums (favelas) and assaults the environment. Detailed and
abundant urban law, discriminatory application of the law, large scale illegality and
environmental destruction close the circle (see Maricato (2001, 39)).
According to the Brazilian Agenda 21, a sustainable urban development must include
ecological benefits in the occupation of urban space through the reading existing models
of urbanization. It must include social control and the recognition of human capital in
the management process. This would allow cities to re-create themselves as creative
economic, social and cultural centers (see Ministry of the Environment, 05).
Another international policy that also may contribute to sustainable urban development
are the Millennium Development Goals. This policy is a UN project that gathers UN
Secretariats and a broad array of participants from academia, government, UN agencies,
international financial institutions, non-government organizations, finance agencies and
the private sector to create a worldwide network of development practitioners and
experts in a range of different countries, disciplines and organizations.
The eight Millennium Development Goals can be understood as the world’s time-bound
and quantified targets for addressing extreme poverty in its many dimensions – income
poverty, hunger, disease, lack of adequate shelter and exclusion – while promoting
gender equality, education and environmental sustainability. There are also the basic
human rights – the rights of each person on the planet to health, education, shelter and
security as pledged in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN
Millennium Declaration (see UN Millennium Project (2005, 01)).
Goal Number 1 – Eradicate Extreme Poverty and Hunger aims to reduce by half the
proportion of people living on less than a dollar a day and reduce by half the proportion
of people who suffer from hunger (see United Nations (2008)). One way of reducing
poverty in Brazil is to upgrade informal settlements and provide adequate housing for
62
those who do not have enough money for such. In 2000, 13% of the existing housing
did not present adequate living conditions (see 2000 Census).
Goal Number 7 – Ensure Environmental Sustainability aims to integrate the principles
of sustainable development into the country’s policies and programs; reverse
environmental resource loss; reduce by half the proportion of people without sustainable
access to safe drinking water and achieve significant improvement in the lives of at least
100 million slum dwellers by 2020 (see United Nations (2008)). A good way of
achieving these goals is to redevelop brownfields. Revitalizing brownfields is a way to
avoid the use of greenfields and, in this way, protect environmental resources. In Brazil,
many brownfields are placed just next to low income family settlements that are usually
inadequate for living, with unsatisfactory water and sewerage supplies. In addition to
protecting the environment, using such places for building low income family housing,
is perhaps the cheapest option for improving the lives of slum dwellers and informal
settlement inhabitants.
In Europe, there are several policies designed to promote sustainable urban
development, also guided by the Millennium Development Goals. One that applies to
brownfield redevelopment is Research for the Reduction of Land Consumption and for
Sustainable Land Management (REFINA).
The REFINA program is funded by the German Federal Ministry of Education and
Research (BMBF) and is part of the German National Strategy for Sustainable
Development. The German federal government has set the goal for reducing land
consumption for new settlements and transport-related areas from the current 115 to 30
hectares per day by 2020. In order to provide a scientifically reliable basis for decisions
and measures, REFINA supports the development and testing of innovative concepts for
the reduction of land consumption. These concepts should help the government achieve
a multitude of goals, such as environmental protection and nature conservation,
economic growth, socially compatible housing, high quality urban buildings and
mobility.
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The REFINA program joins the competencies of a large number of institutions, projects
and people in a work of cooperation across traditional sector and administrative
boundaries. The aim is to generate benefits for all. From 2006 to 2010, innovative
concepts for reducing lands used and promoting sustainable land management are to be
developed and implemented (see Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung (20072008)).
The sustainable land management required by the program refers to the redevelopment
of vacant plots as a way to re-guide the expansion of inner-city settlements, using and
renewing the existing housing stock. Instruments and policies must be changed to
stimulate sustainable land management and REFINA works in this way by providing
information on the soil and land, site appraisals, economic tools, scenarios,
communication, steering management and contributing sustainability strategy.
3.1. Urban Revitalization – Transformation – Rehabilitation
Aware of the international approach to sustainable urban development, Brazil has
developed some urban policies focused primarily on the revitalization, transformation or
rehabilitation of degraded areas.
3.1.1. Urban Public Policies on the National and State Levels
One of the ways found by the government to induce sustainable urban development was
to invest in public policies focused on the renovation or rehabilitation of downtown
areas.
To reverse the process of urban sprawl through the continuous enlargement of city
limits while at the same time stimulating the occupation and improvement of already
consolidated downtown areas helps minimize social and spatial segregation and also
enhances the possibilities of integrating different income classes into the economy and
urban life (see Ministry of Cities (2005, 09)).
Within this context, the renovation of urban areas is understood as a “surgical”
procedure designed to replace old, devalued buildings that present maintenance
64
problems with new, larger buildings. Usually, the renovation involves several
demolitions and the conjugation of existing plots, followed by an intense use of the
grounds (see Maricato (2001, 125)). The major interested groups are the real estate
market – promoters, builders and financers – and private building owners.
Still according to Maricato (2001, 126), urban rehabilitation or re-qualification could be
defined as an action that preserves the existing constructed environment as much as
possible, thereby preserving its uses and the inhabitants as well. The focus group in this
case is usually the resident population, in addition to professionals and military
personnel connected to the history and memory of the city. The Ministry of Cities
(2005, 10) defines rehabilitation as an action that intends to recompose activities,
rehabilitating the space one more time through public policies and incentives toward
private initiative for the exercise of multiple urban functions historically placed within
the same area of the city.
Concerning these definitions, Brazilian policy currently tries to recover consolidated
areas with different programs, such as the upgrading and legalization of slums, recovery
and prevention of slums 11 , upgrading and legalization of illegal settlements, remodeling
and extension of self-constructed housing, recovery of occupied environmental
preservation areas and the remodeling of cortiços 12 and urban re-qualification of
degraded downtown areas (see Maricato (2001, 121)).
As a consequence of this idea and necessity, in 2003 the federal government created the
National Program for the Rehabilitation of Downtown Urban Areas. Through this
policy, the Ministry of Cities aims to implement policies and actions designed to help
urbanization legalize low income settlements and prevent new illegal/informal
settlements.
The Ministry of Cities also believes that its actions are designed to avoid the occupation
and degraded use of soil and of cultural and environmental patrimony. Municipal
11
Centrally located, poor building quality, lack of infrastructure, low income (see classes of UMS Herrle (2007).
12
Housing with rooms that can be rented, agglomeration of low income housing (see Houaiss/ Villar
(2001,113).
65
territorial planning, incentives for the intensive use of already installed infrastructure
and the rehabilitation of abandoned or underused areas are tools used by the Ministry
(see Ministry of Cities (2005, 05)).
Rehabilitation also requires the improvement of public spaces and services, accessibility
and community equipment to attract people from different social classes. Therefore, the
program also defines specific, appropriate financing resources for promoting housing
and the re-qualification of public spaces, infrastructure, equipment and urban public
utilities.
The idea of putting together different actors for this kind of action is interesting. In the
National Program for the Rehabilitation of Downtown Urban Areas, the Ministry of
Culture takes care of the Monumenta Program; the National Institute of the Historic and
Artistic Patrimony (Instituto do Patrimônio Histórico Artístico Nacional – IPHAN)
elaborates planning to preserve historical sites; the Ministry of Tourism works through
the Tourism Development Program (PRODETUR) to increase the region's tourism
potential; the Ministry of Planning acts through the Service of the Patrimony of the
Union (SPU), which is responsible for managing the land that belongs to the Federal
Patrimony; and the Ministry of Transport works to improve the road, railway and harbor
infrastructure.
The Ministry of Planning is also responsible for the process of selling certain federal
enterprises like the Federal Railway (Rede Ferroviária Federal – RFFSA). CAIXA, the
Brazilian Federal Loan and Saving Bank, is the operator of the budget resources and
also for the Ministry of Cities, taking part through a cooperation with French
Government to develop the Integrated Rehabilitation Plan (Plano de Reabilitação
Integrada – PRI) that has as main objective to clarify the fact that rehabilitation is not
synonymous with excluding the poor (see Ministry of Cities (2005, 15)).
CAIXA also encourages the sustainable use of urban soil as an essential tool for social
and economic urban development. At the local level, in 2005 CAIXA worked in
cooperation with the Ministry of Cities to promote national capacity building to assist
66
the municipalities implement their Master Plans in a participatory and inclusive manner
(see Castro/ Benevides (2007,488)).
In addition, CAIXA, the Ministry of Cities, Ministry of Culture and other partners have
recently established a new program that incorporates the rehabilitation of downtown
areas. In 2000, CAIXA began to provide assistance in this area through the Historical
Site Rehabilitation Program with the technical cooperation of the French Government.
Others partnerships were also defined with CAIXA, such as the Department of
Patrimony of the Union (Secretaria do Patrimônio da União – SPU), the Federal
Railway (Rede Ferroviária Federal – RFFSA) and the National Institute of Social
Security (Instituto Nacional de Seguro Social – INSS) with the objective of
rehabilitating and integrating the underused or abandoned plots belonging to these
institutions (see Castro/ Benevides (2007, 488)).
Law 10257/ 2001, called the City Statute or National Urban Policy, was designed to
orient urban development in the country and it also helps implement policies by
establishing guidelines and urban, financing and legal instruments that guide urban
planning executed by Brazilian municipalities. The guidelines on organization, soil use
and monitoring include the prevention of inappropriate urban building use, the
degradation of urbanized areas and pollution and environmental degradation.
Another initiative underway in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro is REVITA –
Revitalização de Áreas Urbanas Degradadas por Contaminação (Revitalization of
Urban Areas Degraded by Contamination).
REVITA is one of the projects developed through a cooperation between the Ministry
of the Environment and CAIXA. This cooperation is designed for the exchange of
experience and information on projects involving urban environmental management.
The cooperation is supported by the German Technical Cooperation Agency (GTZ)
within the scope of the Brazil – Germany Technical Cooperation.
In this way, the project is designed to support and empower CAIXA’s role as a public
institution in the revitalization of degraded urban spaces, allowing it to contribute to
67
improving the quality of the urban spaces considering the environmental, economic and
social aspects to achieve sustainable development. The lines of action are as follows: the
prevention and management of impacts caused by environmental liabilities,
sponsorship programs and financing for the revitalization process.
3.1.2. Urban Public Policies and Local Governments
Local governments establish their urban development policies through their Master
Plan. Today, however, these Master Plans have incorporated the real estate market point
of view. Because of this, they involve strategic plans designed to build the city in a
more interesting way so that it can be sold to private investments.
Strategic Plan for Rio de Janeiro 13
Different from other cities, the strategic plan for Rio de Janeiro is not an extensive plan
or a government plan. It has also involved the private sector since the very beginning
and involves a group of strategic actions proposed to guide urban development.
In this way, the Strategic Plan for Rio de Janeiro, Rio Sempre Rio (“Rio Always Rio”),
has the objective of transforming the city into a metropolis with an increased quality of
life and social integration that respects public wealth and reinforces its vocation to
culture and happiness of living.
To achieve this goal, the plan has defined seven strategies: O Carioca do Século XXI
(the Rio de Janeiro Resident of 21st Century); Rio Acolhedor (Welcoming Rio); Rio
Participativo (Participative Rio); Rio Integrado (Integrated Rio); Portas do Rio (Doors
of Rio); Rio Competitivo (Competitive Rio); and Rio, Pólo Regional, Nacional e
Internacional (Rio - Regional, National and International Pole).
Within the Integrated Rio strategy, the plan has the objective of stimulating new
centralities and revitalizing the downtown area. Regarding urban law, the plan intends
to decrease the process of slum “self-development.”
13
See www.rio.rj.gov.br/planoestrategico.
68
According to the Rio Acolhedor (Welcoming Rio) strategy, the plan aims to improve
living conditions between man and the environment by regenerating the degradation
provoked in the past and then securing future sustainable development.
Continuing with the first strategic plan for the city, the government implemented the 2nd
Strategic Plan for Rio de Janeiro, As cidades da Cidade (The Cities of the City). This is
a group of 12 regional strategic plans designed to guide urban development within the
city by defining a different model for each urban region.
Manguinhos, the case study explored in the thesis, is located within the Leopoldina
Region. The main objective of this project is to make the area a region of integrated
districts to restore the neighborhood relationship by developing technological industries
that do not pollute.
Among the strategies for this zone is one that intends to encourage housing use within
the region as well as promote the industrial and commercial activities that already exist
there and that are in decay (see Figure 14).
Figure 14: Favela-Bairro (project included in the Strategic Plan)
Source: Rio de Janeiro (1993).
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Strategic Master Plan (Plano Diretor Estratégico – PDE) for São Paulo 14
The Strategic Master Plan for São Paulo is the global and strategic instrument of an
urban development policy (see Figure 15). It is designed to promote sustainable
development and, at the same time, rationalize the use of existing infrastructure to avoid
overburdening it or leaving it unoccupied.
The urban policy described intends to recover the real estate market value for society
and preserve, protect and recover the environment and the urban landscape, among
other goals.
In this way, the urban policy will
promote the organization and monitoring
of the soil use to avoid the speculative
retention of urban buildings that may
lead to their underuse or non-use.
Article 76 of the law describes the
objectives of the Urbanization Policy
and Soil Use. One of special importance
to the current thesis reads as follows: “to
stimulate urban re-structuring and requalification to make better use of the
areas with infrastructure undergoing the
process of population and building
deflation” (São Paulo (2002, Article 76,
IV)).
In order to achieve the objectives of the
plan, it establishes the use of several
Figure 15: Urban Development in São Paulo
instruments from the statute: Special
Source: São Paulo (2002).
14
See www.prefeitura.sp.gov.br/secretarias/planejamento/plano_diretor.
70
Zones of Social Interest (ZEIS), special concessions of use and usucapião (acquisitive
prescription) 15 .
3.1.3.
Examples of Rehabilitation Projects
The Rio de Janeiro Harbor 16
Figure 16: Rio de Janeiro Harbor
Source: Ministry of Cities (2005, 19)
The Rio de Janeiro harbor was the first major transportation infrastructure project in the
country (see Figure 16). The first platform, Gamboa, was completed in 1910. It was
extended in 1927 with the São Cristóvão platform. In 1947, the Caju platform was
completed, and finally, in 1952, the Mauá platform, finalizing the harbor specialization
that exists until today.
The same thing has happened in other harbor areas since the 1960’s and due to the
technological changes in storage and transportation, the Rio Janeiro harbor has become
obsolete, having lost certain economic activities related to harbor support.
As a result, the region lost its economic importance and began to experience
degradation. First, the economic activities were halted, then people no longer wanted to
live there. This left several vacant buildings that attracted illegal occupation.
15
The right to acquire land or a building after living there for a certain period of time without the private
owner protesting, and since the family has no financial condition to acquire housing.
16
For further information see Ministry of Cities (2005).
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The infrastructure has also changed, public lighting is now deficient, the transportation
of goods has led to constant traffic jams, there are no longer any sidewalks, the housing
is in terrible conditions and there is no working connection with the rest of city.
As a consequence, the municipality of Rio de Janeiro has elaborated a Recovery and
Revitalization Plan for the Harbor Area. It includes a new road system, a bicycle path,
the rehabilitation of historical buildings, the construction of cultural and leisure areas,
changes in the law to encourage the development housing and services and micro credit
financing to drive the local economy (see Ministry of Cities (2005, 28)).
The project involves an area of 3,177,000 m² and the involved public and private
investments total approximately U$1.5 billion.
Through this vast investment, the city government hopes to revert the degradation
process in the region, attracting new investments and improving activities related to
culture and entertainment. Some of the projects have already been completed: the São
Cristóvão pavilion, Samba city, the remodeling of old houses and the redevelopment of
buildings through the Living Downtown program.
Maritime Front Rehabilitation of the Historical Downtown Areas of Recife and
Olinda
In April 2005, the three levels of Brazilian government (federal, state and municipal)
signed a Technical Cooperation Agreement to elaborate and implement the Recife/
Olinda Project.
The Recife/Olinda Project is an urban operation with metropolitan scale that intends to
implement an urban and environmental rehabilitation project by improving the
infrastructure, mobility, transport, collective equipment network and offer of services to
the community. It also aims to improve public spaces, landscapes, protect natural
ecosystems and urban environments, protect cultural patrimony, extend the metropolitan
centrality, attract new inhabitants from different social groups together with former
groups and improve housing and job conditions (see Ministry of Cities (2005, 42)).
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Figure 17: Model of the General Design for the Tourist-Cultural Complex in Recife/ Olinda
Source: Ministry of Cities (2005, 47)
Accordingly, the project made an urban proposal for a 280-hectare area (200 ha in
Recife and 80ha in Olinda) (see Figure 17). The intervention zone covers the vacant,
idle or abandoned areas and also includes the areas occupied by the slums. Furthermore,
there are many isolated buildings with historical relevance as well as five historical
sites.
Around U$ 140 million would be invested in infrastructure, divided into demolitions,
recovery of the existing patrimony, land management, water pipes, electrical systems,
telecommunication networks, pavement, bridges, green areas and maritime construction
projects (see Ministry of Cities (2005, 49)).
The financial resources would come from the government as well as private investors.
Therefore, certain characteristics of the Recife/Olinda Project are quite remarkable:
different actors from different spheres of power come together with the objective of
promoting urban development and overcoming the challenge of including the low
income families in the process.
One of the ways found to make this a concrete project was the use of public properties.
Sixty seven percent of the total project surface belongs to the Brazilian Federal
Government.
73
***
Important remarks should be made regarding the Brazilian Sustainable Urban
Development Policies. In terms of the area covered in this thesis, the current public
policies of sustainable development focus on rehabilitation, transformation or
revitalization projects that until now have not been concerned with the soil
contamination problem.
There is a boom of revitalization projects underway in the country, and some are even
successful. The majority of them is driven by public government and work only while
there are public funds available. Once the public funds run out or are redirected, the
project success is lost.
Brazil does not have the funding to support all of the projects underway in addition to
those that still must be completed. How then should brownfield redevelopment be dealt
with? Does the answer lie in public-private-partnerships? What about soil
contamination?
74
4. BROWNFIELD REDEVELOPMENT
Brownfield redevelopment (B.R.) is a topic that has been discussed for many years in
Europe and the United States. In developing countries, however, it is an emerging issue
that is not so thoroughly addressed.
The topic involves many others, such as the usually privileged location near the
downtown area of the city with all the required infrastructure. Soil contamination is
another issue that may be involved in brownfield redevelopment. Cultural heritage and
social aspects are also strongly related to redevelopment.
Because it covers such a large range of fields, sustainable development can be achieved
through brownfield redevelopment. The relationship between B.R. and sustainability is
based on the fact that greenfields can be spared while improving the economy and
quality of life.
Special attention must be paid to the social aspects of brownfield redevelopment in
Brazil. Problems such as the housing deficit, lack of infrastructure and jobs as well as
lack of education and social equipment lead people to occupy abandoned areas. The
government was absent, aggravating all these problems and making them more difficult
to solve.
What can be done then?
4.1. Definitions
The term brownfield is well known in the United States and Europe, even if there is no
consensus as to the definition. Some countries have adopted terminology to describe the
scope of brownfield redevelopment. “They mainly describe the scope of brownfields
according to specific national perspectives using the terms ‘dereliction,’ ‘modified use,’
‘rehabilitation,’ ‘reuse,’ ‘regeneration’ and ‘revitalization.’” (Clarinet (2002a, 09)).
75
There are no common terms shared between the European Union and United States.
Rather, the definitions depend on how the problem is addressed in each country.
According to the United States Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), a brownfield
property is defined as “a real property, the expansion, redevelopment or reuse of which
may be complicated by the presence or potential presence of a hazardous substance,
pollutant or contaminant.”
A first European approach defining the term brownfields was made by a European task
force within the CLARINET network (Contaminated Land Rehabilitation Network for
Environmental Technologies). It aims to describe the full context of the environmental,
economic and land use issues involved:
“Brownfields are sites that:
• have been affected by the former uses of the site and surrounding land
• are derelict or underused
• have real or perceived contamination problems
• are mainly in developed urban areas
•require intervention to bring them back to beneficial use.” (Clarinet (2002a, 09)).
Nevertheless, a survey conducted by CARBENET (Concerted Action for Brownfield
and Economic Regeneration Network) revealed some regional trends among European
brownfield definitions. In Western Europe, the prevalent notion of brownfields is
related to the necessity of available land for development in urban areas. Because of
this, studies regarding the issue are more developed in France, Germany, the
Netherlands and the United Kingdom. In Finland, Denmark and Sweden, there is no
official brownfield definition even if certain land management professionals associate
the topic with contamination (see Cabernet (2006, 24)).
“Throughout the rest of Europe, the CABERNET survey revealed a broad range of brownfield
definitions although contamination issues provide the dominant focus, with the presence of
contamination (either potential or confirmed) being the decisive indicator in Bulgaria, Italy,
Poland, Romania and Spain” (Cabernet (2006,24)).
The common characteristics in all these existing definitions are the former use of the
land, the abandonment and degradation and the fact of the brownfield requiring another
function in urban life. Usually, old industries become brownfields, but commercial
76
enterprises, abandoned mines, transportation infrastructure (railway stations, harbors
and airports) can also be designated brownfields.
4.1.1. Scale and Nature
By analyzing the different types of brownfields, it is easier to understand their origin
and characteristics, although it is not as easy to elaborate this kind of explication
regarding the scale and nature of the process.
According to Clarinet (2002a), the United Kingdom has made systematic considerations
about appropriate criteria to classify brownfields. These criteria could be applied to the
whole brownfield or to a part of it and are mainly concerned with describing the current
status of the site (such as vacancy, dereliction, contamination, partial occupation or
partial utilization). The previous use, the ownership situation and the size of the site are
also good criteria that help classify brownfields (see Clarinet (2002a, 09)).
Cabernet (2006) believes that the extension of the brownfield problem could be
categorized as follows:
“Location (rural, peri-urban, urban);
By former land use (e.g. defense, industry, railway land, residential, retail, leisure);
By type (e.g. under-utilized, vacant, derelict, dangerous) and;
By development phase (e.g. urgent need of action, in planning.” (Cabernet (2006, 25)).
The scale of individual brownfields can differ from extremely small sites in mixed
urban areas to large military sites. Vasques (2005) classifies brownfields by physical
structure, former use, size, location, present use, necessity of intervention, origin of the
process, effects on the landscape and possibilities for reuse.
Physical structure refers to the land itself or to the building that remains as a result of
former use: abandoned mines, iron metallurgy or chemical companies, the textile and
food industry, transportation enterprises and residential and commercial businesses.
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The size could be understood as:
a) Brownfields up to 8,000m² could be considered small,
b) from 8,000 to 20,000m² could be considered medium-sized brownfields and
c) more than 20,000m²could be considered large brownfields” (Vasques (2005, 17)).
Location: Brownfields in former industrialization areas, metropolitan areas, city suburbs
and rural areas.
Regarding the present use, brownfields could be defined as: vacant, partially occupied
or utilized, derelict and contaminated.
The necessity of intervention refers to the fact that a brownfield requires some type of
action, operation, mediation such as remediation, fiscal measures, planning regime,
participatory budget or other measure. Regarding the availability of a brownfield for
immediate use or no re-use, it could be classified as:
•
Available for immediate use
•
Requiring intervention
•
Need for urgent intervention
The origin of the process can be classified into two main fields: general causes and
specific causes.
The general causes include economic, technological and social changes, the decay of the
market, the land fragmentation and the local public policies.
The specific causes refer to industrial decay, harbor area decay, former mining
activities, physical barriers and a weak local demand or the high price of the land. In
Brazil, there is also industrial deconcentration and the insertion of the Brazilian real
estate market into the globalization with aims of industrial restructuring (see Vasques
(2005, 25-26)).
The effects on landscape simply remind us that brownfields can degrade an entire
surrounding area since it can attract occupations. It can cause bad odors and not only
78
contaminate its soil but also its neighbors’ soil as well. People simply start to move
away from the surroundings of these vacant lands to avoid such problems.
The possibilities of reuse may solve the majority of the problems that may be caused by
a brownfield. Even though the most common reuse is related to the conversion of
industrial areas into commercial or services areas, there are other possibilities for reuse:
agriculture, institutional use, green and leisure areas, industries, residential use and
cultural equipment.
4.2. Why Brownfield Redevelopment?
Brownfield redevelopment is an important instrument for urban re-qualification
policies, especially in formerly industrialized cities in the United States of America and
Europe. As previously mentioned, all the large metropolitan areas even in developing
countries are also concerned about this problem. In Brazil, especial attention must be
given to São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro.
Regarding this topic, Vasques (2005) defines brownfield redevelopment as second
development of a site because the previous social-economic activities in a defined
physical space are not working anymore. The decline and consequent abandonment of
the area creates a brownfield.
Vasques (2005) also believes that a wider approach to redevelopment could be
understood as the improvement of an area through building renovation, the improved
use of the unproductive soil and the encouragement of new investments in such places.
Rehabilitation of a brownfield, on the other hand, could be understood as the
revitalization and reuse of a plot (and buildings) for a future use, besides a concern with
the health and well-being of the population through security, sanitation and remediation
measures. The aim of a rehabilitation process would be the reasonable and sustainable
use of the soil. While rehabilitation ends with the sale of the site, remediation stops or
eliminates the risk (see Marker (2003, 06)).
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As can be noticed above, one peculiarity associated with brownfield redevelopment that
must be emphasized since it is compared to the redevelopment of downtown urban areas
is the possibility for contamination. This contamination may directly affect health and
the quality of life of the inhabitants of the area and its surroundings (see Valentim
(2006, 95)).
Therefore, it is very important to define the link between contaminated land
management and brownfield redevelopment. Many brownfields may be contaminated,
but contaminated land management does not represent the full scope of objectives and
components of brownfield redevelopment:
“Political and scientific discussions on contaminated land management in the past have often
focused primarily on environmental problems. The management and the elimination of
environmental risks according to the use of the site is the core objective of contaminated land
management. This risk management is possible, although not necessarily desirable, without
revitalization of the site in an urban and regional context or reintegration of the site into the
economic cycle in a sustainable way. From an overall policy perspective there are consequently
several aspects in relation to brownfields that need to be considered and combined by means of
political, scientific and technical solutions” (Clarinet (2002a, 04)).
By any means, brownfield redevelopment represents a subject of real sustainable
dimensions since it covers environmental, social and economic issues. Integrated
approaches must then deal with problem assessment as well as achieve suitable
solutions. In this way, the scope of brownfield redevelopment may consider the
following:
•
Consumption limits for new non-building areas = environmental benefit;
•
Increase of municipal taxes applied to the buildings and rehabilitated areas =
economic benefit;
•
Improved quality of life through the redevelopment or stabilization of the urban
value, infrastructure and employment in rehabilitated regions = social benefit;
•
Improvement of the city’s image (see Marker (2003, 06)).
Although the term redevelopment is more used than others, the term urban regeneration
can also be found as a synonym. Like this, mixing regeneration and sustainability,
CABERNET has given an interesting definition for sustainable brownfield
regeneration:
80
“Sustainable Brownfield Regeneration is the management, rehabilitation and return to
beneficial use of brownfields in such a manner as to ensure the attainment and continued
satisfaction of human needs for present and future generations in environmentally sensitive,
economically viable, institutionally robust and socially acceptable ways within the particular
regional context” (RESCUE (2005) apud CABERNET (2006, 53)).
The main approach for the analysis achieves success depending on interconnecting
factors. All the facts must be considered as part of a coordinated effect, with the
following essential ones according to Clarinet (2002a, 07) (see Figure 18):
• Future use
• Site preparation
• Economic viability
• Legal framework
Figure 18: The Tetrahedron Model
Source: Clarinet (2002a, 07)
Completing Clarinet´s vision, CABERNET has explored the key brownfield
regeneration issues for the four sustainability dimensions (see Cabernet (2006, 53)) (see
Figure 19):
“Economic issues
Social issues
Environmental issues
Institutional issues”
81
Figure 19: Sustainable Dimensions of Brownfield Regeneration
Source: adapted from Cabernet (2006, 53).
4.2.1. Economic Viability
Increasing urban growth and lack of access to greenfields make brownfield
redevelopment a good possibility for profit for those who construct the city as well
those who live in it. It is a way to use the often already existing infrastructure and set up
a profitable business.
Some of these brownfields, therefore, can often be concentrated in areas of social
deprivation. Redevelopment may also improve the region. This improvement, in turn,
may attract other businesses, people and services to promote growth in the surrounding
area.
According to CABERNET (2006), Corporate Social Responsibility, Public-PrivatePartnerships (PPP) and the regeneration of “hard core sites” may be a good way of
achieving economic success in brownfield redevelopment.
Private investors as well as public institutions must be aware of the social responsibility
involved when regenerating vacant land, derelict land and so on. This responsibility
82
involves not only themselves, but also society as a whole, knowing that brownfield
redevelopment may guarantee a way of life for next generations.
The limitations regarding the PPP may also be reduced. In some cases, brownfield
redevelopment may be interesting for the private sector only if the public sector
provides some advantages, such as raising market values, reducing anticipated costs or a
combination of both of these (see Cabernet (2006, 55)). The benefits that may be
achieved are described below:
“Access to wider sources of funds;
Greater leverage in the use of limited public funds, and;
Encouraging the private sector to develop on brownfield land” (Cabernet (2006, 56)).
The last point that must be considered to guarantee the economic success of a
brownfield redevelopment is the type of site that neither the private sector nor even the
public sector is interested in redeveloping. The public sector must guide the process of
redevelopment and invest a large amount to attract private investors. If these kinds of
sites are not regenerated, they may become an obstacle to the urban development of the
entire surrounding area (see Figure 20). The social advantage for urban planning and
municipal development must be highlighted (see Cabernet (2006, 61)).
Figure 20: DSUP Brownfield in Manguinhos, Rio de Janeiro
In this way, Cabernet has a model for identifying three types of sites according to their
economic status (see figure 21):
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“A Sites – are highly economically viable and the development projects are driven by private
funding.
B Sites – are on the borderline of profitability. These projects tend to be funded through publicprivate co-operation or partnerships.
C Sites – are not in a condition where regeneration can be profitable. Their regeneration relies
mainly on public sector or municipality driven projects. Public funding or specific legislative
instruments (e.g. tax incentives) are required to stimulate the regeneration of these sites”
(Cabernet (2006, 44)).
Figure 21: The A-B-C Model
Source: adapted from Cabernet (2006, 44)
4.2.2. Cultural Heritage
According to Cabernet (2006), in the past, brownfield redevelopment was driven by
economic and environmental objectives. Today, its social and cultural objective and
outcomes must be strengthened for sustainable brownfield development to be achieved.
When trying to achieve the main goal of sustainability, Cabernet (2006) believes that
some social and cultural principles should be followed: including those that are peopleoriented and others that are site-oriented.
The people-oriented objectives focus on social and cultural needs. They defend the idea
that brownfield redevelopment should preserve the already existing local cultures and
those that could be stimulated in terms of the characteristics of the site and community.
Usually, brownfield development displaces or destructs local cultural heritage and
memory. This was a common experience in Europe and occurs in Brazil as well as Latin
America. As a result, people do not recognize their history in these places and,
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therefore, are not convinced to take care of something that they believe does not belong
to them.
The Madeira River Harbor Project in Buenos Aires, Argentina, Rio de Janeiro Harbor
Project and the revitalization project in the industrial district of Mooca in Sao Paulo, are
good examples of brownfield redevelopment in which a relevant historical heritage had
to be considered as a main focus.
4.2.3. Environmental Quality and Protection
The policies should be elaborated considering the effects that may have on brownfield
redevelopment. It is a way of stimulating the urban regeneration itself. “These effects
may come from policies that are especially designed to impact brownfield regeneration
or form policies that have impacted brownfield regeneration indirectly or inadvertently”
(Cabernet (2006, 63)).
Within these policies, another consideration must be the risk-based land management
strategy. The environment must be considered as a whole: soil, air, water, etc., and the
consequences must be considered not only for the physical environment but also
regarding to human health.
One way of making risk management less expensive for the government and private
investors is to try, at maximum, to perform selective demolition, reduce and recycle
construction waste and apply on-site remediation techniques (see Cabernet (2006, 65)).
This is also a way of using fewer resources and contributing to the sustainability of the
process.
The environmental aspects of planning must be also considered. Cabernet (2006)
believes that two new points should be required in the planning process: time as a
specific parameter and the inclusion of subsurface as a resource.
“Incorporating the dimensions space and time in the planning progress will lead to new
possibilities for redevelopment and prevention” (Cabernet (2006, 66)). The subsurface,
on the other hand, should be “(…) fully integrated into the land use planning system and
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be given the full protection that this unique non-renewable resource deserves” (Cabernet
(2006, 67)).
Brownfield redevelopment is thus a public health issue. Besides renewing the present
degraded environment, it also brings remediation to the contaminated sites, meaning a
better quality of life for the inhabitants and also for the environment. New green areas
may be kept intact as soon as the brownfields can supply them.
4.2.4. Social aspects: Urban Degradation x Revitalization
Still on the topic of people-oriented objectives, brownfield redevelopment should enable
learning or ‘up-skilling’ opportunities to improve employability. Since the
redevelopment always brings some economic improvement and new activities to the
area, the community must be prepared to take profit from this and also acquire some
knowledge on the redevelopment process.
The new proposals for a brownfield area should also consider the community's skills,
qualification and experience in certain job fields.
By any means, there should be support for the promotion of employment opportunities:
“Development of the mixed use areas in the process of brownfield revitalization,
Public-private partnership as the guarantee of a variety of interests in the locality and diversity
of functional use of the area,
Self-regeneration process of the brownfield using the local potential for starting the business
activities,
Establishing the local training centers in order to educate local people in relevant skills and
methods” (Cabernet (2006, 72)).
Another important social issue in brownfield development is the promotion of social
equality. Any redevelopment should be undertaken not only to attract new people, but
also to maintain the people that are already there. Usually, a lower class community
lives next to the degraded area. Their lives should be improved and not attacked by
gentrification. Once considered in the redevelopment, these families have an
opportunity to improve their lives.
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Regarding the site-oriented objectives, brownfield redevelopment should improve the
perceptions and image of the same, contribute to strategic sustainability objectives
within the urban context, ensure physical accessibility and provide livable, healthy and
safe environments for the local communities (see Cabernet (2006, 74-75)).
In other words, the redevelopment of a brownfield should improve the environment of
the area, creating green areas, public spaces and revitalizing the former local heritage,
among others. It must also ensure the sustainability of the process, stimulating multifunctional structures and mixed ownership/investments, integrating the local economy
with the new ones and so on. The benefits of the redevelopment should be also
accessible to all - both the local community and the rest of the city.
Following all the above objectives, the redevelopment should provide livable, healthy
and safe environments for the local community where there is “(…) good access to open
and recreational space, a high quality public realm (…), provision for walking, cycling
and public transport, and a sense of place” (Cabernet (2006, 76)).
***
All these aspects make brownfield revitalization one of the major subjects of urban
planning all over Europe and especially in the urban regions that have a long industrial
history. Nowadays, this topic is also emerging in the Latin America agenda, especially
in the major cities.
When putting this redevelopment into practice, these brownfields are acquiring different
new uses:
o Agriculture
o Commerce and services
o Institutional
o Green spaces and leisure
o Industrial
o Housing
o Cultural
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To summarize, the rehabilitation/revitalization/redevelopment of brownfields require a
consistent regulatory rule, a supportive economic policy and a good location to
contribute to the success of the intervention (see Valentim (2006, 101)).
4.2.5. Housing
The housing issue is approached differently depending on each country. In Latin
America, the problem is more less the same: the housing issue serves as a kind of
portrait for the segregated society that exists.
Brazil has deeply-rooted social inequality and urban legislation, in turn, reinforces this
inequality by increasingly segregating the formal city from the informal one. As a
result, Brazil currently has a housing deficit of around 6 million houses (see 2000
Census).
The informal city was initially located in the downtown area, occupying environmental
areas that should be preserved. Subsequently, it was pushed away from the downtown
area in direction of the suburbs. Finally, economic changes generated abandoned areas,
such as the industrial ones. People then started to occupy these areas, which are usually
better equipped with infrastructure (see Figure 22).
Figure 22: Invasion of CCPL
Source: GTZ (2007).
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The cities have also grown quickly and started to cover the areas that used to be far
from the downtown area, such as the industrial areas, for example. The industries have
then to look for some other place creating at the same time other underused or
abandoned areas and the population keeps growing without access to jobs, health,
education and housing.
How can these empty areas help solve the housing problem?
Industries nowadays require large areas and a location that does not disturb the urban
population that gradually approaches. In this way, certain types of commercial sites and
industries may not stay in their former place and, as a result, create brownfields with
their arrival. These brownfields may offer communities a range of housing opportunities
(see Schopp (2003, 03)).
In Europe, these kinds of brownfield redevelopments through housing do not happen
simply by focusing on the housing issue. They try to reuse the former industrial and
commercial areas by redeveloping all the surroundings, and to achieve this, the housing
must come with other uses.
Brazil has also understood this point. Since the housing issue is associated with other
issues, the simple improvement of housing programs may not be the most adequate
solution for improving the housing conditions of the poor. Housing policies may be
completely destroyed if they are not integrated with other urban policies (transportation,
electricity, sanitation and water supply).
In this way, brownfield redevelopment through housing must consider all these issues in
addition to other specific ones, for example, the presence of brownfields may also
further weaken the real estate market in the neighborhood and attract more low-income
families (see Leigh (2002) apud Coffin, 02). Brownfields in low-income communities
simply make the concentration of inner city poverty and decay worse.
Another problem that must be considered involves the policies regarding the brownfield
vs. housing. As previously mentioned, there is no type of policy in Brazil that focuses
on brownfields or contaminated sites. We do have housing policies and some of these
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are connected to the issue of downtown area revitalization and focus on low-income
families, but housing together with contaminated sites are not considered as part of the
same policy.
In the United States, for example, there is a good policy associated with brownfield
redevelopment and another good one associated with housing. Both encourage
individually efficient market solutions. However, they did not think to address the
problem of brownfields and housing in a connected way (see Coffin, 02).
Since public policies are not connected (for example, brownfield redevelopment policy
and housing policy, as described above), brownfields in the lowest income
neighborhoods remain unaddressed at the same time that low-income families seek
housing in these same areas. It is easier to look for some private, non-contaminated site
for social housing than to spend time and money trying to redevelop abandoned and
underused areas.
Encouraging housing developments in brownfield reuse is an important point that helps
minimize the need for using new residential sites, especially for affordable housing.
From 1990 to 2000 in the United States, population growth was not accompanied by the
amount of available housing (see Schopp (2003, 04)). In Latin America, the problem is
worse, added to the fact that middle income people are not supplied by the real market.
There is also the fact that low-income families are not even considered. The result in
Brazil, for example, is a housing deficit of around 6 millions housing units in 2000,
referring to families that are not able to afford their own housing.
Therefore, the shortage of affordable housing could be understood as very serious and
rent is also a component of this problem. In the United States, the National Housing
Conference reports that over than 14 million families either spent 50 percent of their
income on housing or lived in sub-standard units (see loc. cit., 04).
Special attention must be given to the fact that brownfields next to residential areas
suggest that multi-family housing might be a more appropriate reuse than commercial
development. Of course, this commercial use disturbs the neighborhood. By any means,
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residential areas require different nearby uses to make living there sustainable.
Certainly, it is not convenient to place a heavy industry next to residential areas, but
rather services, leisure and commercial and institutional activities.
In the United States, a site-by-site, neighborhood-by-neighborhood review concluded
that most people would like to see these sites used for housing for the poor and lowermiddle-income populations. Also supporting this idea, a survey conducted in New
Jersey found out that 90% of a community neighborhood wanted to see parks and play
areas in the brownfields, while 50% wanted to see housing (see loc. cit., 05).
This kind of research has not yet been conducted in Brazil. However, by analyzing the
areas where brownfields are usually found, it can be noticed that the surroundings are so
degraded that poor families who once came looking for jobs decided to stay because it
is affordable to them, even if it this is not always the case. Once they create
relationships within the area and because they do not have any other housing option,
they simply end up staying there.
In Rio de Janeiro, research conducted in the Jacarezinho slum concluded that people
first come to the area to live nearer to their workplace in industrial areas in the
neighborhood. The high and middle-income families can choose not to live next to the
noise and pollution of the factories. Low-income people do not have this choice, they do
not even have enough money to afford public transportation to work. Therefore, they
come and occupy the areas surroundings the industries (see Figure 23). After that, they
create relationship that they prefer not to lose. Even if they currently pay rent that costs
around the same price as that in a formal area, they still want to live there because of
their contacts and also because of the location and its infrastructure, such as the access
to transportation. This is true even when they no longer have a job within the area.
Like this, the slums surrounding such industrial areas are extremely dense and housing
conditions are not very good. Reusing the vacant industries to produce better housing
for the people that already live there would not only bring economic and environmental
benefits, but primarily social and health-related benefits.
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Figure 23: Slum vs. Brownfield in Manguinhos, Rio de Janeiro
Regarding the historical heritage, brownfield redevelopment can help preserve historic
or locally important structures. In this way, “preserving such historic structures helps
maintain a community’s identity and unique architecture, and converting factories and
warehouses into loft apartments is a trend that has proven to be profitable” (Schopp
(2003, 05)). In Berlin, a former beer factory was revitalized through housing In Rio de
Janeiro, a project undertaken by the Construction Trade Union (Sindicato da
Construção – Sinduscon) was designed to create residential use for the downtown area
of the city by encouraging the reuse of old buildings. In fact, a survey was even
conducted to compare the profits and investments associated with a brownfield with
those of a greenfield.
This kind of action helps the community see itself as an integrated part of the
redevelopment process, since part of its culture has been preserved:
“Perhaps the most compelling reason to promote housing development on certain brownfield
sites is to improve community morale and provide optimism that the neighborhood is turning
around. Abandoned buildings and vacant land contribute to the perception that a neighborhood
is deteriorating; redeveloping them attracts neighborhood investment. In addition, by removing
blight and eyesore, brownfield redevelopment often reduces crime, which is the most significant
factor that people cite in deciding to move into or move out of a neighborhood” (loc. cit., 06).
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It is obvious, then, that housing reuse would bring many benefits to the community and
the city as a whole. Nevertheless, there are certain points considered to be possible
sources of difficulties when implementing the redevelopment. These include the costs,
social justice, stigma and location.
Usually, brownfield structures in residential areas require special attention when it
comes to the costs, since there is no apparent market economy driving their reuse and
clean up. Without the potential for commercial development, it is hard to find incentives
to develop an area.
As the clean up programs set the level of remediation based on the future reuse, cleanup costs for housing use are also higher than for commercial or industrial uses.
Residential reuse requires much more stringent clean-up standards.
Since the prices of brownfield redevelopment are around 7 to 8 percent the total
development costs in the United States (see Schopp (2003, 08)) and around 5 percent
those in Germany, these cost may be exaggerated and, as consequence, many private
financial institutions will refuse to lend or invest money in brownfield redevelopment.
For an affordable housing redevelopment to be feasible, it must always involve nonprofit leadership and the creative use of grants and tax credits. Another way of attracting
investment would be through smart growth development, a strategy widely used in the
United States:
“Smart growth is a development that serves the economy, the community, public health, and the
environment. Smart growth connects the development to the improvement of the quality of life in
the community by creating jobs; building strong neighborhoods with a range of housing,
commercial, and transportation options; and achieving healthy communities that provide
families with a clean environment” (GSG Consultants (2005, 02)).
Smart growth defends the idea that redevelopment should have more than one use. The
development should provide access to proper health services, social services, retail and
other institutions, public transportation, mixed land uses, high-density dwellings in
appropriate locations, access to open or green spaces as well as those located within the
interconnected and walkable community (see GSG Consultants (2005, 22-25)).
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Improperly implemented brownfield housing redevelopment may also cause problems
of social justice problems associated concerning gentrification. Because the
redevelopment does not consider the low-income families that live in the surrounding
areas, the redevelopment may attract high-income families and push away the ones that
are not able to afford the high prices of the location after regeneration. The different
actors involved in the process must be aware of this problem and make attempts to
reduce it, by defining Zones of Social Interest (ZEIS), for example.
On the other hand, redevelopment may promote social justice since it provides
affordable housing for low-income people, which in turn may encourage the installation
of other commercial and residential buildings there.
The last issue that must be considered is the stigma. Many families have a kind of
prejudice toward living on a former brownfield site. This is because people are usually
poorly informed on the subject, therefore creating a barrier to housing development on
such sites.
Even if the stigma is decreasing in Europe and the United States, it continues to be a
major issue in issue. The environmental institutions responsible for listing the
contaminated sites and providing guidelines for their redevelopment are pressured by
private owners not to reveal the fact that the plot is contaminated. Private investors
believe that Brazilians would not choose a residential building on a former brownfield
over one on a greenfield. People do not have faith in remediation and believe they may
be victims of health problems or even accidents. This is a monitoring problem, since the
professionals are not qualified enough and many of them are so used to being corrupted
that people no longer believe that the control of a remediation process would been
performed correctly.
In Germany, as well as in the United States, people trust in the remediation process, and
it is also a way to attract people when private enterprise or the government declares that
the site is now ready to receive a new use.
Location may be also considered a possible problem in redeveloping brownfields:
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“A brownfield in a vibrant commercial/industrial corridor has a different impact on the
surrounding community than a similar brownfield in a low-income neighborhood. The economic
activity in the commercial/industrial corridor will likely counteract the potential negative
impacts of the brownfield assuring that the brownfield will be redeveloped with little or no
public financing. By contrast, a brownfield in a low income neighborhood causes potential
investors to overlook the neighborhood for possible redevelopment, regardless of the availability
of public financing” (see Coffin, 03)
Still on the topic of location, two points are important. Usually, the areas where the
majority of brownfields can be found are the ones where low-income families also are
present. The second point is the connection of these locations and the highest
concentration of poverty and crime. Rio de Janeiro is good example of this, since
abandoned lands are easily occupied by low-income families and the state government
is not very present in these kinds of communities. Drug trafficking, on the other hand,
can find areas for activity in such places. Once under the power of drug trafficking, it is
hard for the government to recover its domain.
All the barriers found enhance the relevance of the subject and warn the government
and society as to the necessity to reuse these brownfield as a way to address all of the
problems, especially those associated with housing.
To achieve successful interventions, all the stakeholders involved have to take part in
the process. Investments, financing systems, land management, legalization and even
social programs must be considered in the elaboration of specific public policies on the
issue.
4.3. Research and Networking of Multi-Stakeholders
Since brownfield redevelopment requires a holistic approach, governance and
institutional issues may be addressed in order to help with the process.
Cabernet (2006) believes that Strategic Municipal Brownfield Management plays an
important role in achieving this. In fact, urban planning at the municipal level has a
more in-depth idea of the problems and potentialities of a certain area. Of course, it
should respect regional and national plans, but once the brownfield issue is recognized
as an essential point in the policy of a municipality, it is easier to make certain
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redevelopments work. It is also a way for the government to promote a sustainable
development policy.
For this purpose, traditional and new instruments can be defined as tools that should be
used in the redevelopment process. The Master Plan does so and, in this way, might be
reformed to clarify that the municipality wants to continue with the policy of
redeveloping the brownfield.
To continue in this field, however, municipalities must have all the information
necessary to fight the problem. Having knowledge of the problem, it can prioritize
certain actions and, as a result, plan to handle the problem as whole. The government
itself along with the other stakeholders may join through the process and among
themselves.
Improved governance, on the other hand, would be the key to success for integrated
decision-making. The decision-making process, in turn, is one point to be considered in
order to make brownfield redevelopment competitive when compared to greenfield
development (see Cabernet (2006, 88)).
4.3.1. Multi-stakeholder Approach
There are different ways of understanding the multi-stakeholder approach in brownfield
redevelopment. It is important to realize that is extremely necessary to think about
brownfield redevelopment through a multi-stakeholder approach when it intends to
achieve success in the different fields explained above.
Oppermann/ Langer (2005) defend the idea that brownfield management also has a long
term strategic dimension of urban development and regional planning. Accordingly, it
contains different levels of decision making that require different plan scales and
different degrees of detailed or abstract information.
The brownfield issue should be tackled at the regional, city and neighborhood levels.
Each of these scales, of course, has different stakeholders that must take part throughout
the redevelopment process.
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“One of the key dimensions of brownfield regeneration is the diversity of professions involved in
the process. Studies or urban management and planning note ‘Clearly the topic involves so
many scientific and social disciplines that is difficult not only to understand how the whole
system works, but also to define the limits’. The diversity of professions involved in the process is
only succeeded by the array of stakeholders that influence, or are influenced by, brownfield
regeneration. Different stakeholders have different perspectives and different needs. As a result,
problem-oriented solutions for brownfields will need to focus on multi stakeholder approaches
that respect the range of perspectives as well as the diversity of stakeholder values” (Cabernet
(2006, 14)).
But this is easier said than done. Many conflicts could be generated within the different
levels and scales and between them. In brownfield management, the various different
key situations - from the most closed to a very open field of public participation – are
not easy to deal with. The relevance and difficulty finding an appropriate concept are
present during the entire process:
“A developer may expect too much from a city to convince the investor to take the risk of
developing a site.
Neighbors fight for their interests if a site should be built up and the city might force them to
accept negative impacts on their property.
Of course the issue of remediation is important because people fear risks for their children or
for the community. They perceive risks in a different way than professionals.
Some sites to be rebuilt and redesigned are of great public relevance because they are in the
sight of everybody or historically important” (Oppermann/ Langer (2005, 12)).
Figure 24: Possible Escalation of Conflicts
Source: Glasl (1994)apud Oppermann/ Langer (2005, 10)
As a way to minimize the above listed problems, it is important to have in mind that not
every issue to be decided in brownfield management must involve all actors. It depends
also on the character and visibility of the conflict and the goals to be achieved.
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Even with all these difficulties, brownfield management should ideally be developed
based on information and transparency, coordination and role setting, cooperation and
conflict resolution, participation and engagement, project control and monitoring (see
Oppermann/ Langer (2005, 14-15)).
In order to resolve or prevent conflicts among the different actors, the opponents and
proponents must be properly involved in the debate (see Figure 24).
Some authors are thinking of the best way to involve the different orbits of actors.
Aggens (1983) apud Oppermann/ Langer (2005) described a model in which the key
actors were placed as an orbit in space, situated at different distances from the “center of
action”. As the actors were placed closer to the center, a higher level of energy,
information and responsibility would be asked of them (see Figure 25).
Figure 25: Orbits of Involvement in Public Participation
Source: adapted from Aggens (1983) apud Oppermann/ Langer (2005, 19).
According to CARBENET, the multi-stakeholder approach could be better understood
if each stakeholder could be divided into eight separate stakeholder groups (see Figure
26). In Brazil, we can also put all the stakeholders together using these parameters.
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Figure 26: Stakeholder Wheel
Source: Cabernet (2006, 20)
By analyzing Cabernet’s model, it is easy to understand that each actor has its role and
the action of one influences the other one. Every player is important in the process and
exists at the same level. This is the most suitable model to be applied in the research.
Once the stakeholders are defined, it is time to choose the type of participation. There
are at least eight levels of participation that depend on the type of project and actors
involved as well as the beneficiaries. Table 2 lists the different types:
Table 2: Ladder of Participation
Citizen control
Delegate control
Degree of citizen power
Deciding together
Partnership
Placation
Consult
Consultation
Degrees of tokenism
Informing
Tell
Therapy
Non participation
Manipulation
Source: Cabernet (2006, 99).
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As can be observed, many redevelopments may also not encourage participation,
especially of citizens. Sometimes, the cooperation between the actors and the
community may not be very good because some actors may not be able to see the
advantages of the process.
To reach a satisfactory stage of coordination and cooperation, it is necessary to
minimize conflicts while building trust and reliability to get partners into a relationship
where they can see the advantages of cooperating.
Sometimes the stakeholders involved get together exclusively to obtain a personal
advantage, and this may also be considered. Citizen participation may be especially
influenced by the predominant mainstream regeneration culture, land ownership,
regeneration profitability, availability of resources for citizen participation processes,
corporate social responsibility and deregulation (see Cabernet (2006, 101-102)).
In addition to the above mentioned topic, other key situations in brownfield
management include a very closed shop situation to a very open field of public
participation, with both situations relevant and difficult to address.
Attention must be paid to the fact that in the brownfield sector, the private position of
the investors may be strong since public administration can rarely build at its own
responsibility and risk. This usually occurs in the case of brownfield redevelopment that
is interesting to the private sector. Even so, citizens and stakeholder may find ways and
means to cooperate with the press and they may force project managers to let them be
partners in the game (see Oppermann/ Langer (2005, 12)).
If the private sector is not attracted by the proposal and the public sector has to handle
the redevelopment on its own, the community becomes a part of the process anyhow.
Usually, the members of the local community themselves are the ones who champion
the need for regeneration (see Cabernet (2006, 101)).
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4.3.2. Research Groups
Agencies dedicated to brownfield regeneration may help the process.
One of the main agencies involved in brownfield redevelopment programs is the United
States Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), with projects covering the entire
United States.
In the country, there are also some programs that were created to conduct research in the
area of brownfields and also put certain redevelopments into practice, e.g., ROBIN
(Regional Online Brownfields Information Network), the Brownfields Non-Profit
Network, Brownfields Land Recycling Program, Carnegie Mellon University and
University of Pittsburgh Brownfields Center, Brownfields for Global Learners, National
Brownfields Association, Sierra Club Brownfields Guidance, Connecticut Brownfields
Redevelopment Authority, International Brownfields Exchange (IBE), Austin, Texas
Brownfields Redevelopment Initiative and others (see Vasques (2005, 28)).
In Europe, several actions focused on brownfields were undertaken through
organizations like CLARINET (Contaminated Land Rehabilitation Network for
Environmental Technologies), which was created by European Commission and by
DGResearch, coordinated by the Austrian Federal Environmental Agency (see loc. cit.,
30).
Others important groups are RESCUE (Regeneration of European Sites in Cities and
Urban Environmental), Cabernet (Concerted Action for Brownfield and Economic
Regeneration Network), NICOLE (Network for Industrially Contaminated Land in
Europe), ERM (Environmental Resources Management) and NBSP (National
Brownfields Sites Project). There are many other agencies that handle brownfield issues
and almost every country has one. Sometimes they work together by helping each other
in a international context and sometimes they are restricted exclusively to their own
country (see loc. cit., 30).
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Similarly to the United States, there is an environmental agency in Europe that has the
objective of implementing environmental protection measures: the European
Environment Agency (EEA).
4.4. Brownfield Redevelopment in Brazil
Even though brownfield redevelopment is a new issue in Brazil, some important steps
have already been taken.
4.4.1. The Actors
In addition to the municipalities of São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, the main Brazilian
actors are: the Federal Ministry of the Environment (Ministério do Meio Ambiente –
MMA), the São Paulo State Environmental Agency – (Companhia de Tecnologia de
Saneamento Ambiental – CETESB), and the Federal Loan and Savings Bank – (Caixa
Econômica Federal - CAIXA) as well as consultants and associations focused on the
issue. GTZ then supports the network in the area of remediation and brownfield
redevelopment through capacity building and events that also receive the participation
of the private sector.
An important stakeholder in the field of public health related to contaminated sites is the
Federal Ministry of Health through its VIGISOLO program.
On the state level, the main stakeholders are the State Environmental Agencies
(OEMAs – Orgão Estadual de Meio Ambiente), which have the legal authority to
manage the contaminated sites, especially those in São Paulo; and CETESB
(Companhia de Tecnologia de Saneamento Ambiental), which is the most advanced
Brazilian entity in the field. The State Environmental Agencies of some of the more
industrialized states like Minas Gerais, Rio de Janeiro, Bahia and Rio Grande do Sul
are considered potential stakeholders.
In Sao Paulo, the university is also part of the process, and there are two public
institutions (University of Campinas or UniCamp and University of São Paulo or USP)
and one commerce-related institution (SENAC – National Commercial Training
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Service) that offer research, training and educational activities in the specific field of
contaminated site management. The training department of CETESB, however, is still
the main institution responsible for specialized training and professional qualification in
the field of contaminated land and groundwater in Brazil. The state-owned research
facility IPT (Instituto de Pesquisa e Tecnologia) works together with others as an
independent consultant (see Figure 27)
“The private consultant sector is organized in the Brazilian Associations of Contaminated site
Engineering Companies AESAS and the Brazilian Groundwater Association ABAS. The
syndicate of the building construction sector SINDUSCON is an incipient stakeholder in the
field of reutilization of contaminated sites in real state. The NGO EKOS is a promoter of
international seminars and training in the field.
The industrial sector, the fuel distributors and the big state companies like PETROBRAS (petroindustry), represent the responsible parties for most of the significant contaminations in Brazil.
Although it can be expected that in the future they will take a more participative and a less
reactive role in the issue, they are not yet considered in this mapping” (Marker et al (2007a, 1011)).
Figure 27: Stakeholder Wheel in Brazil
Source: adapted from Cabernet (2006, 20)
103
4.4.2. Brazil – Germany Technical Cooperation
Since the beginning of the 1990s, the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische
Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) GmbH (German Technical Cooperation), through the German
Federal Ministry of Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) has been
supporting Latin American regulators, environmental ministries and agencies to help
them build up capacities for environmental management.
In Brazil, GTZ has also supported the capacity building of public institutions for
contaminated site management in the cities of São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro . In addition
to Sao Paulo, GTZ has also provided technical support for the governments of Mexico
and Chile, mainly:
“The experiences in these countries have shown that contaminated site management and law
enforcement will have implications on land use related issues such as urban planning, real
estate market and property. GTZ soon realized that the contaminated site management issue has
to be dealt with using a multi-stakeholder approach, involving, in addition to the regulators and
environmental authorities, also urban planners, financing institutions, consultants and the real
estate market” (see Marker et al. (2007, 468)).
4.4.3. Examples of Brownfield Redevelopment
Regarding the issue of brownfield redevelopment and housing, the experience in Brazil
is only just beginning if considering the contamination issue. There are only two
examples in the entire country, and neither is finished. Even though the Sao Paulo
project has already begun, both are still in the planning phase.
By any means, it is important to examine these examples and analyze how the process
was undertaken in each one of these cities, Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, the first and
second most industrialized cities in Brazil, respectively
104
“Diagonal Sul
17
”
Figure 28: Urban Operation “Diagonal Sul” – Area of Interest and Urban Interventions
Source: Magalhães/ Sales (2007)
The first Brazilian experience with brownfield redevelopment involving housing and the
largest number of actors it called “Diagonal Sul.” It covers an area of 2,000 hectares
along the Tamanduatehy valley in the city of São Paulo (see Figure 28).
Based on the 2002 Strategic Master Plan, this area was defined as being reserved for a
future consortium urban operation, including the railway or industrial sectors in the Pari,
Brás, Mooca, Ipiranga and Vila Prudente neighborhoods.
The studies and projects required for the technical development of the Diagonal Sul
Urban Operation have two sources of funding: the Downtown Rehabilitation Program
(Programa de Reabilitação da Área Central) of the municipality of São Paulo, and
financial funding from the Inter-American Development Bank – IDB.
The redevelopment of this area is designed to join the whole metropolitan area (NorthSoutheast) that borders the river railway axis in order to reverse the scenario of
17
See Magalhães./ Sales (2007, 461-466).
105
abandonment and decay that is currently pushing away residential areas and
encouraging the use of the peripheral region as “dormitory city” without considering the
environment.
Figure 29: “Diagonal Sul:” Former Industrial Site (front) and Processes of Urban Growth (back)
Source: Magalhães/ Sales (2007)
A total of 329 existing industrial areas were listed in the region as having potential
contamination and about 40 major abandoned sites have already been identified and preassessed for redevelopment (see Figure 29).
The funding for and execution of the following studies have been approved:
1. Study for Tamanduatehy Water Quality Improvement
2. Geo-referencing of São Paulo Socio-economic Data (Pesquisa da Atividade Econômica –
PAEP, 1996/2001)
3. Inventory of Cultural Assets: Mooca, Ipiranga and Vila Prudente
4. Mapping and Inventory of Areas with Suspicion of or Potential for Soil Contamination
5. Real Estate Inventory and Analysis
6. Planning of Highway Infrastructure and Transportation in the “Diagonal Sul” Area
7. Reference Plan for Urban Intervention and Ordinance – PRIOU
8. Preliminary Environmental Impact Study – EIA
9. Elaboration of a Draft for the “Diagonal Sul” Urban Operation Law Project (Magalhães /
Sales (2007, 463))
Therefore, the “Diagonal Sul” project focuses on the role of the railway in structuring
the metropolitan area through the improvement of the transportation services; the
analysis of production activities as a way to renovate the technological and
entrepreneurial structure; the development of a new urban structure and new land
occupation plan, eliminating land tenure barriers and preserving assets; and the
106
environmental re-qualification associated with population re-settlement within this
region.
PRI São Cristóvão
The Integrated Rehabilitation Plan for São Cristóvão (Plano de Reabilitação Integrada –
PRI) was defined as part of a technical cooperation between the Municipalities of Rio
de Janeiro and Paris, CAIXA and the Ministry of Cities at the start of 2004.
This plan is designed to implement urban redevelopment that is integrated with
economic and social development, the reformulation of the transportation system,
circulation within the city, the improvement of environmental quality as well as
increased housing production.
It was thought that the plan would improve the region around Quinta da Boa Vista, São
Cristóvão district. São Cristóvão is a district located near the city’s downtown area that
nowadays is losing its importance. Both people and industries are leaving. Because the
area is also historically relevant both for the city as well as Brazil as a whole, the PRI
aims to preserve the patrimony, rehabilitate the environment and redevelop the
economic and social characteristics of the district.
Besides the São Cristóvão district, the plan also covers the districts of Mangueira,
Benfica, Vasco da Gama and part of the Maracanã, Vila Isabel and Praça da Bandeira
(see ANNEX A).
Based on the guidelines defined in the Master Plan and also in the Urban Structure
Project (Projeto de Estruturação Urbana – PEU) approved in Complementary Law
73/2004, some intervention actions were also defined, such as the redevelopment of the
urban space, encouragement of housing production, improvement of the environmental
quality, conservation of the cultural heritage, accessibility and mobility and socialeconomic development (see Rio de Janeiro (2006, 09-13)).
Regarding the encouragement toward housing production, the plan provides incentives
for projects such as one proposed by a private entrepreneur to reuse a former ceramic
107
industry to build affordable housing for low-income families within the limits between a
formal and informal area in the Mangueira district.
Figure 30: Brownfields in São Cristóvão
Source: GTZ
This gave rise to a partnership between a private investor, CAIXA and the Rio de
Janeiro City Government. Based on the first survey conducted by GTZ to discover the
potential contaminated sites, it was found that six of the eight industries visited were
potentially contaminated. The former ceramic industry was one of these (see Figure 30).
The contamination analysis was performed by the entrepreneur who was also
responsible for decontaminating the site and CAIXA provided financial support to
implement a Residential Leasing Project (Projeto de Arrendamento Residencial - PAR).
108
“In partnership with CAIXA, the municipality elaborated an inventory identifying 167
properties, all of them with a high potential to become housing projects. The study also
identified about 20 abandoned former industrial sites. With the support of GTZ, traces of soil
contamination were identified and evaluated, although contaminated site management is not yet
legally required in the construction licensing process. Currently, CAIXA is planning social
housing projects (funded by public loans) on abandoned sites in São Cristóvão, creating up to
10,000 new residential units. More than 1,500 units are planned on former industrial sites, such
as the former ceramic industry, where detailed investigations are under way.” (Marker et al.
(2007,476)).
At the moment, the project has already been analyzed by CAIXA and the construction
will start shortly (see Figure 31).
Figure 31: Design Proposal for Brownfield Redevelopment in Ceramics
Source: Rio de Janeiro City Government
109
5. BROWNFIELD vs. THE MANGUINHOS DISTRICT
In Rio de Janeiro, degraded (abandoned or underused) properties are innumerable and
are mainly concentrated in AP-3, the city’s Northern zone.
The AP-3 includes 13 Administrative Regions formed by 80 quarters (see Figure 32). It
has the largest population of all the zones in the city (2,353,590 inhabitants), which
corresponds to 40% of the total population, 500,000 of whom live in slums (see Rio de
Janeiro (2006b), in: imóveis indicados).
Figure 32: Planning Area 3 (AP-3)
Source: adapted from Rio de Janeiro (2005a, 22)
The city government defined AP-3 as the priority area within which the brownfields
would be object of municipal urban proposals. A survey of degraded properties within
the area was then conducted and some redevelopment guidelines were also defined.
110
Manguinhos one of the districts in AP-3 created by Decree 23/7/1981, belongs to the 5th
Administrative Region of Rio de Janeiro (one of the 33 RAs) called Ramos. It covers
the districts of Olaria, Ramos, Bonsucesso and Manguinhos (see Figure 32).
Manguinhos borders nine other districts from others administrative regions: Bonsucesso,
Higienópolis, Maria da Graça, Jacarezinho, Jacaré, Rocha, Benfica, Caju and Maré
(see Figure 33). To better understand Manguinhos, it is important to analyze the districts
that create borders with it since the problems of Manguinhos extrapolate the limits of
the district itself and the area also take profit from the services and equipment
(commerce, institutional, cultural and health equipment) within the neighboring
districts.
Figure 33: Manguinhos and Neighboring Districts
Manguinhos has an area of 261.84ha of which 95.59% is considered urbanized or
already modified.
111
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Source: adapted from Google Earth (2008)
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5.1.
Urban Development in Manguinhos
After gaining an understanding of the area in which Manguinhos is located, it is then
important to learn about the district itself.
5.1.1. From the 16th to 19th Century
Manguinhos originated from the former Inhaúma Freguesia (see Figure 2 and 35), an
administrative division created by the Catholic Church. Today, the former territory
covers the districts of Olaria, Ramos, Bonsucesso, Manguinhos, Benfica, Jacaré,
Rocha, Riachuelo, Sampaio, Engenho Novo, Lins de Vasconcelos, Méier, Cachambi,
Maria da Graça, Higienópolis, Del Castilho, Todos os Santos, Engenho de Dentro,
Água Santa, Encantado, Piedade, Quintino Bocaiúva, Cascadura, Engenheiro Leal,
Cavalcante, Tomás Coelho, Pilares, Abolição, Engenho da Rainha, Inhaúma and part of
the districts of Caju, São Cristóvão, Mangueira, São Francisco Xavier, Vila Isabel,
Andaraí, Jacarepaguá, Freguesia and Madureira (see Pessoa (2006, 36)) (see ANNEX
A).
Figure 35: Inhaúma Freguesia on the Current Map of Rio de Janeiro
Source: adapted from Armazém de Dados (see ANNEX A)
113
In 1873, the Inhaúma Freguesia was reduced to 1/3 of its initial size. This portion then
became Engenho Novo Freguesia (see Figure 36), which covers the current districts of
Olaria, Ramos, Bonsucesso, Manguinhos, Higienópolis, Inhaúma, Engenho da Rainha,
Tomás Coelho, Cavalcante, Pilares, Abolição, Engenho de Dentro, Encantado, Água
Santa, Piedade, Quintino de Bocaiúva, Cascadura, Engenheiro Leal and parts of the
districts of Caju, Del Castilho, Cachambi, Lins de Vasconcelos, Jacarepaguá,
Madureira and Freguesia (see Santos (1987) apud Pessoa (2006, 38)) (see ANNEX A).
Figure 36: Engenho Novo Freguesia
Source: adapted from Armazém de Dados (see ANNEX A)
Before the foundation of the city, the Freguesia was occupied by indigenous peoples. In
1565 with the foundation, the region was handed over to the Jesuits and private owners.
Later, sugar mills were built in the area. From the 16th to 18th centuries, activities
related to sugar production predominated.
At that time, due to the condition of the swamp soil in Manguinhos and São Cristóvão,
maritime transportation was preferred over land transportation. There was, however, a
road in Santa Cruz that used to connect the different Jesuit farms from São Cristóvão
until São Paulo and Minas Gerais (see Figure 1 for a better understanding of where the
states of São Paulo and Minas Gerais are located). This road would later give origin to
114
part of Dom Helder Câmara Avenue and Leopoldo Bulhões and São Luiz Gonzaga
Streets (see Figure 34).
Unfortunately, the sugar cycle began to decay. At the same time, however, Minas
Gerais was becoming more important in Brazil by exploring gold. This made the roads
between Rio de Janeiro and Minas even better and also contributed to encouraging
culture and even the commerce surrounding the road that crossed the freguesia. As a
result, the Estrela and Iguaçu harbors were created to distribute goods.
In 1808, the Royal Family arrived to Brazil from Portugal and with them some
investments were in the area to better connect the royal farm in Santa Cruz to other
farms and sugar mills.
At the end of the 18th century, coffee production was inserted into the region and
remained a predominant economic activity until the 1850s. At that time, large properties
with few owners were the rule. This situation started to change with Land Law of 1850.
The introduction of trains and trams within the region accelerated occupation at the
beginning of the 20th century. As previously mentioned (see Chapter 1), 1889 marked
the inauguration of the Leopoldina Northern Railway. In 1858, the D. Pedro II Railway
started to serve the harbor’s surroundings. Another important railway was Rio DÓuro.
In 1886, the Leopoldina Northern Railway established three stops in the region:
Bonsucesso, Ramos and Olaria (see Figures 4 and 37). In 1910, one station was created
just for the employees of the Oswaldo Cruz Institute, initially called Amorim and later
Carlos Chagas (see Santos (1934) apud Pessoa (2006, 44)).
115
Figure 37: Map of Urban Occupation, Railways and Train Stations at the Start of the 20th Century
Source: Pessoa (2006, 49)
In 1905, the trams were equipped with electrification. In Manguinhos, however, this
feature arrived only in 1923.
Urban sprawl then started to develop along the railways. People at that time worked in
the downtown area of the city and after being expelled by the Pereira Passos Reform,
those who used to live in the city began to look for a place to live in the suburbs.
The population profile was no longer a rural one; now people living in Manguinhos
region were workers from the secondary and tertiary sectors.
116
This population growth in the region brought with it automobiles. The roads were then
improved, such as Suburban Avenue, Leopoldo Bulhões Street and Democráticos
Avenue (see Figure 38). The rivers were also dragged and rectified between 1910 and
1920.
Figure 38: Streets localization in Manguinhos
Source: Rio de Janeiro/ Portal GEO (2007)
Manguinhos, however, was not very well inserted into this urban development.
Manguinhos farm, which Alexandrina Rosa de Carvalho bought from Luiz Joaquim
Duque Estrada Meyer in 1855, was not plotted. In 1880, it was abandoned and then
dispossessed by Floriano Peixoto’s government in 1892 to make room for the crematory
oven designed to burn the urban waste in the city of Rio de Janeiro (see Pessoa (2006,
51-52)). Until the end of 1910s, the ovens and the Serotheraphy Institute co-existed.
During the 1940s, there was planning to dispose of the urban waste in the Northern
region, specifically in the swamp areas. Manguinhos would play an important role in
this planning to cover the sanitary landfill and start a waste fermentation process (see
Costa, R.G-R./ Fernandes, T. (2003-2008)).
117
5.1.2. 20th Century
During the 20th century, Manguinhos was the site chosen by Pedro Affonso for the
installation of the Serotherapy Institute (see Figure 39). This occurred because, at that
time, there was an outbreak of epidemics, such as yellow fever and the bubonic plague.
Brazil had to depend on foreign vaccines, but since the epidemics were so strong, the
government authorized the construction of the Federal Serotherapy Institute through a
Decree dated May 25,1900 (see Pessoa (2006, 54)).
“We arrived during the first decade of the 20th century with the following panorama: the borders
of Leopoldina and EFCB Railways were occupied with new urban centers, as a consequence of
the former farm plotting, which also increased due to the implementation of the transportation
system and the urban reforms of 1902-1906, except for the riverside floodable areas of
Guanabara Bay near the former Manguinhos farm, now partially occupied by the Oswaldo Cruz
Institute and by the inefficient crematory waste ovens. There were also its borders, constituted
by swamps and mangroves in the estuary of the Timbó, Faria and Jacaré Rivers” (Pessoa (2006,
56)) [translated by the author 18 ].
Figure 39: Aerial view of the Moorish Pavillon in 1922 plus embankments made
18
Original text in Portuguese: “Chegamos então a primeira década do Século XX com o seguinte quadro:
as margens das ferrovias Leopoldina e EFCB ocupadas com novos núcleos urbanos, resultantes a partir
do processo de loteamento das antigas fazendas, potencializadas pela implantação do sistema de
transportes e das reformas urbanas de 1902-1906, porém sem ocupar as áreas marginais e alagáveis da
Baía de Guanabara, além da antiga Fazenda de Manguinhos, agora parcialmente ocupada pelo Instituto
Oswaldo Cruz e pelos ineficientes fornos crematórios de lixo, e de suas margens, formada por terrenos
pantanosos e mangues, na foz dos rios Timbó, Faria e Jacaré”.
118
At that time, the Enterprise Improvement of the Fluminense Plain was created in 1920
and, with the help of engineer Jeronymo Teixeira de Alencar Lima, a plan was
elaborated to occupy the area by bringing sanitation to the region. To start the plan, an
embankment was proposed in front of Manguinhos Cove exactly on the area of
Manguinhos Farm, which was already occupied by the Oswaldo Cruz Institute. An
industrial-labor district would be built there.
In this way, the plan was designed to attract people to fill in the occupation gap within
the city. It was also intended to build a road that would be the draft version of Brasil
Avenue, improving the harbor activity and initial industrial activity in the area, in
addition to destroying all types of disease through the sanitation system. The plot where
Fiocruz was located would be reduced. Even if there were several intentions involved in
this plan, only the sanitation and the industrial district design were partially completed
(see Figure 40).
(a)
(b)
Figure 40: Area of the 1927 Plan, and in green, the area reserved for the Oswald Cruz Institute (a);
in red, the original Manguinhos Coast (b)
Source: Briguiet (1929) apud Pessoa (2006, 66-67)
The Faria, Timbó and Jacaré Rivers were also rectified and channeled, in addition to
the Manguinhos Cove embankment. Between 1921 and 1931, the Enterprise
Improvement of the Fluminense Plain created 180,000 m2 of embankment, destroying 2
km2 of swamps (see Figure 41).
119
“The expropriation of land at the Guanabara Bay border and the creation of land through
successive embankments have generated a large reserve of empty space for the Union next to the
downtown area of the Federal District and the coastal areas of Guanabara Bay. This “reserve”
of land serves as a basis for the next urban and road plans, such as the construction of Brasil
Avenue (...), as well as the Agache Plan, the contemporary Macedo Vieria Plan, and other
projects and urban equipment, as we will see, in addition to the public buildings, such as the
Army headquarters, public storerooms and the Airclub at the end, the process of slum formation
has accentuated itself from 1970-1980” 19 (Pessoa (2006, 68)) [translated by the author].
Figure 41: Arial View in 1938. In the center, the Moorish Pavilion; on the left, the Rockefeller
Foundation building built in 1937; and on the right, a hangar from Manguinhos Airclub
For Manguinhos, based in Alencar Lima and Macedo Vieira, Agache planned an
Industrial district with industrial and housing zones, navigable canals, a harbor, and a
park in the Oswaldo Cruz Institute area. The plan defended the idea of putting all the
19
Original text in Portuguese: “A desapropriação das terras marginais à Baía de Guanabara e a criação de
terrenos através de aterros sucessivos gerou para a União uma imensa reserva de espaços vazios próximos
ao Centro do Distrito Federal e em áreas litorâneas da Baía de Guanabara. Essa “reserva” de terrenos
serve de tabula rasa aos planos urbanísticos e viários subseqüentes, como a construção da Variante da
Rio-Petrópolis, Avenida Brasil; cujo leito “evita” as regiões então consolidadas e margeia a Baía de
Guanabara, passando pelo Plano Agache, contemporâneo ao plano de Macedo Vieira, e dos demais
projetos e equipamentos urbanos, como veremos a seguir; além de edificações públicas, como Quartéis
das Forças Armadas, depósitos públicos e, Aeroclube, em última análise, o processo de favelização que se
acentua nos anos 1970/1980”
120
industries of the city together in Manguinhos since it was an important location that was
well served by transportation and workers (see Figure 42).
Since 1930, the districts surrounding Manguinhos intensified their industrial activities
by combining residential, commercial and industrial uses.
Figure 42: Agache Zoning within the Industrial District.
In red, the area that would remain for the Oswaldo Cruz Institute and in yellow, the original Manguinhos
Coast. Source: Agache (1930) apud Pessoa (2006, 77)
Until 1940/50, Manguinhos was occupied only by the Oswaldo Cruz Institute and by the
Airclub, while the neighboring areas became dense with housing, commerce and
industries (regulated by Decree 6000/1937).
121
Between 1946 and 1954, the construction of Brasil Avenue and the federal district for
the oil refinery (later called Manguinhos Oil Refinery) started to attract people to the
region, especially migrants and those communities that were driven away during the
1960s.
The remaining land would be used for public institutions, although the Brazilian Army
also received enormous plots. However, the land remained without use for so long that
the free areas started to become slums due to the occupations and embankments.
The economic decay of Rio de Janeiro after it lost its status as capital and was
incorporated into Guanabara State, led large industries to close and abandon their
buildings. The economic and housing crisis, transportation accessibility and land
availability helped the slums grow intensely. Only Fiocruz, the Manguinhos Refinery,
land delimited by MAER (now used to retain containers) and the Army (DSUP) land are
still not occupied by slums
The National Supply Company (Companhia Nacional de Abastecimento – CONAB)
together with Embratel closed their branches within the area and today it is occupied by
slums. The Manguinhos Refinery stopped some of its activities in 2005, and it currently
operates only partially with the risk for closure at any moment
5.1.3. Developing Community Relationships 20
The Manguinhos region currently encompasses 13 communities with a population of
around 70,000 people according to its inhabitants. The PDU performed in 2003 defends
the figure of 55,000 people, while the 2000 Census counted only 33,000 people. The
numbers are not precise, as it can be seen (see Table 3).
Manguinhos Complex originated from the occupation of the remaining areas not used by
the plans, projects, construction and industries of the past century.
20
See Pessoa (2006), p116-124.
122
Table 3: Current Population and Projection – 2005 - 2020 21
2005
Rio de Janeiro City
2010
2015
5 894 349 5 970 562 6 085 534
Manguinhos Complex
52 124
57 589
64 893
2020
6 234 509
78 548
Source: adapted from Pessoa (2006, 117)
The first cycle 22 began with the Leopoldina Northern Railway construction in 1886 and
lasted until the end of the sanitation actions in 1916. At this time, the Amorim
community located near the Oswaldo Cruz Institute consisted of the very workers of the
Institute. The second cycle is related to the period from 1927 to 1933, and involves the
actions of EMBF and DNOS. The third cycle extends from 1934 to 1946, the year that
Brasil Avenue was concluded. During the second and third cycles, the Parque Carlos
Chagas community began to emerge using a piece of land between Leopoldina Railway
and the institute. These were the initial centers of occupation in Manguinhos Complex
(see Table 4 and Figure 43).
Table 4: Communities in Manguinhos and their Respective Years of Occupation
COMMUNITIES
YEAR OF OCCUPATION
Parque Oswaldo Cruz
Parque Carlos Chagas
Vila Turismo
Parque João Goulart
CHP-2 (Democráticos)
Vila União
Vila São Pedro
Com. Agrícola de Higienópolis
Conjunto Nélson Mandela
Conjunto Samora Machel
Mandela de Pedra
Conjunto Samora II / Embratel
Vitória de Manguinhos Community / Conab (Compl. Manguinhos)
1901
1941
1951
1951
1951
1955
1983
1988
1990
1991
1995
2001
2002
Source: DLIS/Manguinhos Network apud Pessoa (2006, 118).
21
Projection made by the Pereira Passos Institute in 2001. The methods can be found in
www.armazemdedados.rio.rj.gov.br/arquivos/50_tendências demográficas do município do rio de
janeiro.ZIP
22
See Valladares (2000) apud Pessoa (2006).
123
Figure 43: Communities in Manguinhos
Source: Costa / Fernandes (2003-2008)
The fourth cycle started in 1954 with the installation of the Manguinhos Refinery, and
extended until 1964. At that time, Brasil Avenue was built and the migration to Rio de
Janeiro was so great that the communities became denser. The fifth cycle (1964-1980)
was marked by the Rio Project. The sixth cycle began in 1992 with the construction of
Linha Vermelha and was also marked by the Favela-Bairro Program. The sixth cycle
continues until today.
Following these cycles explained above, each one of the communities was created with
different histories, morphologies and origins. The first slum in Manguinhos originated
at Amorim Hill near the Moorish Pavilion side. It consisted of employees from the
Oswaldo Cruz Institute, since the institute has allowed them to live there since 1901.
The slum developed with better conditions compared to the others, with housing built
with bricks, open areas between the houses and some planning involved. The
community conditions worsened over time, however, due to housing expansions.
124
The Faria-Timbó channel borders, which are perpendicular to Leopoldo Bulhões Street,
have received the occupation called Parque Carlos Chagas that may be considered the
occupation center of Manguinhos. It uses public land created by the embankments from
the 1920/1930 plan.
In 1960, the removal of slums from the Southern zone led to the relocation of a large
number of families to Temporary Housing Centers. Some condominiums were then
built in Manguinhos, such as the one called Temporary Housing Center 2. In 1951, its
demolition 23 due to soil settlement generated vacant land that soon became the CHP2
slum.
Such condominiums also generated occupations nearby, such as the one around the ExCombatentes Condominium and the other one surrounding the Casa da Moeda
employees condominium, the Vila União slum Between 1964 and 1980, communities
developed around the areas of the existing communities.
In 1990s, with opening of the Linha Vermelha highway, many areas were already
consolidated and began to grow vertically. In Manguinhos, the Nelson Mandela and
Samora Machel condominiums were built by the Rio de Janeiro City Government
together with Rio de Janeiro State Government as part of a project sponsored by InterAmerican Development Bank (IDB) on land acquired by the Rio de Janeiro State
Government measure-for-measure from the Brazilian Telecommunications Company
(Empresa Brasileira de Telecomunicação – Embratel).
As a result, other process began in the region: the invasion of industrial and commercial
abandoned land and buildings. In 1995, a piece of Embratel’s land was occupied,
originating in the Mandela de Pedra community. In 2001, another community emerged
on this same land called Samora II. In 2002, the invasion of abandoned wares of the
former National Supply Company (Companhia Nacional de Abastecimento - CONAB)
created another slum called Vitória de Manguinhos (or “CONAB”), just in front of the
headquarters of the Brazilian Mail and Telegraphy Company (Empresa Brasileira de
23
Demolished between 1972 and 1973 after its structures have been damaged by a flood.
125
Correios e Telégrafos- CORREIOS). Inhabitants from Mandela de Pedra were the ones
who organized the occupation.
The same process could be seen in neighboring districts, such as Cobal and CCPL in
Bonsucesso. Next to Alemão Complex (Complexo do Alemão 24 ), around 300 families
occupied the building of a national Ambev brewery. The possible closing of the
Manguinhos Refinery, a 560,000 square meter extension of land, as well as other
underused industries in the neighboring districts, led to the founding of more
communities due to the high housing deficit within the region and the unavailability of
land. In Jacarezinho, General Electric closed, 25 leaving the land vacant and putting
thousand of people out of work (see Figure 63).
Today, slums give Manguinhos the second worst HDI 26 per Administrative Region in
Rio de Janeiro - 0.666, compared to 0.91 in the Administrative Region of Lagoa, the
one with the best indicator, just behind the Alemão Complex with 0.657. As an isolated
district, Manguinhos is in 122nd place within the city where the 126th and last place
again belongs to the Alemão Complex with 0.711. The slums still present a growth rate
of 3.2% per year compared to 0.4% from the formal areas 27 of Rio de Janeiro.
5.2. Demographical and Social Aspects
Even if the data is not so precise, according to the 2000 Census (Brazilian Institute of
Geography and Statistics - IBGE), there were 31,059 inhabitants in the district, mostly
concentrated within the communities/slums since the remaining space is mostly destined
for industrial, commercial and institutional uses.
In each house, however, the family composition is a little bit different even if 25% of
families are constituted by parents and children. Couples without children are present in
18% of the houses as well as houses just occupied by the responsible 29% (see Figure
24
Group of favelas called Alemão.
See the section on Ricardo Boechat in Jornal do Brasil Newspaper published on 10/25/2005
26
Human Development Index, HDI, created by the UN, it is a comparative measure of poverty, literacy,
education, life expectance, birthrate and other variables. The index is considered better the closer it gets
to 1.000. See www.armazemdedados.com.br
27
See www.armazemdedados.com.br
25
126
44). These slices would be the major focus of the housing projects. Attention must be
paid, however, to the slice “responsible”, the expressive percentage may reefer to the
fact the some families live with the responsible for a house, but just temporary.
Figure 44: Type of families in Manguinhos
Source: Census (2000)
Women are also the majority (51%), although men continue to be the main responsible
for the housing. Regarding the age class, Manguinhos can be considered an adult
district, since 53% of inhabitants are adults (between 20-59 years old), 22% are children
(between 0-9 years old), 19% are teenagers and pre-teenagers (between10-19 years old)
and 6% are elderly people (60 years and older) (see Figure 45).
(a)
(b)
Figure 45: Percentage of the Population by Age in Manguinhos (a) in Slums from Manguinhos (b)
Source: Census (2000).
127
Public equipment should be developed based on these age classes, but this is not what
has been done. During the interview with Patricia, a resident of the CHP2 community, it
was found out that one of the problems that most affects the community is the lack of
adequate infrastructure based on the number of inhabitants. Education equipment is
usually placed on the Western side of the district and restricted to one library, seven
kindergartens and four junior high schools. When considering the neighboring districts,
there are an additional 13 kindergartens and 25 junior high schools (see Rio de Janeiro
(2005b)).
As a result, the literacy rate is one of the lowest in Rio de Janeiro. While in the city as a
whole, 85% of the people are literate, this figure drops to 76% in Manguinhos (see
Figure 46).
(a)
(b)
Figure 46: Literacy Rate in Manguinhos (a) and CCDC (b)
Source: Census (2000) (a)
Adults make up the majority of the literate population, with 37% finishing junior high
school completely, 28% finishing it partially, 13% finishing high school and 3% with a
university education (see Figure 47).
128
Figure 47: Educational Level for the Manguinhos Population
One of the reasons that not many people finish high school is the fact that teenagers
have to transfer to schools that are usually far away from the place they live. The
schools are few, and not many are considered to be good. Students cannot choose their
school; the school chooses its students. Sometimes, depending on the community where
you come from, you may not be chosen. Therefore, instead of studying at a bad school,
people simply interrupt their education. This is most common at the beginning of high
school, where there are less facilities than at the junior high schools.
Interesting is the fact that 3% of the inhabitants have a bachelor's degree. It shows that
the labor market may not be good enough to absolve all those with a university
education or that the real state market is not that accessible to the middle class. It is not
easy to find a place to live near the downtown area that can be easily accessed from the
whole city. These individuals do not represent the majority, however.
Figure 48: Percentage of Population per Income Level
129
Besides the lack of educational equipment, there is also the problem of generating
income within the area. Seventy two percent of those responsible for the home receive
up to three minimum salaries 28 per month, while 17% receive between three and five
minimum salaries. These two slices together correspond for 89% of households that are
considered by the government in social housing policies and programs (see Figure 48).
The health equipment are extremely different from the educational ones, except for the
presence of Fiocruz within the area. Inside the campus in Manguinhos, the community
has access to a hospital, health center, National Public Health School and others. Each
type of equipment has different programs that are somehow able to come into the
community.
Cultural equipment are virtually inexistent, but there are several religious centers
associated with the Catholic and Evangelical Churches. There is just one museum in the
district. There is, however, an OSCIP that develops cultural programs in Manguinhos
called the CCAP Network.
These kinds of social programs are viewed by the community as a positive aspect of
living in Manguinhos. Another relevant factor considered to be positive is the
accessibility of the district.
The area is well served by collective transportation (buses) and surrounded by roads that
connect not only the area to the rest of the city but also to other cities via Brasil Avenue,
Leopoldo Bulhoes Avenue and Linha Amarela (see Figures 34 and 38).
There is also a railway that crosses the district, which is good in terms of the
transportation system but not so good regarding the urban aspects, since it divides
communities into two areas that are almost not crossable. A subway line (Number 2) is
located next to the district in Maria da Graça .
28
Minimum salary is the minimum monthly amount established by the Brazilian federal government that
must be paid to an employee. Today, it is around U$175.00.
130
Transportation and social projects are then potential ideas for the area. Other negative
points, however, can also be found. The lack of public green areas is one of the main
problems.
Of the total 261.84 ha of district, only 4.41% are green areas. In this way, when
considering the number of people declared by the community to reside in Manguinhos
(52,124), in 2005 (see Table 3) each person has only 2.21m2 of green area what would
be good if this green area was really accessed by people.
This is not that different from AP-3 as a whole. For a 90-year period, green areas were
reduced from 5% to 4% in AP-3 and 202 ha of forests and 12 ha of mangroves were
destroyed. The Green area per resident within the area is less than 1m2 per person (see
Rio de Janeiro (2005a, 25)). And there is no natural area, but rather only human
modified forest (0.02%) and mangroves (4.39%). The largest green area in the district is
located on the Fiocruz campus (see Figure 49).
Because there are not sufficient green areas or social equipment, the leisure spaces
simply follow the status.
Figure 49: View from the Fiocruz campus
131
5.2.1. Housing
As stated previously, there are 8,942 housing units in the Manguinhos district. A total of
6,795 units, however, are placed in subnormal settlements 29 . Therefore, more than 75%
of the housing in Manguinhos may display characteristics of houses in slums, even if
many of them were built by the government as a way to provide houses for those who
used to live in the slums.
Regarding the social connection, however, other communities formally belonging to
other districts are considered part of the Manguinhos Complex:
Table 5: Communities from Complexo de Manguinhos in others districts
COMMUNITY (SLUMS)
DISTRICT
NUMBER OF
EXISTING HOUSING
UNITS IN 2000 30
Vila União
Benfica
119
Comunidade Agrícola
de Higienópolis
Bonsucesso
425
Vila São Pedro
Bonsucesso
280
There are also four other communities that could not be identified in the 2000 Census:
Nelson Mandela, Samora Machel, Vitória de Manguinhos (CONAB) and Nova Era
(Embratel). The absence of the last two may be justified by the fact that they were
created after the year 2000. The first two may have been considered in the Census but
with different names not identified by the research. Vila Arará and Bat Caverna were
also considered part of the Manguinhos community, although the community as a whole
does not think this way. The first one is in Benfica and the second one is not known by
local people, at least by this name.
Within the district, about 90% of the dwellings are housing, nearly 7% are apartments
and some 3% are rooms (see Figure 50). If considering the housing units from only the
29
30
According to the 2000 Census
See the Brazilian 2000 Census .
132
sub-normal settlements, including those outside the district but that belong to the
community, the reality may somewhat similar:
Figure 50: Types of Housing in Manguinhos
The housing deficit in the communities is around 4,700 housing units, based on the data
provided by the interviewees. This deficit corresponds to inadequate dwellings and also
to the lack of housing required to supply all the families that live there (see Figure 51).
Figure 51: Occupation in Embratel, Manguinhos
The buildings (apartments) are usually built by the government as low-income housing
or even by those inhabitants with a better condition who build apartments to rent to new
inhabitants.
133
Figure 52: Tenure Type
By any means, even if people pay for their own home, no legal property exists in such
settlements, even those built by the government. The informal market, however, is
extremely active in the region.
In Rio de Janeiro, there are 1,500 plottings and slums, 450 of which originated between
1991 and 2000. Ninety percent of the inhabitants do not have the property title and
almost all the homes are located in hillsides or in areas near rivers, channels and lakes.
Thirty percent of the housing occupies less than 30m2 with bathrooms and kitchens in
precarious conditions (see Magalhães (2007, 39)).
According to information provided by the inhabitants, housing with one bedroom, one
living room, plus a kitchen and bathroom can be bought for around U$4,000.00. Houses
with two bedrooms cost between U$5,000.00 and U$7,500.00. There are also houses
that are completely remodeled, with finishing, floors, a ceiling in excellent condition
and usually with more than two floors, that can be sold for U$10,000.00. They also sell
rooms with a bathroom and kitchen in the same space, called a kitnet, and this costs
around U$1,750.00. A barraco 31 may be sold for U$1,000.00 (see Figure 53).
31
House in a poor condition usually made from plastic or wood.
134
Figure 53: Announcement of House for Sale
Regarding rent, houses are usually rented for U$ 100.00 and kitnets for U$ 75.00. The
prices to buy or rent a house in the communities are quite similar to those required by
the real estate market in surrounding areas, although the infrastructure is not very
similar.
It is important to emphasize that the real state market in these communities is highly
active when it comes to supplying the population growth of these areas, with a growth
rate of 2.4% per year (see Magalhães (2007, 39)). Cohabitation is the main problem that
influences new occupations in an area like the Nova Era Community within the
Embratel industry (see Figure 48). Families are also occupying the borders of the FariaTimbó and Jacaré Rivers (see Figure 54).
Figure 54: Jacaré river, Maguinhos
The 2000 Census, however, shows that the majority of the houses have between two,
three and four people. Eighteen percent of the houses have between five and six people,
while 13% have only one person. Because the number of people per house is usually not
135
very high, it could be understood that people who have lived with other relatives in the
past are already building their own house to live with their own family (see Figure 55).
Figure 55: Number of people per house, Manguinhos
Therefore, the area is constantly growing even if the infrastructure is not able to follow
this growth. The water supply is in fact good inside the slums, with 93% of the houses
served by the public system up to the house itself, 3% served until the plot and another
7% served by water through another method (see Figure 56).
The sanitation system is not as good as the water system:
(a)
(b)
Figure 56: Sanitation Inside the District and inside the Slums of the District (b)
136
Special attention must be paid to the fact that some of the houses use the rivers to
dispose of human waste. Even if it is not the majority, it causes a huge environmental
problem that also affects the health of the community (see Figure 57).
Figure 57: Pollution of the river, Manguinhos
According to Maria Auxiliadora, a problem disturbing the inhabitants of Vila São Pedro
is that an oil recycling industry uses the river to dump caustic soda. The smell is terrible
and causes health problems.
The number of bathrooms per house may also worsen the sanitation problem. Since
there are many people who work as plumbers in Manguinhos, the problems with water
and sanitation inside the houses are not serious. Even if the destination is not the most
adequate, families usually have at least one bathroom (see Figure 58).
Figure 58: Numbers of Bathrooms per House in Manguinhos
137
Another problem indicated by a community leader is the inefficient garbage collection
that attracts rats and cockroaches. Even if the 2000 Census says that 95% of the garbage
is collected, the frequency is perhaps not high enough since people are not satisfied with
the situation and the problem can spread all over the area (see Figure 59).
Figure 59: Type of Waste Disposal in Manguinhos
5.3. Economic Aspect in Manguinhos: Industrial Focus
As previously mentioned, the main productive use within the area is industrial, even if it
is in decay. Commerce has also its importance while, education and research are also
strong in the area due to the Fiocruz Institute.
The commerce is strong but on a small scale. Within all the communities, almost
everything can be sold in small stores. These stores sell clothing, food and basic goods
for daily life. When people need furniture, household appliances or a large super
market, they usually use the ones in Bonsucesso, the closest location.
Bars are almost a way of life for the merchants and the main source of leisure for the
community. All kinds of services can be found in the community: plumbers,
electricians, cooks, dressmakers and so on. The informal sector is quite present while
formal activities such as banks are not very common. Besides Banco do Brasil and
Bradesco, other banks and companies can only be found in Bonsucesso, which is the
nearest site as Patricia stated. Posts offices are well placed in each community center
headquarters (see Figure 60).
138
Figure 60: Headquarters of a Community Association Together with the Post Office
When compared to the neighboring districts, Manguinhos does not offer the best options
for commerce. In fact, it is the worst option, demonstrating that even though people
have access to certain products, they generally always need to go to other
neighborhoods to fulfill their needs (see Figure 61).
Figure 61: Commercial Area within the Communities
139
Regarding the area occupied by commerce, it is less expressive than in the Northern,
Eastern and Southern neighboring districts, but it is more relevant than the Western
districts.
The presence of Fiocruz represents an interesting potential for the district. There is some
research concerning public health and health itself. The community has the opportunity
to profit from this research directly (see Figure 62). The educational system also serves
the community through medium-level and vocational education. There are also postgraduate courses, and even though they are more related to another public, they still
attract people to the area who can contribute to developing the district through research
or social programs.
Figure 62: The Fiocruz Library
Because Manguinhos is located right in the middle of an industrial area defined by the
Master Plan, it has a huge area for industrial sites. However, Manguinhos and
Higienópolis have less industrial area than their surroundings. In Manguinhos, the
Fiocruz plot contributes to minimizing the industrial area in the district (see Figure 63).
According to the 2000 Census, there were between 19 and 47 industries inside the
district in 2000. According to the list provided by FIRJAN, there are currently 18
industries in the area (see Table 6).
140
Table 6: Industry Activities in Manguinhos
Civil construction
Wholesale commerce of machines and equipment for industries
Generator manufacturing
Monitoring and automobile repair services
Supply industry
Industrial gas production
Fuel wholesaler (alcohol, biodiesel, gasoline and other oil-based products
Retail commerce of articles for automobiles
Cosmetics production
Retail commerce of building construction material (concrete, gipsy, cement, cement fiber and
similar items)
Printing
Manufacturing of metal articles for domestic and personal use
Manufacturing of plastic packaging
Source: FIRJAN (2007)
The problem is that the industrial areas are leaving the area as a whole. This is not only
a problem in Manguinhos, but in the entire Northern zone. The vice president of the Rio
de Janeiro State Federation of Industries (FIRJAN) in 2003, João Lagoeiro Barbará, told
a newspaper that the districts most affected by the moving of the industries were Jacaré,
Penha, Santa Cruz, Benfica, Ramos and Acari (see Araújo (2003, 18)). Three of these
districts border Manguinhos, which was inopportunely also covered by this process.
According to the Federation of Commerce (Fecomércio) Institute, Rio de Janeiro lost
4,223 stores between October 2000 and September 2002 (see Brandão (2003, 16)). The
research conducted by the institute also concluded that the percentage of abandoned
buildings is quite high. In Ramos, this percentage is 7.16% (110 of 1,537 buildings),
falling behind only Penha with 12.8% (290 of 2,257 buildings are not occupied) and
behind Olaria with 8.8% (74 of 1,464 buildings). In Bonsucesso, the percentage is
6.35% (173 of 2,724 buildings); in São Cristóvão, 8.59% (181 of 2,118) and in Benfica,
6.11% (29 of 475) (see Bastos (2004, 09)).
141
General Eletric
GE
Embratel
DSUP
Manguinhos Refinery
Correios
CONAB
GLAXO
CISPER
Federal
Area
CCPL
Light
CCPL
Gilette
Light
CTC
Military
Area
ALTM
CTC
Military
Area
SENAI
Figure 63: Brownfields in Manguinhos
and surroundings
Source: adapted from Google Earth (2008)
320m
In this way, approximately 24% of Manguinhos is formed by abandoned or underused
land and almost 10% of the empty spaces are currently occupied. In the surroundings of
the districts, there are more than 170.70ha of abandoned or underused properties on
which some 12,000 Housing Units (HUs) could be built.
5.4. Challenges and Trends
Since August 1999, a group of public institutions, private enterprises and community
associations have joined together with FIOCRUZ to establish a partnership agreement
to
implement
a
process
of
local
sustainable
and
integrated
development
(Desenvolvimento Local Integrado Sustentável – DLIS) in Manguinhos (see DLISManguinhos, 3).
It is designed to serve as an alternative to public management and social intervention
focused on urban agglomerations that involved at-risk or socially vulnerable
communities. Accordingly, DLIS-Manguinhos operates in four fields: income and job
generation; housing, environment and sanitation; health, food and nutrition; and social
development.
It was the first movement to come into the community with aims of guiding its growth
through the improvement of social aspects.
The government also started to think about Manguinhos in a special way. It began to
elaborate an Urban Development Plan (Plano de Desenvolvimento Urbano – PDU) that
provided guidelines for the urban development of the region.
Because Manguinhos is also considered a complex of slums and because it has
undergone such important public interventions, after finishing the master plan for the
Alemão Complex, the city government began to do the same for Manguinhos.
As a result of internal conflicts, the group responsible for the PDU stopped elaborating
the plan after realizing that the one used for the Alemão Complex was hindered due to
143
the drug trafficking as well as the multiplication of the interests involved. Manguinhos
was in the initial stages and it was decided that the plan should be stopped since people
did not know how to implement it or even whether they were supposed to put it into
practice.
DLIS is more related to social improvement and PDU finished with simply a large
diagnosis of the area. The government, then, was still not present in the urban
development policies for the area. Furthermore, once it was decided that large slums
should receive especial treatment, Manguinhos was ready for such.
In 2006, the Growth Acceleration Program (Programa de Aceleração de Crescimento –
PAC) would start bringing the government back into the Manguinhos community. The
diagnosis performed through the PDU would be the basis for developing the urban
project in Manguinhos.
5.4.1. Growth Acceleration Program (PAC)
PAC is a federal government development program designed to promote accelerated
economic growth, increased jobs and the improvement of the Brazilian quality of life
(see Brasil (2007, 2)).
The program 32 , however, is more than a strategy for extending growth. It is a new
concept of investment in infrastructure that, together with economic measures, will
stimulate the productive sectors while bringing social benefits to all regions of the
country.
In the State of Rio de Janeiro, PAC will cover 15 municipalities, 12 from the
metropolitan area and three more municipalities with more than 150,000 inhabitants. In
total, six different kinds of projects will be implemented in Rio de Janeiro between 2007
and 2010.
32
See http://www.brasil.gov.br/pac
144
Among those projects, there is one focused on the upgrading of the group of slums
including Alemão, Cantagalo/Pavão Pavãozinho, Manguinhos and Rocinha. The main
interventions will take place at Alemão, Manguinhos and Rocinha.
Why in these slums? Although the municipality of Rio de Janeiro has many programs
focused on the upgrading of slums, there is not even one program that addresses the
problems in the larger slums. There is a program called Bairrinho designed for small
slums (European financing), Favela Bairro for medium-sized slums and the Grandes
Favelas Program for the large slums. However, this program has yet to be put into
practice, as is the case for the elaboration of a master plan for the group of Alemão
slums and the Plan of Urban Development for Manguinhos 33 .
Before PAC, the municipality of Rio de Janeiro had made interventions in two large
slums: Jacarezinho and Rio das Pedras, with investments from IDB. The government
thought it should gain more experience before trying to upgrade the large slums.
Therefore, they started to develop master plans for the slums and PAC appeared. It was
time to face the problem.
Suddenly, a huge amount of money was available to upgrade the groups of slums:
Table 7: Budget Sources – PAC Rio 34
SLUM UPGRADING
PROJECT
STATE
INVESTMENT
(MILLION U$)
MANGUINHOS COMPLEX
Rio de Janeiro State
Government
Rio de Janeiro City
Government
TOTAL
UNION
BUDGET
(MILLION U$)
FINANCING
COMPENSATION
(MILLION U$)
TOTAL
INVESTMENT
(MILLION U$)
54.41
54.41
-
32.67
130.56
38.89
38.89
-
12.95
51.84
93.30
93.30
-
45.64
182.40
Source: adapted from Brasil (2007a)
Around U$ 160,000,000 are currently available for use exclusively for the upgrading of
Manguinhos. The amount is provided by the federal, state and municipal governments.
33
34
See www.habitat.pcrj.gov.br
1 dollar = 1.80 reais (Brazilian currency)
145
In the State of Rio de Janeiro alone, around US$ 1 billion would be invested in slums
between 2007 and 2010 (see Table 8).
Table 8: Percentage of the Budget per Institution – PAC Rio
SLUM UPGRADING
U$
million
ORIGIN OF THE RESOURCE
%
FEDERAL FINANCING
127.73
11%
UNION BUDGET
795
68%
TOTAL FEDERAL INVESTMENT
922.73
79%
STATE PARTICIPATION
138.67
12%
MUNICIPAL PARTICIPATION
101.23
9%
TOTAL
1,162.62
100%
Source: Brasil (2007a)
The largest program in the same field was Favela-Bairro; for 12 years, around US$ 500
million was invested in 143 slums. PAC in Rio de Janeiro will invest around US$ 1
billion in five slums for three years (see PAC audience dated 9/27/2007).
In the case of Manguinhos, PAC wants to improve the quality of life of the inhabitants
(65,000 according to the PAC audience dated 9/27/2007) solving the deficit of social
equipment, housing and infrastructure. In the 2007 Architecture and Engineer Seminar
Week 2007, Demetri has indicated the existing infrastructure in Manguinhos:
2
4
13
75
Health care centers
Junior high school
Employees from the municipal government
Teachers from the state and municipal
government
146
The aims to be achieved are as follows:
Figure 64: Aims of PAC
Source: adapted from audience PAC 27/09/2007.
To put PAC into practice, the three levels of government are working together under the
supervision of CAIXA. The State Government, however, serves as the coordinator of
the program in Rio de Janeiro, through the Department of Construction Works
(Secretaria de Obras - SEOBRAS) represented by the Enterprise of Public Works
(Empresa de Obras Públicas – EMOP). The municipality takes part in the process by
developing the design of some parts within the slums, although under the coordination
of the state government (see Figure 65).
Within the State Government, the work is undertaken as follows:
Figure 65: Partnership in PAC
Source: adapted from audience PAC 27/09/2007.
147
In Manguinhos then, the city government will take care of the communities CHP2,
Parque João Goulart, Mandela de Pedra, Mandela II and Vila União. The State
Government will take care of part of the communities of Mandela de Pedra, Vitória de
Manguinhos (CONAB) and Embratel (see EMOP (2007, 1)).
The others communities are not officially cited in the documents or even in the
audiences in which the researcher took part.
The main focus of the state government proposal is to elevate the railway that crosses
the area. The elevation is justified by the plans to build a park below it and connect the
two sections of the area today divided by the railway (see Figure 66).
Figure 66: PAC Program in Manguinhos
Source: EMOP (2007)
148
6. GUIDELINES FOR ACTION
After analyzing the situation in Manguinhos, its problems can be seen more clearly. As
a consequence of urban growth and a lack of public policies, the Manguinhos area
attracted many people who came to live informally. For these people, Manguinhos
appeared to be the solution for the problem of not being accepted by the city.
People arrived, but the regional infrastructure was unable to meet their needs. What
happened then? The inhabitants acquired housing, but they remained without homes,
health, education or jobs. At least they have access to transportation.
Even surrounded by such problems, the numbers of families increased and if there were
not houses at the beginning, suddenly the housing deficit was huge.
At the same time, former industries and commercial areas could be found in
Manguinhos and the neighboring districts. However, such enterprises were no longer
interested in staying in the area, and wanted to move away from the violence that began
to take hold of the region since the government was not there to stop it.
As previously mentioned, this research has attempted to analyze the possibility of
reusing these abandoned or underused sites as a way to resolve the problem of their
surroundings already described in last chapter. The obtained results will be presented in
this chapter.
The results obtained are the consequence of the methodology based on oriented
interviews with actors that may be involved in brownfield redevelopment in the city of
Rio de Janeiro. Taking as a reference the multi-stakeholder analysis used by Cabernet,
the possible actors were then defined:
149
Academics: federal and private universities as well as research groups
Professional advisors: architecture and engineering offices
Developers: NGOs, government, SENAI, FIRJAN, Sinduscon, SuperVia
Land owners: the government, private owners and those owners with land
that they are unable to sell or use.
Regulators: Ministry of the Environment, Ministry of the Cities, municipal
and state Environmental and Housing Departments, Judiciary branch, and
SMU
Technology suppliers: environmental enterprises, Sinduscon
Financiers: CAIXA, state and local government
Community Groups: NGOs, community leaders
The answers were provided based on the questionnaires used (see ANNEX C),
analyzed, and new clusters were defined to better show the obtained results. It is
important to point out that not all actors could talk to the researcher due to lack of time
or compatible availability with the research schedule. The interviews conducted,
however, provided some guidelines for answer the research questions indicated in the
introduction.
6.1.
Players and Roles
When it comes to the process of brownfield redevelopment itself, as it was said before,
different private and public institutions should be involved. In chapter four entitled
“Brownfield Redevelopment,” this topic is also discussed.
An important phase of the redevelopment process that also requires specific actors is the
one involving the management of contaminated sites. Most of the interviewees have
paid more attention to this topic, relating brownfield redevelopment and contaminated
site management as synonyms.
Nowadays, the institutions responsible for caring for the problem of soil contamination
are those with an environmental focus: federal, state and municipal institutions. In the
city of Rio de Janeiro, FEEMA is responsible for the majority of activities focused on
environmental monitoring. SMAC is currently responsible for providing environmental
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licenses for interventions covering the municipal domain as well as for monitoring. A
type of cooperation being defined between FEEMA and SMAC deals with the licensing
and monitoring of industrial or commercial activities with a local impact. The municipal
institution, however, is not yet prepared to receive this task due to the lack of
infrastructure and professionals.
A new institute may play an important role within this context: the Environmental
Institute (Instituto de Meio-Ambiente - IMA) that encompasses FEEMA, IEF and
SERLA.
However, not only environmental institutions can participate on the issue. Based on the
interviews and literature review, the actors in brownfield redevelopment could be
distributed as shown below, considering the different fields:
Table 9: Stakeholders Involved in the Development and Use of Brownfield Sites
STAKEHOLDER GROUPS
EXAMPLES OF STAKEHOLDERS WITHIN EACH GROUP
Stakeholders involved in land use planning and regulation
Group 1: Regulators, statutory SMAC, FEEMA, SMU, SMH, CEG, Eletrobrás, Water and Sewage
consultees, service providers and city Company, FUNASA, Department of Health, Fiocruz
council members
Group 2: Non-statutory consultees, Sinduscon, Fecomercio, Manguinhos Forum, Manguinhos Associations,
interest groups, and individuals
UFRJ
Stakeholders involved in development and construction
Group 3: Property developers and SEOBRAS, Sinduscon, land owners, CAIXA, SNHIS
developer interests
Group 4: Professional consultants
IAB, Engineer and Architect Trade Union.
Stakeholders involved in the end use
Group 5: End users
Community, industry owners and merchants
Government
Source: adapted from William/ Dair (2007, 179).
Depending on each redevelopment case, as well as the area, time and resources, the
actors may be different. What is important, however, is that the participation of all must
be integrated and well defined from the very beginning. Not all actors should take part
in the entire process. Too many representatives in certain phases may destroy the whole
redevelopment, since it is difficult to discuss topics and obtain a consensus in suitable
time.
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Private institutions, therefore, should be included in the process right after the
redevelopment has been planned by the government. SMU and CAIXA defend this as a
way of minimizing the risk of a brownfield redevelopment having society as whole as a
target group. It is important to point out that the secondary role of the private sector
should be encouraged in those cases of redevelopment described as Type B or C (see
Figure 21), such as the ones addressed in this thesis.
The fact that the redevelopment process is guided by the government requires the
integration of the three levels: national, state and city. As can be seen in Table 9, there
must be institutions at all levels of the government that are involved in land use
planning/regulation, development and construction as well as the end use.
Accordingly, at the municipal level, all the institutions that took part in the work
“Planning Area 3: Abandoned Real Estate” should participate in brownfield
redevelopment. Besides these, there should also be the participation of the Municipal
Department of Finance (Secretaria Municipal da Fazenda – SMF), Administrative
Regions, Department of Urbanism (SMU), Department of Planning and Department of
the Environment (SMAC). Natália Couto believes that the Department of Patrimony and
Department of Finance have a special role in redeveloping brownfields since they are
the ones responsible for dealing with land property.
The SMH has sometimes tried to redevelop abandoned areas, but since the
environmental analysis was not positive enough to continue with the project designed at
the beginning, the institution just gave up redeveloping. After knowing the site is
contaminated, the government tends to adopt this posture. Then, people come and
occupy the plot without any knowledge of the danger located under the surface or even
on it. Within this context, SMH is concerned with finding the location of these
contaminated sites and taking measures to remediate the problem as a way to avoid land
occupation.
SMU is another important player, defining the different zones and their activities. In
industrial areas, the risk of contamination may be higher and, as a consequence, may
affect activities in the surrounding areas, such as the interventions undertaken by IPP
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and the Department of Construction (Secretaria de Obras – SEOBRAS). Because these
entities work with construction, they may be aware of the risk of finding contaminated
soil.
At the state level, the main institution would be the Department of the Environment
represented by its foundation FEEMA, the one responsible for environmental licensing
and monitoring. The Rio de Janeiro State Housing Company (Companhia Estadual de
Habitação do Rio de Janeiro – CEHAB) and the Department of Works (SEOBRAS)
would also be important players.
On a national level, besides the Ministry of Cities and the Ministry of the Environment
(IBAMA has a special role); CAIXA has its own role as a development bank that can
finance the redevelopment and, at the same time, monitor the way it is being developed.
CAIXA may also require the financed enterprise to undergo an environmental analysis
and remediate any possible contamination. The MTE will provide the guidelines to be
followed by the construction company and CAIXA will simply monitor the process.
CAIXA has the role of informing, especially the entrepreneurs and municipalities. The
government must be aware of this subject.
Some municipalities have already undertaken certain environmental activities
implemented by FEEMA, but they do not even have the infrastructure to move forward
with them
Focusing on the Manguinhos case, Fiocruz must be considered since it is the main
government institution in the area and strongly connected to the community.
The private sector should be represented by Sinduscon, FIRJAN, Secovi (Legal
Representative of Condominium, Administrators and Real Estate Offices) and local
enterprises (the existing and future ones), such as Manguinhos Refinery. Financing
institutions and real estate offices sometimes must also be involved. Without
investments and the presence of private investors, it is not easy to face the problem in
Brazil, since the budget is not large enough and there are not enough technicians. The
private sector would then be the main actor in the decontamination process, putting to
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practice the rules defined and monitored by environmental institutions. Public service
companies would also be able to analyze the redevelopment projects.
Institutions such as universities and professional associations should also participate to
provide suitable information as to how to guide the process considering the context
within which the redevelopment would occur.
Class entities like CREA, IAB and others may participate by providing information and
implementing capacity building with professionals and civil society in general.
Educational institutions such as COPPE, PUC, SENAI and so forth may serve as
partners, for example, by offering their labs to analyze the possibility or level of
contamination. Since the government does not have enough money to deal with the
remediation and analysis, these kinds of partnerships are welcome.
6.1.1. Public Participation
Even though the City Statute in Brazilian federal law requires public institutions to
incorporate civil society in their projects, often times the conversation between these
parties are not frequent. There are, however, certain solutions to put this connection into
practice.
The Municipal Housing Department has a close relationship with the communities.
Every time that there is an edict, people come to the department to obtain more
information and the department normally presents the project to the communities and
receives associated requests.
SMAC works with direct demand by trying to solve the denouncement against
environmental crimes. FEEMA only answers the requests and complaints made by the
community.
CAIXA discusses and incorporates the demands and opinion of those who will be
assisted by the financing process. Every project financed by CAIXA includes social
monitoring. PAC will receive the same treatment.
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Fiocruz, however, has extensive experience when it comes to talking to the community
through the Health Center that also employs many people from the community through
the National School of Public Health (Escola Nacional de Saúde Pública Sérgio Arouca
– ENSP), Family Health Program (Programa Saúde Família – PSF), Local Integrated
Sustainable Development (Desenvolvimento Local Integrado Sustentável – DLIS) and
the Manguinhos Territorial Lab.
The university registers the opinion of the local people through a survey on its social
and economic profile, where the academy helps by developing the project.
The public institutions, even if not frequently involved, have certain programs designed
to create this contact with civil society. The private ones are not yet concerned with this.
Sinduscon has no contact with the community nor does it work to resolve demands. It
acts only in the interest of the construction companies. Supervia also listens to the
community by providing a center through which it attempts to answer the requests of
those people who have suggestions and complaints. Supervia has also an environmental
department that implements educational policies involving those people living along the
railway.
As can been seen, the way in which public participation has been implemented is not the
best way to contribute to a successful project. If brownfield redevelopment aims to
achieve solid results, it must be aware of the needs of the target group, receive the
integrated participation of all actors and know the right time for each type of
participation.
6.2.
Proceedings in Brownfield Redevelopment
Because there is no standard methodology for brownfield redevelopment, each
interviewed institution had a different idea as to how to proceed.
The first step, however, would be the determination of after-use on former brownfield
sites. This is an important requirement for a successful project. This kind of
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consideration usually involves two levels: strategic land-use planning and detailed site
specific planning decisions.
As a result, decisions have to be made on the following issues:
• How to manage or treat contamination problems;
• Whether to dismantle or reuse existing buildings and infrastructure;
• The influence of any naturally developing ecology;
• Development of techniques and procedures to address all aspects that have been progressing
for a number of years (see CLARINET (2002a, 35)).
In this way, the existing institutions in Rio de Janeiro have developed certain
proceedings to deal with the issue, but not considering all the topics listed above, they
usually just focus on one part of the process.
Regarding the management and treatment of contaminated sites, FEEMA, for example,
already has its own procedures. When an entrepreneur wants to undertake a
redevelopment project, he or she must initiate the process asking FEEMA for an
installation license or previous license. At this time, the entrepreneur needs to inform
the new use intended for the land and then FEEMA will inform the level of
decontamination that must be achieved to receive a license for the new use that is
intended.
In the case of already occupied sites that are possibly contaminated, when FEEMA is
able to identify who was responsible for the contamination, the first step to follow is to
inform the municipality and civil defense so that they can evacuate people from the
contaminated site and monitor it to avoid new occupations. As a second step, the party
responsible for the contamination is required by law to propose a way of remediating
the situation. In this way, as soon as possible people should let SMAC know about those
areas where activities with potential contamination are or were developed.
Besides dealing with soil contamination, as defended by Maura Moreira from SMH, the
first step in the entire redevelopment process should be solving legal barriers. For
example, obtaining the real ownership of the land and settling existing debts. At SMH,
several projects have been started without considering the land property issue and, in the
end, the land could not be sold or used and time and money were spent without results.
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It does not matter whether brownfield redevelopment can own property if it is not able
to remediate the contamination found. In the same way, it is not a big deal if someone
knows they can decontaminate a piece of land they cannot acquire.
In the case of brownfield redevelopment through low-income family housing, a way to
minimize the problem of land property would be to expropriate the land for social
interest developed by the government.
In this way, it is advisable to conduct economical viability and financing studies before
beginning any redevelopment project, just as the university advises. Jackson Pereira
from Sinduscon believes that by studying the local real estate market and its trends, the
redevelopment project has a higher chance of achieving the right beneficiaries.
Attention must be paid to redevelopments within the same context presented in this case
study since the interest of the private sector may exclude the existing low-income
families that are not able to afford or take part into the process.
Regarding financing, for those cases in which government would also be in charge of
financing the redevelopment, CAIXA can only finance brownfield redevelopment if the
soil is already remediated. The entrepreneur must decontaminate the soil while CAIXA
monitors the work. As long as the site is still contaminated, the work must be stopped
and can only continue after new remediation. Even in the initial analysis performed by
CAIXA, contamination is already considered. There may also be subsidies to finance
the payment of housing for low-income families.
Finally, to have an effective brownfield redevelopment intervention, a policy to combat
the problem must be established. As mentioned in Chapter 4, a preliminary survey
indicating the possibly degraded areas and their possible contamination could be
conducted by the government to serve as a basis for solving the easiest to the most
difficult problems or the most urgent to the less urgent ones. Interventions should be
prioritized. With the survey, SMAC would be able to indicate certain areas where the
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municipality together with the Pereira Passos Institute 35 (Instituto Pereira Passos – IPP)
could think about pilot projects for brownfield redevelopment.
Similarly to the survey conducted to list the degraded areas in Planning Area 3 (see Rio
de Janeiro (2006b)), the methodology could then be applied in the central region and
then to others parts of the city. This is the way it was also done with the harbor and PRI
São Cristóvão.
Another important point would be the participation of the assisted communities. They
must take part in the entire process since they are informed about what is going on, how
it is going on and alternatives for the process.
6.2.1. Instruments
Nowadays, there are many tools that are already being used in brownfield
redevelopment. Some other tools exist but have yet to be put into practice. Others tools
may still be invented as a way to better face the problem.
FEEMA, for example, allows the industries to keep working while at the same time
remediating their own land. In the case of industries that have boilers, they must simply
decontaminate the land after halting their operations.
Today, FEEMA can also use tools that seize the wealth of those responsible for
contaminating industries until they remediate the former area of activity.
There is also the chance of reducing decontamination costs when someone buys a
contaminated site, even if this procedure is not regulated but law. The owner of the land
can also officially register the activities that may be allowed on such, since
decontamination is usually conducted for a specific new use.
35
An institute that belongs to the Municipal Secretary of Urbanism and is responsible for develop urban
projects.
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At SMAC, however, there is no specific program to deal with contaminated site
redevelopment. Natália Couto believes that programs should focus on all-inclusive
environmental education such as the draft program Sala Verde (Green Classroom).
Another measure taken by SMAC was the creation of the Contaminated Site
Management Group. The group is placed under the Coordination of Environmental
Monitoring and now SMAC needs to create a Contaminated Site Management System.
All the procedures will be based on the experience obtained in São Paulo. SMAC also
intends to stimulate the practice of registering potentially contaminating activities in the
information certificate (Certidão de Informação – CI).
Regarding the new use brought through the redevelopment, especially the housing one,
Sinduscon has also defined a Pilot Project for Sustainable Social Housing to build small
residential and mixed neighborhoods for low-income families in urban and
infrastructure-equipped vacant lands located along of railways next to train stations 36 .
By using the Financing Fund for Subsidies from the National Social Housing System,
Sinduscon plans to test the feasibility of the new system.
To build for low-income families, Sinduscon needs the government’s support and, as a
result, different programs financed by CAIXA are an important source of money for
supplying housing for families that earn up to five minimum salaries per month. PAR is
one of the programs that use resources from Unemployment Insurance Fund (Fundo de
Garantia por Tempo de Serviço – FGTS).
Regarding the financing system, SMH uses PAR, Associative Credit and subsidized
housing. Through PAC, it intends to build 293 houses in a former army area in
Manguinhos.
PAR and Associative Credit are some of the CAIXA financing programs that may use
budget from FGTS, OGU and others, depending on the income. Accordingly, almost all
the CAIXA programs may be used to redevelop brownfields, the problem is not
covering the costs of remediation in the case of soil contamination. CAIXA has also
36
See http://www.sinduscon-rio.com.br/doc/proj_piloto.pdf
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created the National Environmental Administration that is responsible for completing
some of the proposals focused on CAIXA’s role in terms of the environment. Even if
the Administration has no power to put its ideas into practice, at least it proposes new
ways of dealing with the environment.
The Protection Area for Urban Reorganization (Área de Proteção para Reordenamento
Urbano- APARU) is another tool cited at this time by FEEMA. This tool may be used
in the case of urban conflict caused by incompatible uses. For example, there is an area
that is defined to enclose industrial zones, and as a consequence of urban sprawl,
residences have arrived to the same place and now cannot tolerate the smell or noise
produced by the former industry. Applying APARU, the municipality can find another
place to locate the industry and then build a park in the neighborhood.
The Program for Technological Development in Public Health (Programa de
Desenvolvimento Tecnológico em Saúde Pública - PDTSP), through the Sustainable
Cities edict, is a research tool used to monitor urban policies in Manguinhos by
implementing a 24-month research project called Manguinhos - Historical-urbanSanitary Diagnosis: subsidies to sustainable public health policies.
6.3.
Benefits
According to the different actors, the benefits that could be achieved through
redeveloping a brownfield would be more or less the same. Almost all the institutions
have shown that using the existing infrastructure would be a great benefit especially
because it is a cheaper way of conducting business.
There is no need for the intervention of public water, light and sanitation companies.
The fact that many of the areas belong to the public sector 37 makes the land cheaper,
also attracting private investments.
Therefore, the existing infrastructure contributes to improving the logistics sector.
According to Dyrton Bellas from FEEMA, in the Northern zone there is no industrial
37
In a survey conducted by Sinduscon and Supervia, the majority of the abandoned ploys found belong to
the public sector. See Sustainable Housing Pilot Project (Projeto Piloto de Habitação Sustentável).
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interest of staying within the area because of the already described economic and social
reasons. Because the area is highly accessible through public transportation, abandoned
or under-used degraded areas are currently being used as docks, which is a good way of
pushing the heavy traffic away from downtown area of the city as well as the majority
of residential areas. The real estate market is already considering this by using
abandoned industries that are usually rented for just U$5 a day plus urban property
taxes.
It is important to remark that most brownfield redevelopment it is not hard to address in
the city of Rio de Janeiro. The majority of degraded areas come from the transformation
industry in which the problem of contamination is not that significant because it is
restricted to oil and grease usually found on the surface.
The most important benefit that could be achieved through the revitalization, however,
refers to the improvement and guarantee of human health before, during and after the
redevelopment. The past, current and future owners need to then prove that the land is
free of contamination. Once a property is contaminated, the responsible party must
provide a decontamination proposal. If the proposal is not followed, SMAC will fine the
party. This procedure is a way of guaranteeing public health.
Once public health is considered, the new uses may be devised in such a way as to
improve the quality of life not only of the area that will be redeveloped but also the city
as a whole. Accordingly, an effective redevelopment will bring new frontiers of
development for the city, avoiding the degradation of greenfields. Such spaces may be
used to improve the quality of life by producing affordable and adequate housing, as
defended by SMU, as well as social facilities and services.
Since brownfield redevelopment has social approach, other benefits may also be
obtained. When a revitalization project aims to implement a Residential Leasing
Program (Programa de Arrendamento Residencial – PAR), SMAC facilitates the
decontamination process and environmental license. In certain cases, when there is
public interest, such as the ceramics industry in Mangueira, the Municipality may also
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work together with COPPE (UFRJ) to conduct preliminary soil and water analyses
without costs to the entrepreneur.
Figure 67: Ceramic industry brownfield that will be site to redevelopment through housing
Source: Andreas Nieters (2007)
Another important point cited by only one institution relates to the better condition of
life of those communities located within and around the degraded areas. Brownfield
redevelopment may benefit communities with schools, housing and other projects
/facilities that can fulfill existing needs within the slums.
As can be noticed, the institutions have pointed out many benefits that can be achieved
through brownfield redevelopment. Many problems can be minimized by reusing urban
degraded areas, and because of this, universities also try to think about different ways of
putting this into practice. At the School of Architecture and Urbanism (Faculdade de
Arquitetura e Urbanismo – FAU) at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro
(Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro – UFRJ), the revitalization of abandoned
industrial areas is often the subject of academic projects. This may also be seen as a
benefit since it serves as information for future professionals and also civil society as to
how to deal with the problem.
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6.4.
Challenges
When the interviewees were asked about the difficulties associated with brownfield
redevelopment, the answers provide show that today there are certain limits that must be
overcome: contamination, urban legislation, property, social problems, political interests
and costs.
The contamination issue is a difficulty that affects the actions of SMU, SMAC,
Sinduscon, UFRJ, CAIXA and FEEMA. According to Natália Couto (SMAC), it is
extremely hard to push the entrepreneurs to be concerned about the risk of
contamination and this becomes more difficult because the Municipal Treasury
Department (Secretaria Municipal da Fazenda – SMF) does not keep the list of polluted
activities up-to-date because the enterprises usually just provide the first information
about their activities. Then, they change but are no longer concerned about informing
the new situation, even if it no longer exists. In this context, Lira (2007) from Sinduscon
has also indicated contamination as a problem in redeveloping brownfields since the
level and kind of contamination may avert redevelopment.
As a financial bank, CAIXA is concerned about identifying the possible contamination
and its level in the projects that may be financed by the bank. With GTZ’s support,
CAIXA has developed a form as a way of monitoring possible soil contamination. Once
the contamination is identified, the bank has another concern: not having funds to
investigate the contamination and support the decontamination process. This represents
a huge limit since the decontamination is usually so high that the private investors are
not able to take care of the problem without government help. Even with money to solve
the problem, only few enterprises are able to conduct a good environmental analysis and
even fewer are able to remediate the contamination in the city of Rio de Janeiro. It is
also hard to identify the party responsible for the contamination, since many times the
degraded plot has had many owners and different activities that may have caused the
damage. Furthermore, because the contamination is always something that is hidden, it
not easy to know the real facts.
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Once contaminated, the industries are forced to decontaminate the property, and
depending on the cost, they prefer to put it off as long as possible. This means that the
redevelopment comes a bit later and may cause social problems such as the occupation
of the areas.
Regarding urban law, since the majority of industrial areas are located within areas
designed especially for industrial use, the urban law may be changed as a way to permit
redevelopment with new uses. This position is defended by Sinduscon and the
University.
Social problems are also a sort of barrier to promoting the redevelopment of
brownfields in Rio de Janeiro. Many of the degraded areas are today occupied or within
areas dominated by the violence of drugs trafficking in the slums. Such problems may
also cause prejudice among the dominant income class which may in turn affect
investments from the private sector, since redevelopment in such areas may be not
interesting to the ones that are able to afford it. The institutions concerned about this
problem are SMU, SMAC, Sinduscon, UFRJ and FIOCRUZ.
In such cases, when the real estate market is not interested in handling the
redevelopment, the government must take care of it due to investments required. The
lack of investment may be considered a consequence of government absence. The
university, FIOCRUZ and Supervia are also concerned about the problem since in many
cases with social approaches, not even the real estate market can take part in the
redevelopment process without government support.
The property may be considered the big issue in redeveloping brownfields. Usually the
plots may be acquired by the government or entrepreneurs. In the case of the
government, they may be acquired through donations or expropriation. However
usually, the plot is undergoing a litigation process and has a huge debt with the
government regarding urban taxes. In fact, 80% of the abandoned industries have debts
with social security, workers and so on.
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In this way, there is no consensus between the government and private owners as to the
price for expropriation, and in case of donation, the government is not yet able to
forgive certain debts. The costs are then over-evaluated, causing the government to look
for some other, non-abandoned plots.
When brownfields belong to the government, another difficulty may be involved. This
is the transfer from one level of government to another, as well as the regulation of the
property, since public land is not available (sold or given) in Brazil. Some instruments
to solve this are already in use (such as the ones from City Statute 38 ), but the process is
not as efficient as disaffection. Often times, it is difficult to know even who is the
owner, and therefore, expropriation, donation or any other kind of solution may not be
put into practice.
Another point cited by the Municipal Housing Department (Secretaria Municipal do
Habitat – SMH) was the difficulty of thinking about redevelopment through housing
while considering more than housing, including transport, commerce, services and
public facilities 39 .
The changes in the economic sector described in the second chapter are a kind of barrier
to redevelopment since they reduce the economic attractiveness of certain economic
activities, generating unemployment and environmental degradation through the
abandonment of non-profitable activities (see Da Pós (200&), p.2). Anyhow, the overvalue attributed to economic issues serves as a limit to fulfilling the real needs of
society in terms of quality of life: a healthy environment (see Tostes (2007), p.3).
6.4.1. What Can Be Done
The first point that was more commonly cited concerned the necessity for an integrated
policy. SMH defends the idea of institutions combining actions to solve the problem of
degraded areas. The three levels of government must take part in the process by trying
to minimize bureaucracy and increase and attract more investments.
38
39
See Chapter 2, title 2.1.1. Public Policies – National and State Levels
See the definition and principals of Smart Growth in GSG Consultants (2005).
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Public security must be considered within the integrated policy. Without resolving the
violence in the surrounding areas of the former industrial sites, there is no way of
keeping people and other activities in the same place after redeveloping.
Somehow, the investments must care for the remediation process. Ottoni Neto (2007),
technical supervisor from CAIXA, believes that a financing project should consider
decontamination by reducing the costs of remediation from the total amount that the
entrepreneur would pay if the land was not contaminated.
Besides the financing for decontamination, the government should make a large
investment in the redevelopment itself, especially in areas of social interest and the case
study described in this thesis. PAC 40 seems to be the opportunity for putting these ideas
into practice. Another source of financing that should be considered mainly for housing
would be the amount of money from the National Fund for Social Housing (Fundo
Nacional de Habitação de Interesse Social – FNHIS) that can be used together with the
Unemployment Insurance Fund (Fundo de Garantia pro Tempo de Serviço – FGTS).
There will be U$ 2.5 billion per year used in housing production what will facilitate the
entire process.
As the government in Brazil does not have much money, the private sector must be
involved in the redevelopment process. The government must also analyze the real
possibility of forgiving debts, freeing entrepreneurs from paying taxes (such as service
tax) (Imposto Sobre Serviço – ISS) and stimulating the use of tools such as Special
Areas of Social Interest 41 (Área Especial de Interesse Social – AEIS).
The urban law can be changed by using AEIS, thereby allowing the private sector to
decrease the size of the houses, for example, and guaranteeing an interesting profit
through larger density.
40
See chapter 4, the tittle 5.2.1 Growth Acceleration Program (Programa de Aceleração do Crescimento –
PAC)
41
It presents land that is not used or under-used and considered necessary to implement housing
programs for low-income families or, still, AEIS are areas occupied by slums, illegal plotting and housing
condominiums designated to specific urban development and land regularization programs (see Rio de
Janeiro (2001), pg. 57).
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All the suggestions given above may only work if society and the government acquire
the knowledge and awareness that the contamination of soil, even though it cannot be
seen, is really serious and nowadays is something that must be considered in Brazil.
Brownfield redevelopment may be a good way of not only solving the problem of
contamination but also addressing all the technical and social aspects involved in the
topic.
This knowledge must be acquired through information and education. And the first one
that must be prepared is the government. In this way, GTZ is helping the municipality
of Rio de Janeiro support the creation of task forces to manage contaminated sites. This
group is already working at SMAC and now even more intensely since the state
government has transferred some of its environmental licensing activities to the
municipality. GTZ was also invited to support the improvement of FEEMA, although
the negotiations are still underway as to how to form the cooperation.
Natália Couto from SMAC believes that the experts who work in the government
should also be trained on the topic as well as the private enterprises that work in the
field. Besides acquiring knowledge of the contaminated sites, society may be informed
about a possible contamination of the land and a way to do this would to make the
information available in the building information certificate (certidão de informação –
CI). The information should clarify any potential contaminating activities that were
developed on the land.
The Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ) defends the idea of communicating to
society the results obtained by the environmental analysis regarding soil contamination.
Discussions should then be undertaken with society as a way of reviewing the present
law.
CAIXA has started to inform the enterprises financed by the bank. Within the Technical
Specifications Guide (Manual Técnico de Especificações – MTE), the bank wrote a
chapter explaining the guidelines to be followed if there is possible contamination in
one of the projects financed by the bank.
167
Ottoni Neto believes that everyone must be informed about soil contamination,
including the contaminating party, the party that bought the land and the party that is
financing the redevelopment of the land.
Pereira (2007) from Sinduscon is also concerned about the need to perform a survey of
all the degraded and available industrial areas as well as the situation of the soil and the
urban law at the site. After that, measures would be defined to solve the problems
found.
6.5.
Strategies for Manguinhos
The community could be considered the most important actor in the whole process of
redevelopment since the research was developed under the hypothesis that brownfield
redevelopment in Manguinhos would be a way to solve certain problems that exist in
the community.
In this way, the client would be the community and would accordingly provide
guidelines for the redevelopment. In order to acquire these guidelines, an oriented
interview was conducted on four inhabitants of different Manguinhos communities.
It is first necessary to know why people live in Manguinhos. The interviewees indicate
that they live there because they do not have the means to live somewhere else. The
community and location are considered positive aspects, but problems such as violence
and a lack of sanitation are considered by inhabitants to be negative aspects of living
there. However, they indicated that if the community could be upgraded, they would
stay in Manguinhos.
Many people, however, are moving away from Manguinhos. They buy a temporary
home in the Western Zone, a place that is not close to the downtown area, but at least a
little less violent. Others want to move and can do so, but they do not because they
become accommodated. They end up living in Manguinhos for such a long time and
everybody knows them. The drugs traffickers no longer bothers them and it is easier to
stay there than try to gain the acceptance of the other drug trafficker groups.
168
One interviewee, however, said that living in Maré was better than living in
Manguinhos, because there she used to live in a condominium built by the government
for low-income families and because of this it was less violent.
Paulo, leader of the Varginha community, remains in Manguinhos because of his
commitment to the association. As he is not originally from Manguinhos, he is there
today because he represents the people. He came to the community because of a
marriage that has since ended.
Considering these problems and the ones cited in the last chapter, the interviewees have
also indicated some ways of improving the quality of life in the neighborhood. They
believe that an extreme change must take place throughout the entire government
system.
The politicians must be present in the communities during their entire term, not only
during their election. This way, the State would perform its duties in terms of
guaranteeing the rights of the community through a dialogue with local residents.
Accordingly, local actions may be undertaken, including: dredging the rivers,
upgrading housing, creating jobs especially for low-income people, providing quality
education, creating equipment and instruments to improve public health, increasing the
social action within the community especially through sports (soccer, rhythmic
gymnastics and so on). The abandoned or underutilized areas should be incorporated
into the process of upgrading the district.
6.5.1. Brownfields in Manguinhos vs. Community Needs
According to the interviewees, there are many abandoned or under-utilized land that
could be redeveloped by the government in Manguinhos. There are the following plots:
Embratel, DSUP, Refinery, CONAB (in the Manguinhos district), CEDAE, Light,
Souza Cruz (in the Jacaré district), CCPL, Gilette, Jafra and Maia (in the Benfica
district).
169
The community believes that the taxes to keep an industry alive are currently so high
that many of them cannot afford to stay in the same place under the former conditions.
Violence (drug trafficking) and theft against the professionals are also current problems
and may be prompting them to the leave the industries.
The fact that the region does not have much space left for the growth of the industries
has caused the area to lose its attractiveness (see Figure 63). The traffic jams and
presence of slums also negatively affect the proper operation of the enterprises.
This reduced economic activity in the district is also a negative aspect due to the drop in
job opportunities. Some inhabitants believe that this loss is not that significant since
many industries do not generate jobs for the community and others are just destroying
the already degraded environment.
The interviewees indicated certain problems with the environment: proliferation of rats,
cockroaches, oil and caustic soda dumped into the river that causes a bad smell
(provoked by a recycling industry), garbage all over the streets and in the rivers, etc.
The refinery also pollutes a nearby channel.
As a result, the community may experience health problems like Hansen’s disease,
respiratory infections and verminosis. The rate of sexually transmittable diseases is also
high and there are not enough family doctors to fight this problem.
In this way, the abandoned or under-used plots could be used to solve not only the
environmental problems but also the urban ones. The community believes that these
sites could be used for housing, schools, theaters, sports facilities such as the Olympic
Village, health care centers and kindergartens. To summarize, brownfields should be
used to fulfill the needs of the communities in terms of social facilities as well as service
and housing infrastructure.
170
6.5.2. PAC
According to the interviewees, PAC would be a good way to upgrade the region.
However, it has not been effectively implemented. People from the community say that
not all the 13 communities will be assisted by the program. The reason for this may be
the fact that a great deal of money was focused on marketing projects such as the
railway elevation.
According to Patricia from CHP2, the government made a serious mistake when not
fitting PAC into the communities’ necessity. The neighborhood needs education, jobs
and income, sanitation, health programs, etc., and PAC is concerned only with structural
interventions, such as the railway and concentrating works in certain areas, such as next
to the post office and refinery. What about the downtown area of the community?
There are also areas that not even the state or city government knows what to do with.
By any means, both of the governments are trying to implement a compensation
housing policy, which cannot be considered a policy at all.
The community believes that PAC should upgrade all 13 communities from
Manguinhos, prioritizing sanitation. It should then intervene with the housing policy by
providing quality housing for those who lived in poor conditions, especially the
inhabitants of Mandela de Pedra (Coréia) and Embratel.
The different levels of government, the community itself (trained, of course), Fiocruz
and the Manguinhos Refinery should work together to try and fix these local problems.
The interviewees agree and also remark as to the fact that some representatives are only
concerned about their own profit and many times forget about the community.
In this way, the communication between the community and the government is not very
good and restricted to only certain leaders. FAFERJ usually makes the contact between
the community and the government and due to its influence; it sometimes also decides
the representatives of the different communities.
171
In order to talk to the mayor, the community needs a strong connection like a deputy or
a city council member. By any means, the associations try to look for certain
connections in favor of the community. Nowadays, however, this dialogue is improving.
People are coming together in a forum to monitor PAC and are therefore talking to each
other and forcing the government to talk to them.
172
FINAL CONSIDERATIONS
Changes in the Brazilian economy have led to changes in the industrialization of the
state of Rio de Janeiro. As a consequence of such changes, some industries and
commercial ventures have moved away from the city and left degraded areas
(abandoned or underused), some with potential contamination.
Urban development has also brought other serious problems to the city, such as the
exclusion of certain inhabitants when it comes to the right to urban infrastructure and
services, social equipment and housing. In an attempt to fulfill basic needs, low income
families have started to occupy degraded urban areas or environmentally relevant areas.
Based on this point of view, this thesis discusses the conflict between brownfield vs.
informal occupation.
To redevelop the areas within this context, other problems may be found, as cited in the
last chapter: contamination, urban legislation, property, social problems (occupation and
drug trafficking), political interest and costs.
Rio de Janeiro, however, does not have many contamination problems. Those that it
does have are not that serious, which somehow makes the redevelopment process easier
when compared to São Paulo.
Anyhow, the problems are well-known and the benefits are also listed, and some
guidelines of action have been described. The redevelopment process can truly help
improve the quality of life of local communities, but several changes still must be
implemented to make it work. Learning from the experience of Europe and United
States is a good start point, although the specific issues facing Brazil cannot be
forgotten.
Regarding the contamination issue, the government financing system (CAIXA) should
promote a program or at least some advantages for those private enterprises interested in
reusing the contaminated site (a discount on the price of the land, for example). The
173
ones responsible for the decontamination may also be prepared to do so, and SMAC and
FEEMA should be responsible for this providing such opportunities.
In the case of contamination, the community that will use the land as well as society as a
whole should be aware of the problem and how to face it. In this way, the public
participation will be more effective not only in terms of the participation of civil society
but also the role of the government.
Concerning public participation, once together, the stakeholders should divide the
activities in such a way that they achieve economic, social and environmental
sustainability objectives. The researcher believes that Fiocruz could be the actor
responsible for putting all the stakeholders together since it is a government institution
that is extremely present within the community.
It is important that the government truly intend to take part in the process, since in such
cases of brownfield redevelopment where there are not many good incentives (during
the initial phases) for the real estate market, the role of the government is precisely to
create that kind of attraction by investing in an inclusive redevelopment.
It is also important to note that even if the research intended to reuse brownfields
exclusively through housing production, the interviews and analysis of the context have
shown that the most suitable way to guarantee the sustainable development of the
district would be by mixing different uses and paying special attention to the public
health problem by providing sanitation and drainage systems. If the redevelopment
could be based on the smart growth principles, it would be easier to achieve success in
brownfield redevelopment, especially in the Manguinhos case.
In this way, because the abandoned and underused areas in Manguinhos correspond to
24% of the district area, once considered the Plotting Law (Law 6766/ 79) and
excluding 35% of those areas for public use (institutional, green areas and roads), if
only one family house was built within a 90m2 plot, there would be around 4,500
housing units in Manguinhos. The housing deficit (4,700 housing units) within the area
would be then resolved, but what about the economic and environmental problems?
174
The abandoned and underused properties in the surrounding areas of the districts could
be used to build 12,000 additional Housing Units in addition to the social equipment.
Education should be improved together with work opportunities. Cooperatives like the
one that once existed, COOTRAM, should be encouraged. There is already a SENAC
located next to the district that offers professional courses, and the government or
private institutions that may be attracted should then incorporate the new workers.
Brownfield should be also redeveloped so as to increase the green area within the
district and, as a consequence, in the entire AP.3 or Northern zone, since it is an
extremely degraded area with almost no space for people and the environment. Green
areas should be used as leisure spaces as well as sports courts.
Regarding applicable law, Brazil already has a law that can resolve the urban
parameters in order to receive urban changes. The Master Plan of Rio de Janeiro,
however, must consider and stimulate the use of the tools due in the City Statute Law as
the Special Zones of Social Interest (Zona Especial de Interesse Social – ZEIS) as well
as the ones related to property regularization, such as the legal instruments in City
Statute law: collective usucapião (acquisitive prescription) and/or concessão real de
direito de uso (real concession of the right to use).
Another way to implement all of these ideas would be to work with Public-Private
Partnerships and Integrated Rehabilitation Projects as is done in São Cristóvão. For the
case at hand, however, the entire process must be guided by public government, as was
previously mentioned.
Within this entire context, PAC would be a great opportunity for Manguinhos to
implement brownfield redevelopment as a way of achieving improved quality of life for
the community. Since there is a large budget to upgrade the region, the limits remain in
strictly legal terms as well as in the areas of contamination and public participation.
In PAC, there a political interest to change the social situation, but the government must
still be interested in dealing with the property issue. One sphere of the government
should pass to the other the land ownership and “forgive” certain private enterprise
175
debts in order to make the redevelopment a reality. In the case of Manguinhos, Embratel
has already made a donation and CCPL is also trying to do the same. The ownership of
the refinery should be passed on from the federal government to the municipal one and
so on.
In this way, the objectives proposed by the research were achieved since the literature
review and field work could satisfactorily answer the questions proposed in this study.
The oriented interview method is also adequate for this kind of analysis since it provides
qualified results. The researcher believes, however, that more quantitative data could be
collected through the oriented interviews, especially with the community. Since the data
from official institutions is not as precise as to the conditions within slums, it would be
better to use the experiences of the community.
Through the visits to the area, it was possible to analyze the reality and then compare it
with the official data and results provided by the interviewees. The problem rests on the
fact that the violence in such areas does not allow us to conduct a complete photography
survey or obtain important information on the process of urban development. Drug
trafficking plays a major role in the process and those involved do not want to stop the
process. Therefore, people are not allowed to talk about everything.
In this way, research may continue trying to study possible ways of making the
redevelopment come true by studying designs for the areas abandoned. Because PAC
will be also developed, major research must be undertaken by analyzing the way the
program was guided and if it has really produced a good redevelopment for the area.
The land issue must be explored in more depth.
176
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ANNEX A – DISTRICTS IN THE CITY OF RIO DE JANEIRO
183
ANNEX B – AUDIENCES
185
Audiência Pública PAC – Secretaria de Estrada de Rodagem, Governo do Estado do Rio
de Janeiro - 27/09/2007
Audiência Pública sobre PAC - Câmara Municipal do Rio de Janeiro - 18/10/2007
Audiência Pública PAC Manguinhos - Câmara Municipal do Rio de Janeiro 23/10/2007
186
Audiência Pública – PAC
27/09/2007
Vicente Loureiro
Programa de Urbanização de Favelas – Governo do Rio
Complexo do Alemão +/- 80.000 habitantes
180.000 habitantes (apresentação)
Rocinha – 120.000
Manguinhos – 65.000 (45.000 real)
Breve histórico
•
Remoção . década 50/60 (ainda há resquícios)
•
Urbanização integrada: Favela-Bairro, mas nesse programa a questão não foi enfrentada de
modo estruturante.
•
Reurbanização com reassentamento.
•
Incorporação integral à cidade.
Programas de urbanização
Favela-Bairro – 12 anos – 1,2 bilhões – 143 favelas
PAC – 3 anos – 867 milhões – 5 favelas
Alemão – 495,1 milhões
Programa de Incorporação Integral de Favelas na Cidade
•
Ações de promoção de paz e reconciliação social
•
Acessibilidade viária garantida
•
Mobilidade cidadã ampliada
•
Urbanização estruturante e integradora
•
Equipamentos de políticas sociais resolutivas
•
Modelo de gestão de permanência e sustentabilidade
•
Investimentos do PAC e a participação da sociedade
•
Médico da saúde da família (Secretaria da Saúde)
o
Incentivos serão dados também através de CONCURSOS PÚBLICOS
o
Os médicos terão de fazer seu estágio probatório, durante 10 anos, dentro do Complexo
do Alemão.
o
Salário de 6.000 reais
•
Polícia, Saúde, educação.
•
SENAI, SENAC estão sendo construídos agora na Barra, mas essas instituições são mesmo
necessárias no Alemão (instituições profissionalizantes).
•
Projetos alavancadores de cooperação
•
Integração políticas públicas – PARTICIPAÇÃO CIDADÃ
•
Comunicação social: educação ambiental, urbanística e cidadã.
•
Regularização fundiária
o
•
Pouco se tem buscado criar modelo efetivo de regularização
Utilização e qualificação da mão-de-obra local
Ícaro Morenos
EMOP
PAC Rio
Governo Federal, Estadual e Municipal com mediação da CAIXA.
Profissionais e representantes de governo fizeram visita à Medelin e de lá extraíram a idéia inicial de
como deveria se dá o PAC Rio.
Bruno (Secretaria Municipal do Habitat)
PAC Rio
EG. P. Rio
CAIXA
Secretaria Obras
EMOP
Secretarias do
Governo do Estado
Projetos PAC
Alemão, Manguinhos e Rocinha
Projetos PAC Rio
Intervenções físicas
Projeto social
Geração Trabalho
e Renda
Mobilização
comunitária
Regularização Fundiária
Educação Ambiental
e Sanitária
Marcos
•
Acessibilidade
•
Segurança
•
Trabalho; Renda
•
Ambiental
Projetos
•
Secretaria Ação Social (centro de referência)
•
Secretaria da Cultura (biblioteca)
•
Secretaria de habitação (unidades habitacionais, regularização fundiária, melhorias
habitacionais).
•
Secretaria de Educação (escola de ensino médio)
•
Saúde e Defesa Civil (Centro de apoio à Saúde e Centro de Apoio Psiquiátrico)
•
Desenvolvimento Econômico (boxes para prestação de serviços; comércio).
•
Meio-ambiente (saneamento básico, eficiência energética, reflorestamento).
•
Turismo, esporte e Lazer (Parque Serra da Misericórdia, Centro Cívico, Área de Apoio ao
Esporte).
•
Justiça (Centro de Apoio Jurídico)
•
Trabalho e renda (centro de geração de renda, microcrédito)
•
Transportes (teleférico, sistema viário)
Teleférico
•
Supervia Bomsucesso (reformada e ampliada)
•
Morro do Adeus
•
Morro da Baiana (centro jurídico)
•
Morro do Alemão (biblioteca)
•
Estação Nova Brasília (Itararé-Alvorada) – centro de referência da juventude
•
Fazendinha (centro de apoio psiquiátrico)
Área da Poesi (centro cívico)
Centro integrado de atenção à saúde
Escola de ensino médio de referência
Centro de geração de Trabalho e Renda
Centros habitacionais
2.100 famílias relocadas
Indenização de 144 UH’s
Aquisição de 500 UH’s
Novas UH’s – 1.376
Parque da Misericórdia
Administração parque
Centro de apoio ao esporte
Reflorestamento (cada família responsável por uma parte)
Vias
21km (só por parte do Estado)
01. Como as antigas zonas industriais serão incorporadas ao projeto PAC?
A POESI será incorporada ao projeto pelo Governo do Estado e lá será construído o centro cívico do
projeto de requalificação urbana do complexo do Alemão.
A fábrica da Coca-cola será re-utilizada para habitação e implementação de serviços públicos. A
Prefeitura da cidade do rio de Janeiro e a CAIXA serão responsáveis pela execução desse projeto.
Como pretendem reutilizar esses espaços: Através da identificação dos atores e levantamento desses
vazios.
Ver a potencialidade! Existem muitas indústrias às margens do complexo. O governo do Estado pretende
aproveitar essa infra-estrutura para gerar emprego e renda. O centro cívico é o primeiro exemplo disso e
tentará fazer a conexão entre o complexo do Alemão e as áreas do entorno.
Pesão (Secretário de Obras) juntamente com o Secretário da Fazenda pensam em dar incentivos fiscais
para as indústrias permanecerem no local e até mesmo atrair novas indústrias. Os antigos e novos usos
serão incentivados. Esse incentivo se dará com o intuito de diminuir o deslocamento da massa
trabalhadora e melhorar a qualidade de vida daqueles que ali moram através da “possibilidade” de
emprego.
02. Como o governo pretende garantir a segurança na execução e utilização dos equipamentos
propostos pelo PAC – Alemão?
O batalhão militar e a polícia civil fizeram algumas reuniões (várias pequenas e uma maior) para discutir
a estratégia de ação. Sabe-se que haverá reforço do governo federal (PAC Segurança – ação central no
PAC Rio - estava sendo lançado no mesmo dia, 27.09.2007). Juntos, as três esferas estão tomando
medidas preventivas.
De qualquer forma, cada favela é um caso diferente, e essas estratégias de ação são de segurança de
estado. Mas o governo pretende fazer uso dos equipamentos e ações já existentes, p.e. AÇÃO GLOBAL e
ONG´s. Essas ações serão transformadas em ações permanentes. Ainda nesse contexto, deve-se investir
em programas sociais (bolsa-família e correlatos, mais curso de vestibular para jovens carentes).
Tem-se a intenção de se ampliar as ações do PAC para outras áreas como Maré e Cidade de Deus,
mas o governo do Estado não tem recursos no momento. No próximo ano, o governo do Estado
pedirá recursos junto a organismos internacionais e brasileiros (CAIXA, BNDES).
A escolha dessas primeiras cinco favelas onde serão aplicados os recursos do PAC se deu por pura
decisão política do Governo Federal junto com o Governo do Estado:
1. Rocinha (concurso), Manguinhos e Alemão
2. Pavão-Pavãozinho e Jacarezinho
Audiência Pública sobre PAC
Câmara Municipal do Rio de Janeiro
18/10/2007
Enchentes
Reassentamento
Educação (universalização creche, pré-escola + escola tempo integral)
Novidade política – três esferas de governo
Comunidade do Morro do Adeus – levantamento dos problemas da área, fotos, demandas... (exemplo para
outros)
15 associações de Manguinhos
12 associações do Alemão
•
Comitê de acompanhamento de ajuste de projeto
•
SMH
Quando vão fazer audiência?
Quando vão falar com a comunidade Vila União?
ONG
Pacote de serviços –
trabalho social
Trabalho regularização fundiária
•
Importante papel da CAIXA
•
Indenização feita caso a caso (por m2)
Comissão que
acompanha as
obras do PAC
SOS Jorginho (Rio TV Câmara)
Mandela II vai ser contemplado?
CÂMARA
Ex-combatentes da Vila União
Falta respeito com a comunidade (Varginha)
Secretário da SMH
Em Manguinhos – CHP2, Parque João Goulart, Mandela de Pedra, Mandela II, Vila União.
Prefeitura está aberta à conversação, é só o presidente da associação marcar. (CARA DE PAU!)
Engenheiro Bruno (SMH)
Projetos básicos estão em discussão agora entre prefeitura e Governo do Estado.
As famílias serão reassentadas em outras casas na área ou em unidades novas. Algumas também serão
indenizadas.
900 novas casas serão construídas em Manguinhos (onde?!)
+/- 2100 famílias serão removidas/ assentadas (TUDO!)
Audiência Pública PAC Manguinhos
Câmara Municipal do Rio de Janeiro
23/10/2007
Comissão Permanente de Assuntos Urbanos
A comissão foi criada com o intuito de acompanhar o processo de desenvolvimento do PAC sob a
denúncia de que o mesmo não esteja sendo feito de acordo com o Estatuto da Cidade.
A comunidade de Manguinhos também expõe que a elevação da linha férrea proposta pelo PAC
Manguinhos, NUNCA FOI PRIORIDADE DA COMUNIDADE.
A comunidade pede provisão de novas e adequadas habitações e ações emergências!
Faixas expostas pela comunidade na audiência:
PAC MANGUINHOS
COMISSÃO DE ACOMPANHAMENTO JÁ
Fórum Manguinhos - FSMDES
PAC MANGUINHOS
HABITAÇÃO E SANEAMENTO PARA TODOS
Fórum Manguinhos - FSMDES
Representante do governo do Estado (Demetri)
•
Via férrea (verba diferente da de habitação/ saneamento)
Se 3000 famílias teriam que ser removidas e só tem verba para 200 famílias. Vai ter que se levantar
dinheiro para atender a todos. Não se pode excluir sequer uma habitação! Reassentamento.
•
A CAIXA chamou e pediu para ajustar o papel do Estado e do Município no PAC. Nesse caso, a
CAIXA agindo como gerenciadora, promoveu o diálogo entre Prefeitura e Estado. Antes, havia
sobreposição de projetos e ainda buracos.
Superintende Regional da CAIXA (José Domingos Vargas)
PRI São Cristóvão
Assuntos a se destacar: a comunidade de Manguinhos tem participação importante ao longo do tempo
(Fórum Manguinhos).
Envolvimento das pessoas, trabalho social, inclusão das pessoas no processo! Também na questão do
trabalho e renda!
Mandela de Pedra – agora contemplada no projeto (Estado + Município + Caixa decidiram).
Caixa está à disposição para tirar dúvidas, para participar das Audiências. A instituição tem mesmo a
obrigação de dar informações.
Nesse sentido, o superintende expôs que os recursos do PAC não sofrerão contingenciamento e que a
CAIXA vem contribuindo tanto com a Prefeitura como com o Governo do Estado. Há casos em que o
governo do estado e a prefeitura atuarão em uma mesma comunidade, trabalhando em conjunto.
Considerando todos os recursos do PAC, provenientes das três diferentes esferas de poder, a
contrapartida, etc., o município do Rio de Janeiro receberá 3 bilhões e 900 mil reais enquanto que o
complexo de Manguinhos receberá 328 milhões de reais.
A comunidade só foi beneficiada com o PAC porque tem consciência de participação, é organizada. O
PAC na região de Manguinhos é um sinal de respeito à comunidade.
PAC – sentimento de urgência!
Etapas:
Foi assinado o contrato de Manguinhos
Adaptação do projeto
Licitações
Trabalho social (ao longo de todas as etapas, é regra estabelecida pelo Governo Federal, mas só se inicia
essa etapa, depois da assinatura do contrato que requer uma primeira proposta de projeto)
Fora esses recursos do PAC, todo ano a CAIXA disponibiliza 400 milhões de reais para a habitação. Em
2007, o Rio de Janeiro é o estado brasileiro que mais recebeu recursos.
Rogério Oliveira (coordenador de Planejamento de Projetos da SuperVia)
A SuperVia apóia operacionalmente a execução das obras.
Rogério Lima (Presidente da Associação Parque João Goulart)
Até hoje a comunidade só participa nas reuniões, nada nas decisões.
Sugestão: visita técnica por comunidade, só para o complexo de Manguinhos como um todo, não
funciona, muita gente...
Paulo Raimundo (Presidente da Associação Parque Carlos Chagas)
Maior preocupação da comunidade – habitação
1500 UH´s
Indenização não é política de habitação!
Dinheiro não é para habitação e saneamento? Então não é para sistema viário?
Vereador Eliomar Coelho
SMH não enviou técnico para representar o Secretário, mesmo tendo dito que o mesmo viria.
Demetrio
O número de reassentamento só vai ser sabido quando se iniciar o trabalho social (que ainda não
começou).
Se o numero for maior, é necessário se encontrar terreno ou indústria fabril ou outra coisa para se assentar
as famílias.
Construir apartamentos/ casas novos (mais apartamentos) [onde?!], depois as pessoas se mudam, daí
derrubam as casas condenadas.
Não é política habitacional a indenização a preço irrisório!
Manguinhos tem tradição política muito forte. Na verdade o complexo de Manguinhos é uma colcha de
retalhos, na qual a FIOCRUZ tem grande participação na organização da comunidade.
Na opinião do Demetrio, ao se analisar os três primeiros projetos do PAC no Rio de Janeiro, no que se
refere à participação, os mesmo poderiam assim serem classificados:
1.
Rocinha (arquiteto se inseriu na comunidade sem receber nada e por conta própria criou a
conexão com a comunidade).
2.
Manguinhos
3.
Alemão
CAIXA
Evitar a todo custo qualquer tipo de remoção. A Realocação deve ser feita na própria comunidade e, na
pior das hipóteses, a indenização deve ser justa! Pessoas com mais necessidade devem ser priorizadas na
Realocação. Quem vai dar nome a essas prioridades vai ser o trabalho social.
Patrícia – Fórum Manguinhos
Trouxe o Estado 1 vez para a comunidade, a Prefeitura, no entanto, nunca compareceu na comunidade e
inclusive não se faz presente nessa audiência.
Em nome do Fórum, Patrícia parabeniza a CAIXA por ter conseguido fazer com que Prefeitura e Estado
trabalhassem juntos coisa que a comunidade nunca conseguiu.
Segundo a análise da comunidade do projeto PAC apresentado pelo governo do estado, 70% do
Complexo de Manguinhos não teria saneamento e isso não é ao que a comunidade aspira. Há 12 anos a
comunidade vive em situação precária. Para a comunidade não existe PAC se não houver
SANEAMENTO E HABITAÇÃO PARA TODOS.
A comunidade não entende a prioridade dada à linha férrea pelo Governo do Estado. Também não se
compreende o fato do Estado construir casas/ apartamentos e a prefeitura querer fazer uso apenas de
indenizações.
CONVITE – a conhecer a realidade de perto!!!
Aluguel social – muitos não são beneficiados e começam a ocupar viadutos.
Pedido à CAIXA – garantir diálogo entre Estado e Município e Comunidade.
SMH agora está fazendo drenagem, engenheira diz que não é o PAC, topógrafo diz que é obra do PAC.
CAIXA
A CAIXA deixa claro que é contra a política de remoção e é a favor da realocação dentro da própria
comunidade. Nesse processo de remoção, devem ser priorizadas pessoas que não possuem emprego.
As pessoas que possuem algum tipo de renda podem se candidatar ao PAR espontaneamente.
A linha férrea é tida como projeto estruturante do PAC Manguinhos. A CAIXA analisa o projeto, mas a
princípio não há oposição da CAIXA em relação ao projeto, pois o projeto é considerado bom e contribui
na melhoria da qualidade de vida da comunidade, especialmente no quesito mobilidade. Desde que a
intervenção da linha férrea não prejudique a questão do saneamento e da habitação.
Maria Lúcia (defensora pública do Núcleo de Terras e Políticas Públicas)
Preocupa o Núcleo a variação do número de famílias que dizem que serão atingidas pelo PAC, entre 1800
– 2600 famílias. E a questão da participação da população.
A defensora lembra que dentre os direitos fundamentais, encontram-se:
1. direito fundamental: informação (coisa que não está circulando em Manguinhos)
2. direito fundamental: moradia
Alexandre Dias (FIOCRUZ – Fórum Manguinhos)
Abaixo-assinado em repúdio a não presença do representante da prefeitura, SMH.
Estado – processo de construção de diálogo entre comunidade e governo, provando que é possível se
trabalhar em conjunto: comunidade e governo.
Na audiência passada, a comunidade pediu planta mostrando em que área o Estado e o Município estarão
atuando no PAC em Manguinhos.
Caso a comunidade da Mandela de Pedra não fosse contemplada pelo PAC, um conflito interno no
complexo de Manguinhos seria gerado e por quê? Por causa de INGERÊNCIA DE PROJETO.
A participação social deveria existir antes mesmo da assinatura do contrato!
Vereadora Andréia Gouveia
Vereador Jaiminho
Celso de Freitas (ex-combatentes da Vila União)
Silvia Carpolva
Desde 1994, formaram o complexo de Manguinhos.
São 13 as comunidades dentro do complexo.
A partir do momento que a comunidade se organizou, ela ganhou respeito.
Felipe (CCPA)
Demetrio
Não se sabe quais casas e quantas serão removidas, tem-se apenas um número aproximado. No entanto,
sabem-se quantas casas serão construídas.
A primeira reunião de projetos será realizada dia 13 de novembro, às 18h, entre Governo do Estado e a
comunidade do complexo de Manguinhos.
Vicente Loreiro (Subsecretário Secretaria de Obras do Estado)
* toda terça-feira tem reunião do Fórum, na Politécnica (dentro da FIOCRUZ)
Às 17h, ao lado da ENSP
Alexandre Dias, celular 94301601
Esquerda
Direita
ENSP
Instituto Politécnico Joaquim Venâncio
Portaria – pergunta onde vai ser o Fórum
Geralmente é no 1.andar
ANNEX C – INTERVIEWS
193
Rita Luz, Glória Torres, Heloísa Marques, Maria Luísa (2007), 3rd Department of Local
Planning in Méier – SMU, interview given to the author in 22/09/2007, Rio de Janeiro
Regina da Pós (2007), SMU, interview given to the author in 27/09/2007, Rio de
Janeiro.
Frank Moehr (2007), EMOP, interview given to the author in 04/10/2007, Rio de
Janeiro.
Maura Moreira (2007), SMH, interview given to the author in 15/10/2007, Rio de
Janeiro.
Maria Isabel Tostes (2007), SMAC, interview given to the author in 18/10/2007, Rio de
Janeiro
Lopes de Figueiredo Couto (2007), SMAC – 1st Department, interview given to the
author in 19/10/2007, Rio de Janeiro.
Roberto Lira (2007), Sinduscon, interview given to the author in 22/10/2007, Rio de
Janeiro.
Jackson da Costa Pereira (2007), Sinduscon, interview given to the author in
29/10/2007, Rio de Janeiro.
Christiano Benedicto Ottoni Neto (2007), CAIXA, interview given to the author in
Vera Tângari (2007), PROARQ, interview given to the author in 01/11/2007, Rio de
Janeiro.
Marketing Sector (2007), Supervia, interview given to the author in 13/11/2007, Rio de
Janeiro.
Dyrton Bellas (2007), FEEMA, interview given to the author in 21/11/2007, Rio de
Janeiro.
Renato Gama-Rosa (2007), COC-FIOCRUZ, interview given to the author in
194
3ª Gerência de Planos Locais no Méier
Secretaria Municipal de Urbanismo
ENTREVISTADAS:
Rita Luz
Glória Torres
Heloísa Marques
Maria Luísa
A Área de Planejamento 3 é muito bem servida de transporte, possui quatro linhas de trem:
•
Principal
•
Auxiliar
•
Ramal Leopoldina
•
Rio D’ouro (atual linha de metrô)
Direção da baixada
HISTÓRIA
Desde que o Rio de Janeiro passou a ser capital do país, em 1925, muitos planos foram feitos para a
cidade e nessa época a cidade era dividida em quatro zonas: centro, zona sul, zona suburbana e zona rural.
Em 1935, foram definidas as zonas industriais e dois anos depois, em 1937, além de terem sido definidas
as zonas industriais por foca das linhas férreas, foram também definidas as áreas nas quais não se
poderiam ter zonas industriais. (decreto 6000)
Nessa época era priorizada a linha férrea auxiliar.
Algum tempo depois, foi feito um controle de densidade na zona industrial próxima à Avenida Brasil.
Próximo às áreas industriais, foram surgindo bairros inteiros para o proletariado, como Del Castilho e
Maria da Graça. As próprias indústrias construíam conjuntos habitacionais onde morariam seus
empregados (fábrica América, GE, Maria da Graça, Higienópolis dentre outros).
Como elemento mais recente da paisagem, destacam-se os Galpões, principalmente em Acari, pró Dutra e
Avenida das Missões. Guadalupe, nesse contexto, aparece como apoio residencial para famílias de menor
poder aquisitivo.
A zona Norte da AP.3, áreas da Ipavuna, Anchieta e Vigário Geral são peculiares na Região, pois através
destas a cidade do Rio se conecta com municípios e estados vizinhos. Ipavuna e Anchieta através da Av.
Dutra e Vigário Geral através da Av. Brasil.
No que se refere à Ilha do Governador, com o decreto 3222/ 76, permitiu-se o uso da área por empresas
petrolíferas, mas não é definida como zona industrial.
Indústria extrativa (Serra da Misericórdia)
Mesmo com todas essas leis definindo zonas industriais com a infra-estrutura encontrada na área, muitas
indústrias estão abandonando a região. Além do setor industrial não estar em alta na cidade, perdeu sua
hegemonia para o setor terciário, o problema social das favelas (em conexão com o tráfico de drogas) está
expulsando o setor primário de toda a zona a Norte.
Dentre as principais favelas do Rio de Janeiro tomadas pelo tráfico de drogas, na zona Norte podem ser
encontradas três: complexo do Jacarezinho, da Maré e do Alemão.
O PROBLEMA
A questão do tráfico de drogas é vista como a causa maior de “contaminação” das áreas industriais.
Diversas indústrias, dentre essas a Coca-Cola, deixou a região devido à influência do Complexo do
Alemão.
Em outras áreas de proximidade com favelas perigosas, várias intervenções pontuais estão fadadas ao
insucesso. No complexo do Acari, por exemplo, um hospital de ponta foi construído mas nunca entrou em
funcionamento, nenhum profissional quer trabalhar na região, devido ao risco de vida.
Essa é uma realidade que não só é presente na zona Norte da cidade, mas permeia a cidade como um
todo. Ricos e pobres convivem em todos os espaços urbanos e ambos possuem o mesmo medo em relação
ao poder do tráfico.
Apesar da abrangência do problema, o poder público bem como a comunidade como um todo não tocam
na essência do problema. Programas dos governos municipal, estadual e federal, até o presente momento,
só desenvolvem intervenções pontuais que em quase nada contribuem para a solução geral do problema,
às vezes até pioram a situação.
O caso da regularização de algumas favelas é exemplo do insucesso de certos programas. Agora, muitas
famílias permanecem em zonas ambientalmente frágeis ou em locais dos quais não possuem a posse
apenas esperando pela tal da regularização do governo. Criou-se um comércio da ilegalidade, onde muitos
se aproveitam da “boa-vontade” do governo.
Soma-se ao problema, o fato da subutilização do processo convencional de planejamento. Desde 1993,
com a elaboração do Planejamento Estratégico para a Cidade do Rio de Janeiro, o Plano Diretor ficou em
segundo plano. A partir daí a cidade passou a adotar o princípio do planejamento de obras, obras
pontuais, e a qualidade de vida foi posta em segundo plano.
A participação popular foi posta à margem de todo o processo, perdendo a grande influência que tinha
adquirido e feito uso nos anos 70. A sociedade como um todo se encontra imersa em indivíduos, a
coletividade foi esquecida o que acaba por liquidar, como conseqüência, a individualidade.
POSSÍVEL SOLUÇÃO
Acredita-se que uma análise social da questão das favelas do Rio de janeiro seria o primeiro passo na
realização de um trabalho sério de combate ao tráfico de drogas.
Uma mega campanha de cidadania deveria ser posta em prática pelos três níveis de governo. Juntamente
com essa campanha, projetos sociais (governo, secretaria de desenvolvimento social) deveriam ser
desenvolvidos com o intuito de ocupar os jovens e crianças, dando a eles oportunidade de se inserir na
cidade dita formal.
O projeto tem de ter abrangência geral, nada de intervenções pontuais.
Atualmente, um primeiro passo nesse sentido vem sendo dado. Trata-se do PAC, Programa de
Aceleramento de Crescimento, programa nacional para desenvolvimento de alguns setores da sociedade.
Esse programa está disponibilizando mais de 450 milhões de reais para requalificação urbana de três
favelas no Rio de Janeiro: Rocinha, Manguinhos e Complexo do Alemão.
Mas para que todas essas possíveis soluções dêem certo, é preciso que a sociedade carioca adquira uma
visão de conjunto que se alie à vontade política, capital e envolvimento da população.
Uma solução aplicada no Rio de Janeiro, serve de espelho não só para o país como um todo, mas também
para a América Latina e o restante do mundo.
ENTREVISTA
01. Primeiramente, gostaria de saber como a AP.3 se insere no processo de planejamento do Rio de
Janeiro. Qual a visão de futuro que a SMU tem para a região? (PDDU) (Potencialidades e
limites).
De acordo com o planejamento urbano da cidade, leia-se Plano Diretor, a AP.3 possui o mesmo nível das
outras regiões. Atualmente, no entanto, o planejamento da cidade é regido pelo Plano Estratégico de 1993
e o Plano Estratégico por Regiões. O Plano Diretor encontra-se em processo de revisão, mas até o
momento não foram incorporados ao mesmo os instrumentos previstos pelo Estatuto da Cidade. A 3ª
Gerência de Planos Locais no Méier adota o decreto 322 na prática do planejamento urbano da área.
O Plano Estratégico baseou-se no PDDU da cidade, mas tem como premissa o planejamento através de
projetos pontuais com o intuito de promover a cidade-mercadoria.
Potencialidades:
•
Zonas residenciais (favela da Mangueira, Engenho de Dentro, Méier-PAR), Ipavuna,
Guadalupe e Anchieta com grande demanda habitacional (PAR).
•
Ilha do Governador.
•
Acessibilidade (aeroporto, linhas férreas, comunicação com a baía da Guanabara, malha
viária).
•
Serviços e comércio (shoppings, galpões e armazéns de grandes indústrias geralmente
localizados na Av. Brasil).
•
Estádio Olímpico.
•
Maioria da população da cidade se encontra nessa zona.
•
Pobre potencial paisagístico: paisagem muito degradada também devido ao alinhamento
férreo outrora previsto e até então não implantado.
•
Área serve como portal de entrada da droga (devido à acessibilidade) – Morro do Dendê
(Ilha)
•
As maiores favelas dominadas pelo tráfico se encontram na AP.3 (Maré, Jacarezinho e
complexo do Alemão).
•
Perfil de morro totalmente ocupados.
•
Pobre urbanização urbana.
Limites:
02. Como a SMU pretende implementar essa visão? Através de quais projetos? Instrumentos
Estatuto?
Não se tem visão de futuro.
03. Quais seriam os atores participantes desse processo?
A 3ª Gerência de Planos Locais no Méier trabalha por solicitação, ou seja, atende as demandas feitas pela
população.
Os atores envolvidos no processo de planejamento urbano da área variam de acordo com o projeto.
Geralmente os diferentes órgãos da prefeitura não trabalham em conjunto, cada um age na região
independentemente, mas existe uma busca mútua de informações.
Quem tiver maior conexão com o prefeito, sobressai-se na execução de projetos.
O Sinduscon participa de algumas intervenções, mas a conexão deles se dá diretamente com o secretário
da SMU, através do gabinete.
Para se concretizar algumas ações no campo ambiental, é geralmente difícil a relação entre a SMU e a
Secretaria do Meio-Ambiente.
A Secretaria de Habitação trabalha pontualmente nos programas deles. Atualmente estão apenas dando
andamento ao projeto de regularização (urbanística e fundiária) de 262 loteamentos.
04. Como se dá a participação popular nesse processo de planejamento? Existe uma comissão de
bairro? Orçamento participativo? A população participa na decisão das prioridades?
05. Dentro desse contexto, quais as diretrizes adotadas às áreas contaminadas/ abandonadas? (No
Rio e na AP.3)
•
Quais os problemas da cidade/ região poderiam ser amenizados através da
reutilização dessas áreas?
•
Como a prefeitura pretende fazer isso?
•
E os programas habitacionais? Urbanização?
FEEMA (estadual)
M2/hab muito pequeno na AP3 o que contribui sobremaneira para baixa qualidade de vida no
local.
Há sempre uma demanda, necessidade, por habitação.
E as amenidades deveriam ser de abrangência geral e não pontual.
06. Dentro da AP.3, qual seria a área prioritária? Por que atenção maior é dada à região de
Pavuna, Anchieta e Vigário Geral?
Complexo do Alemão (ótica da contaminação pelo tráfico)
Áreas acima da Av. Brasil (população ribeirinha, indústrias vazias...)
Projetos de reestruturação legislativa
Exemplos “contaminação social”
Linha Amarela [conexão zona sul com subúrbios, barulho nos ambientes -escola, p.e.-, remanescentes
(invasão, depósitos de lixo)], ruas seccionadas.
Falta de planejamento
Regina da Pós
Chefe de Assessoria de Planejamento Urbano
Vice-coordenadora geral de Planejamento Urbano da SMU
27/09/2007
01. Como surgiu a idéia de elaboração do documento?
Decreto N. 26610 do gabinete do prefeito criou equipe multidisciplinar (IPP, Fazenda, Parques e Jardins),
pediu a realização do trabalho (levantamento de imóveis abandonados), mas não especificou onde deveria
ser realizado esse trabalho.
AP.3 – mais zoneamento industrial, então, foi considerada a área mais carente. Dessa forma, o grupo
decidiu focar na AP.3.
Engenhão – alteraram a legislação (era zona industrial).
1973 – decreto zoneamento.
Educação – levantamento das necessidades educacionais
Habitação – deu mapeamento favela-bairro.
02. Depois de elaborado o documento, qual será o próximo passo?
Resultados do trabalho: propostas feitas na publicação e conseguiram alterar, em alguns locais, a
legislação.
Decreto N. 27533 permitiu que o uso multifamiliar residencial fosse licenciado (paliativo), antes, apenas
o uso unifamiliar era permitido. (A SMU gostaria de saber resultados sobre verificação do desdobramento
desse decreto).
A Secretaria de Trabalho conseguiu a publicação do decreto N. 27541, que dispõe sobre a divisão de lotes
(terrenos abandonados) para fins comerciais.
03. Existe a intenção de se criar um programa/ plano para reutilização desses espaços?
Ainda não.
04. Pela situação levantada, visitada, quais seriam as potencialidades e pontos negativos
(dificuldades) encontrados?
Dificuldades – contaminação; ocupação.
Potencialidades – no ponto de vista da Regina, habitação.
05. Quais seriam as áreas mais urgentes?
Todas as áreas que tenham sido ocupadas irregularmente. Para equipamentos públicos, comércio... não
tem área de lazer, escola...
06. Quais os benefícios que poderiam ser trazidos à AP.3 com a reutilização dessas áreas? Quais as
deficiências das áreas que seriam supridas?
Em torno da Av. Brasil, as maiores deficiências encontradas são: violência, carência, mudança do perfil
industrial, habitação, infra-estrutura pública, natureza, zoneamento não foi feito...
07. Que atores estão envolvidos no processo? E que outros atores deveriam se envolver?
Estavam envolvidos no trabalho, todas as instituições listadas na publicação.
Poderiam vir a participar do processo: Secretaria da Fazenda (IPPU + Patrimônio), Secretaria do MeioAmbiente, Regiões Administrativas, iniciativa privada (Sinduscon, ADM) Compur (Secretaria de
Urbanismo), favelas, associações de bairro, Secovi (Associação de Dirigentes de Empresas do Mercado
Imobiliário).
A iniciativa privada não foi colocada no processo porque as instituições envolvidas acreditam que esta se
preocupa com o lucro, e não era o caso de se incorporar tal visão ainda na fase de estudos.
As Regiões Administrativas também foram postas de lado em prol da agilidade do processo.
08. Qual o procedimento a SMU utiliza (ou pretende utilizar) quando da reutilização de áreas
contaminadas?
Idéia para se aplicar a mesma metodologia de trabalho feita na AP.3 na região do Centro. A exemplo dos
trabalhos realizados no Porto e no bairro de São Cristóvão.
09. Quais os principais fatores de ëxpulsão¨ dessas indústrias da AP.3? (a seu ver)
Levantamento de dados IPP (histórico . Memória).
Pesquisa economia (Fazenda, IPP).
10. Como se chegou às propostas apresentadas no levantamento? Houve participação da
população? Como?
Através das informações obtidas no Armazém de Dados, o grupo de trabalho fez as propostas juntamente
com as secretarias elencadas na publicação.
11. Senão houve, como se pretende incluir a população no processo?
Não houve participação da população e como não se tem previsão de continuação do trabalho, não se sabe
como a população venha a ser absorvida no processo.
Frank Moehr
EMOP
04/10/2007
01.
Como o governo do Estado escolheu/ priorizou as áreas a serem atendidas pelo PAC?
Quem/que instituições participaram dessa escolha?
Base de informações já levantadas no Alemão
Por isso fazer no Alemão também é perigoso.
Rocinha – já tinha concurso (projeto) para a área.
Manguinhos – mesmo arquiteto já tinha estudado essa área também como Alemão
Escolheram as áreas por serem mais fáceis (já tinha informações) e que davam mais visibilidade
Sérgio Cabral que decidiu.
02.
E a definição dos projetos em cada área, como se deu? Quem participou? Que órgãos? Que
associações?
EMOP + Escritório
Secretarias do quadro (apresentação)
Estatísticas
Análise do campo
03.
Para colocar esses projetos em prática, que instrumentos/medidas o governo pretende
utilizar? ZEIS? IPTU Progressivo? Desafetação? Parceria Público-Privado (por exemplo, com
Senai/ Senac)
Para advogado.
04.
Além da construção dos equipamentos, quais os programas que o Estado pretende
implementar na área? Como esses programas se articulam com os programas da Prefeitura?
Secretaria da Saúde está acompanhando o desenvolvimento do projeto – CIS
As outras secretarias ainda não sabem como contribuir, estão pensando.
05.
E como os vazios urbanos vão contribuir para execução/concretização desses projetos?
Quais as dificuldades encontradas na utilização desses vazios?
Esses vazios vão contribuir na execução do projeto através de doação ou da desapropriação.
As dificuldades encontradas se referem às dívidas que os terrenos geralmente possuem e na negociação
do valor para desapropriação (o governo e os proprietários não chegam em consenso facilmente). Quando
essas dificuldades não são fáceis de se resolver, o governo simplesmente escolhe outro terreno.
06.
Em caso de contaminação esses vazios (industriais), que procedimento o governo pretende
adotar? Parceria público-privado?
Sem idéia
Secretaria de Obras paga para FEEMA ou algum particular fazerem o estudo, de acordo com a Lei
FEEMA.
Até hoje não foi feita análise do solo. Mas o Frank já colocou a questão, pediu estudo do solo.
07.
No que se refere ao meio-ambiente, além de saneamento e do Parque da Misericórdia, que
outras medidas o governo vai tomar para aumentar as áreas verdes desses locais?
Arborização urbana, não se tem dados sobre verde/habitante.
08.
No que se refere à habitação... na apresentação do projeto do Alemão, 144 famílias serão
indenizadas. Que apoio será dado pelo governo para que essas famílias permaneçam nas mediações
das área? Como serão escolhidas essas famílias?
Vão ser feitas diretrizes junto à Prefeitura para priorizar quem vai se mudar e quem vai ficar, ser
modernizado.
09.
Para finalizar, quais as maiores dificuldades encontradas na área, na opinião do EMOP? E
quais as maiores potencialidades? (Área projeto)
dificuldade:
•
topografia atual (Manguinhos)
•
tráfico (depósito armas na Poesi)
Secretaria de Segurança (tem a idéia de acabar com tráfico)
*Contatos:
•
Prefeitura (SMH)
•
Arquiteto
Medelin -> Teleférico
Exército tirou o tráfico
Ao mesmo tempo iniciou-se a reurbanização
16 min – 1º - último
Cooperação Estado X Prefeitura
Divisão de áreas respeitando as linhas naturais de drenagem
Prefeitura nessas 2 áreas será responsável pela infra-estrutura (água + esgoto) + equipamentos já previstos
pelo estado.
Em uma das áreas, existe uma fábrica abandonada, mas a dívida é tão grande que não se sabe como
resolver - Qual a saída? Prefeitura queria colocar habitação.
Vias
Vias de serviço para ambulância comlurb
ZEIS
Posse coletiva individual (apenas nas vias reformadas?)
Padrões para a área? (novos)
1.
teleférico
2.
habitações (Poesi foi desapropriada)
história da área (leitura técnica)
memorial descritivo
CAIXA – procedimentos para avaliação ambiental
CRISTINA
EMOP dá diretrizes para o escritório
Proposta básica do projeto
Consulta secretarias
Adaptação projeto
PAC. 30% habitação onde?
Antigos galpots indústrias
Ocupados vazios
Solução 1 solução 2
*Passar para Frank a metodologia da GTZ
1. contaminação
benfeitorias – tabela polar hoje
2. demolição
calcular depreciação (avaliação)
3. disposição final
consórcio urbanístico (SP) • para encontrar o caminho IPTU Progressivo
desapropriaram na hora
Estação da Luz
terreno no leilão
indenização em outra parte da cidade
noutro terreno
(...)
Negociação terreno EMOP
Prefeitura pode isentar dívida , o dono então doaria o terreno e, assim, a prefeitura o utilizaria como
contrapartida.
Regulamento da CAIXA em relação à execução das casas.
Atual não é padrão da CAIXA.
Código de Obras
Perguntar a eles
Ver faixa de salários
Ver projeto da Rocinha
CCPL – CALDEIRA! (óleo ou madeira) Potenciais de contaminação.
VER A POTENCIALIDADE DE SE UTILIZAR AS ÁREAS CONTAMINADAS NA PROXIMIDADE.
Maura Moreira
SMH
15/10/2007
CONVERSA INFORMAL
A SMH já tinha um projeto para reutilização da indústria da Embratel, mas agora o impasse é imenso
visto que pessoas ocuparam o terreno da indústria. O mais interessante e que deve ser avaliado pela
pesquisa seria o fato da ocupação inicial dessas áreas se dar pro grileiros que acabam alugando e
vendendo barracos para a população carente. No caso da Embratel são 400 famílias que lá já existem.
A pesquisa do IPPUR, coordenada pelo Professor Pedro Abramo, mostra que os preços do mercado
informal em muitos momentos equivalem aos preços do mercado formal no que concerne ao preço de
aluguéis. Por que essas famílias procuram a informalidade? Há carência de oferta através do mercado
formal.
A SMH acredita que o vetor habitacional é fator preponderante de estímulo ao redesenvolvimento de
uma área. Faz movimentar todo o processo de requalificação de área, pois atrai comércio, equipamentos,
transporte... Mas até o presente momento, a secretaria não conseguiu encontrar a equação para solução do
problema.
O Estado está trabalhando com a CCPL. A SMH tem receio de ações paternalistas. A CCPL tem dono,
assim, o problema é do mesmo, não cabe ao poder público resolver o problema.
Possíveis soluções
A CAIXA tem que colocar facilidade tanto para dar o financiamento como para se o tirar.
O empresariado tem que participar do processo, visto que o poder público não tem dinheiro para arcar
com o problema. Mas para isso, deve-se tornar a parceria público-privado interessante também para os
empresários. Obviamente o governo tem que entrar com algum subsídio, como o terreno, por exemplo.
Entre 0 e 6 salários mínimos, atualmente, o Estado paga tudo. Com o PAR, a posse do imóvel só vem
depois de 15 anos. No caso do crédito associativo (acima de 3 S.M.), desde o início a população é dona
do imóvel.
PAC
Via Canal
Ver questão terreno do exército!
Manual Social do PAC (exige participação popular em todo o processo, e a SMH defende uma
participação consciente para, dessa forma, ser eficaz)
Manual do PAC
Assim como a SMU fez o levantamento das áreas abandonadas ao longo da Avenida Brasil. O Sinduscon
também fez o levantamento dessas áreas, mas focando nos eixos de transporte e linhas férreas.
A SMH, com seus projetos, quer criar vetores de interesse. Utilizam para isso recursos do próprio
município, buscam recursos federais e, atualmente, estão estimulando a iniciativa privada a participar do
processo.
Área degradada: tem que se baixar os índices urbanísticos para atrair recursos privados e,
conseqüentemente, atrair moradores.
Quando do risco de invasão, a SMH procura logo desapropriar a propriedade para segurar o terreno e
permitir, assim, a execução do projeto previsto para a área. Se assim não o fizer, a SMH corre o risco de
perder o terreno ou para invasão ou para a especulação imobiliária.
Os empresários, atualmente, estão buscando esses terrenos abandonados para reutilizá-los. No caso de
São Cristóvão, os empresários tomaram conhecimento do levantamento das áreas abandonadas e do
estudo que vinha sendo realizado para requalificação urbana da área e tomaram a frente do processo,
comprando os terrenos e lançando seus empreendimentos antes que a prefeitura pudesse iniciar a
produção de habitação de interesse social. Resultado: hoje os terrenos estão bem mais caros que outrora e,
assim, ficou mais difícil a reutilização desses espaços para fins sociais (visto que tudo seria subsidiado
pelo governo).
A SMH acredita que deve se fazer o mapeamento das áreas de interesse social num primeiro momento,
desapropriar as mesmas e daí iniciar estudo para requalificação de uma área.
A SMH trabalha com acompanhamento social em todo o processo do projeto.
Hoje, além da esfera do poder público e do poder paralelo do tráfico, as instituições têm que lidar com o
poder das associações comunitárias que, algumas vezes, não corresponde aos anseios da comunidade a
qual representa.
Projetos realizados pela SMH na área
Jacaré: algumas UH´s no Alberto Heiss
Manguinhos: produção habitacional está mais a cargo do Estado, à SMH cabe a remoção das famílias ao
longo da linha férrea (seria responsabilidade do pessoal da linha férrea, mas eles pediram ajuda, mas
agora onde reassentar essas famílias? quem vai bancar isso?), urbanização da área em torno do canal
(PAC) e área do Mandela (em via de re-estudo devido à sobreposição com projeto do governo do Estado).
Equipe da SMH se esforça para produzir habitação de fato (com toda infra-estrutura) para dar ao menos a
oportunidade de escolha às famílias entre 0 e 6 salários mínimos.
Mas sem a análise jurídica inicial (da situação dos terrenos abandonados e degradados), o processo não
pode ir adiante. Deve-se analisar juridicamente a situação local (ação trabalhista, inss..), daí se deve fazer
a análise urbanística. Talvez os antigos funcionários das indústrias que ainda esperam receber
indenizações pudessem ser indenizados com as novas unidades habitacionais a serem produzidas no
local, não?
ENTREVISTA
01. Dentro da temática da sua instituição, como você vê as benesses da reutilização de antigas áreas
industriais abandonadas?
Devem ser reutilizadas, mas tem que se encontrar uma equação para o problema. O Rio de Janeiro deveria
investir na indústria do turismo, e na educação de menores carentes como guias turísticos, por exemplo.
02. Quais as dificuldades, a seu ver, seriam encontradas para utilização dessas áreas?
Garantir transporte, setores comerciais e equipamentos públicos. Não se pode pensar na habitação por si
só, e o difícil é se considerar todo o entorno da mesma.
O entrave judiciário, a meu ver, seria a grande dificuldade do processo. Muitas indústrias até se
interessam em doar suas benfeitorias para a Prefeitura, desde que a mesma se responsabilize pelo saldo da
dívida incorporada a essas (INSS, passivo trabalhista...). 80% das indústrias abandonadas e degradadas se
encontram nessa situação e, assim, o ônus é enorme para se tentar reutilizar esses terrenos.
03. Que medidas você acredita que deveriam ser tomadas para se amenizar essas dificuldades?
Ação conjunta de instituições com intenção de se resolver o problema. Tentar se negociar o perdão de
algumas dívidas em prol de algumas contrapartidas como a participação da iniciativa privada no processo.
Os projetos têm que ser atrativos para a iniciativa privada para que esta queira fazer valer o projeto, visto
que o poder público não dispõe de recursos para tanto.
Tem que ser analisar a real possibilidade de se perdoar certas dívidas por certas instituições públicas.
Nem todas têm esse poder.
04. Dificuldades sanadas, potencialidades levantadas... que procedimentos você acredita que
deveriam ser tomados para se dar início à reutilização do terreno?
De início, partir da análise dos entraves jurídicos. Análise feita, tentar atacar os problemas do mais fácil
para o mais difícil.
05. E quanto à contaminação do solo? Que instituições você acredita que deveriam levar a cabo o
problema?
No Jacaré, há uma indústria de tintas e em Santa Cruz (não tenho certeza), há uma indústria da Eternit.
Ambas deveriam ser reutilizadas pela habitação. O órgão responsável pela análise ambiental disse, no
entanto, que não se podia, sob hipótese alguma, perfurar o solo. Daí o recuo da SMH em reutilizar os
espaços. Logo em seguida, entretanto, as fábricas foram invadidas e acredita-se que a população local não
tem noção da contaminação da área e a qualquer momento pode vir a perfurar o solo.
Atualmente, quem cuida dessa questão é a Secretaria do Meio Ambiente do Município. A SMH deve
saber onde essas áreas se encontram e como remediar a situação, visto que senão forem áreas passíveis
dos cuidados do poder público, estas certamente serão invadidas.
06. E no processo de reutilização como todo, que instituições, a seu ver, deveriam participar?
Questão respondida em conjunto com a anterior.
07. Em que medida sua instituição dialoga e incorpora as demandas diretas e indiretas das pessoas
que habitam nas mediações da área em questão?
A SMH está sempre em diálogo com a população, trata-se de um processo natural. Quando do
lançamento de um edital, a população logo se encaminha à secretaria para se informar melhor sobre o
mesmo. A SMH sempre vai à comunidade para lhe apresentar os projetos que vão ser realizados na área e
sempre recebem demandas da população de duas faixas de renda (3 a 6 salários mínimos, e entre 0 e
infinito salários). Muitas pessoas das áreas de risco expõem suas demandas junto à secretaria e muitas
famílias são beneficiadas com aluguéis sociais.
08. Dentro da sua instituição, que programas já poderiam ser implementados nessas áreas?
Alguma modificação deveria ser feita no tocante ao procedimento já adotado pela instituição?
PAR, Crédito Associativo e habitações subsidiadas.
Pelo PAC, a SMH pretende construir 293 UH´s onde hoje é a área do exército.
Maria Isabel Tostes
Gabinete Secretaria de Meio Ambiente – SMAC
18/10/2007
01. Entender a participação da SMAC na elaboração do documento.
Década de 30
Década de 70 – Av. Brasil era um mártir
2001 – grupo + secretaria da Fazenda pretendiam fazer mapeamento dos imóveis abandonados em toda a
cidade, para ver se as secretarias tinham interesse de reutilizar algumas das áreas.
Final de 2005 – prefeito deu ênfase ao problema, principalmente ao longo da Av. Brasil (mar de concreto,
poluição, sem arborização, sem lazer...). Só tem 2 áreas verdes: FIOCRUZ e Escola Venceslau.
A solução levantada pela Fundação Parques e Jardins foi a implantação de bosques nessas áreas
abandonadas. Por quê? Para criar pulmões verdes sem ter que gastar muito dinheiro com a manutenção
(como seria se fosse uma praça).
Programa de Reflorestamento (SMAC) – tem um custo de 7 anos para a prefeitura, geração de renda
dentro da comunidade, própria comunidade que iria ser responsável por plantar as mudas – comunidade
se sente responsável – Bosque (absorver monóxido de carbono), lazer para a população (caminhada),
pouca violência dentro dos bosques (efeito apaziguador, National Geographic).
Cada secretaria deu seu olhar.
02. Galpões – áreas verdes. Como se daria a formalização disso? De quem é o terreno?
Procurar o proprietário, multa o proprietário por não utilizar o imóvel. Desapropriação não é solução! Que
as pessoas já abandonam para prefeitura desapropriar. Induzir o proprietário a fazer. De repente o
proprietário estaria interessado.
03. Quanto à arborização urbana? Como a SMAC acredita que deveria ser feita não só para
melhorar a paisagem da área como a qualidade ambiental?
Falar com Jeane.
04. Você acredita que as pessoas que habitam a zona, especialmente em favelas, áreas de risco, têm
consciência ambiental?
Não conseguiram perceber.
Falar com Maria Josefa (centro educação ambiental) e Daniela (coordenadora).
05. Vocês têm algum levantamento de áreas de risco na AP-3? São geralmente em áreas de
interesse ambiental?
Programa de Reflorestamento trabalha com o reflorestamento na base dos morros impedindo o
movimento de ocupação das favelas em direção ao uso do morro. Parte enchentes [?]
GEO-Rio.
06. Como você acredita que esses galpões/ indústrias abandonadas poderiam resolver o problema
dessa ocupação de áreas ambientais?
Não dá certo usar para habitação porque são poucas áreas e pequenas. Solução seria a disponibilização de
crédito para as pessoas escolherem onde queriam morar. A demanda de casas é muito grande e pouco
pode ser oferecido.
07. E quanto às áreas de lazer? No trabalho vocês conseguiram identificar a escassez dessas áreas?
Justamente com as áreas verdes, não se fazia necessário trabalhar essas áreas de lazer? Como?
Saúde, mas tem que se conversar com outras secretarias.
08. Como vocês da FPJ acreditam que a comunidade poderia participar do processo?
Falar com a Daniela.
09. E o solo desses espaços vazios, que medidas você acredita deveriam ser tomadas para se
reutilizar tais galpões para áreas verdes?
Falar com a Natália.
10. Quem (quais atores) você acredita que deveria estar envolvido no processo?
Secretarias, instituições acadêmica (às vezes é muito sonhadora), comunidade, iniciativa privada.
* principais problemas encontrados nas áreas verdes
Ausência de áreas verdes e degradação em todos os sentidos (poluição, ar, som, ambiental, altas
temperaturas...)
** principais potencialidades
A população é enorme e deve ser sujeito do processo, e não objeto!
11. Quais as ações da secretaria na AP-3? E em Manguinhos/ Jacaré?
A SMAC (FPJ) tinha projetos de praças públicas (Roberto Okabayachi 23233515 e 99787245 – pedir
informações Jeane)
Arborização (Jeane)
FPJ (Júlio Cherém, Ronaldo 99787244)
12. Quais as dificuldades encontradas?
a)
Questão fundiária (propriedade) – espólio, área de aterro, várias instâncias do governo
b) Conseguir que o poder econômico seja visto em segundo plano, em primeiro plano deve ser
colocado o ser vivo, ser humano, questão ambiental.
As pessoas devem estar acima do poder econômico!
A violência é decorrência disso e dos outros problemas também.
Depende de nós, classe média, mudar tudo.
Natália Lopes de Figueiredo Couto
Secretaria Municipal de Meio Ambiente
Gerente - 1ª Gerência Técnica Regional
19/10/2007
Área Militar – prefeitura quer usar, o terreno parece que vai ser doado, mas a prefeitura não tem dinheiro,
tem que ser feita parceria com a CAIXA. A CAIXA por sua vez não quer viabilizar empreendimento
somente para baixa renda.
Há barganha constate com terrenos em Manguinhos,mas não existem muitos atores da iniciativa privada
interessados na área.
Na Mangueira, conseguiram casar o interesse privado com o interesse público. Pessoas já estavam
ocupando a rua, a empresa BR4 quis investir na área da antiga cerâmica, re-urbanizando área
intermediária entre favela e área formal urbanizada.
Na AP.3 é preciso ter vontade política (visto que o governo tem outras áreas prioritárias de investimento),
criar interesse para haver investimento na área (iniciativa privada) e, por fim, ver maneira de se enfrentar
a violência da área. A idéia que perdura hoje é a de transformar a AP.3 em pólo logístico.
Há 1 ano foi publicado decreto priorizando investimentos ao longo da Av. Brasil. Trata-se de um decreto
estratégico que tenta criar atrativos para reutilização das áreas abandonadas no local.
Área contaminada – enfoque na SAÚDE HUMANA (durante e depois da obra).
Obriga ao proprietário a provar que não tem solo contaminado. Por exemplo, no caso dos postos de
gasolina, estes devem fazer análise ambiental anual, se verificada a contaminação, faz-se termo de
compromisso, se não cumprido o termo, aplica-se uma multa. Os postos também devem fazer análise da
direção das plumas nos terrenos vizinhos, e, como conseqüência, definir uma proposta de remediação.
No caso da empresa CCB, esta se encontrava na massa falida. A Prefeitura, através da SMAC, em
conjunto com a COPPE (UFRJ) fez análise prévia do solo e da água. A empresa não precisou arcar com
essa despesa (da análise).
A SMAC facilita na questão de descontaminação e licenciamento ambiental quando o empreendimento se
trata de Programa de Arrendamento Residencial (PAR).
A cidade do Rio de Janeiro usa lista holandesa de contaminantes, ou seja, usa parâmetro diferente do
utilizado em São Paulo.
As dificuldades encontradas residem no fato de como se obrigar o empreendedor a se preocupar como
risco de contaminação na área onde fica sua indústria ou de outrem que pretende se reutilizar; muitas
vezes a área se encontra na massa falida o que acaba dificultando qualquer medida de reutilização da
mesma; o fato da necessidade de se contar com o interesse público, especialmente em áreas favelizadas.
A Secretaria da Fazenda também tem dificuldade em manter atualizado o cadastro de atividades
poluidoras, pois as empresas só dão entrada inicial, mas depois são vendidas e aí não se faz a atualização.
Muitas indústrias estão até desativadas e ainda continuam no cadastro porque não se dar baixa no mesmo.
Também é difícil se identificar o dono dos terrenos que pretendem se reutilizar, pois muitos estão no
espólio, massa falida, não foi dado baixa...dentre outras causas.
03. Que medidas você acha que deveriam ser tomadas para amenizar essas dificuldades?
a)
Consciência da importância de se considerar o tema das áreas contaminadas. Essa consciência deve
ser gerada através da informação. Hoje se percebe o quanto é difícil se cobrar algo que não se vê. É
difícil ter conhecimento do que está por baixo da terra, até mesmo a infra-estrutura.
Mas quem primeiro deveria ser conscientizado seria o poder público. Nesse sentido, a GTZ auxiliou
na formação do grupo de trabalho em Gestão de Passivo Ambiental (leiam-se áreas contaminadas).
A CEG, há sete anos, foi o primeiro caso onde houve denúncia de possível contaminação. Um
repórter do Jornal do Brasil passava na calçada do edifício quando estavam sendo realizadas obras na
calçada do mesmo, uma mancha de óleo chamou atenção do repórter que acionou o órgão ambiental
[qual?!].
No caso da CEG, as próprias secretarias municipais já tinham intenção de utilizar a área para
habitação. Mas com a análise feita no terreno, foi levantada a contaminação não só do próprio
terreno, mas também dos arredores, com plumas atingindo até o mar.
Sobre as questões políticas: cada gestão é uma coisa. A SMAC foi criada em 1994 e até esse ano de
2007. O licenciamento ambiental era atividade do governo do Estado. Agora, foi delegado aos
municípios o licenciamento ambiental de atividades pequenas com abrangência apenas no município
do Rio de Janeiro.
b) Capacitação do corpo técnico para essas questões (áreas contaminadas)
c)
Implantar algumas medidas tipo a informação sobre atividade com potencial de contaminação como
registro na certidão de informações sobre imóveis (CI). SMAC pretende implementar isso como uma
observação na CI.
04. Dificuldades sanadas, potencialidades levantadas... que procedimentos você acha que deveriam
ser tomados para se dar início à reutilização do terreno?
a)
b)
Todo terreno que tiver atividade potencial de contaminação, deve-se levar para SMAC.
Levantar essas áreas assim como foi feito no PRI São Cristóvão na área que eles chamam de
bumerangue, onde também se encontra a CEG. em parceria com a Secretaria Municipal da Fazenda
(SMF), a Secretaria Municipal de Urbanismo (SMU) e a FIRJAN, foi feito levantamento de campo
visitando e levantando 111 estabelecimentos.
O prefeito em conjunto com o Instituto Pereira Passos (IPP) pensam grandes projetos para a cidade,
em áreas de interesse para a cidade. A SMAC pode vir a propor áreas piloto de trabalho para o IPP.
05. E quanto ao solo, que procedimentos são tomados? Que instituições você acredita que deveriam
levar a cabo o problema?
A Secretaria Municipal de Urbanismo (SMU), responsável pela definição do uso do solo; o Instituto
Pereira Passos (IPP) que é o órgão planejador; a Secretaria de Obras , que já perfuraram plumas de
contaminação; a SMAC; quem legisla...
Entidades como a FIRJAN + CREA + IAB + Engenheiros... (informando e capacitando). As entidades de
ensino (COPPE, PUC, dentre outras), por meio também de parcerias com laboratórios (hoje a SMAC não
possui laboratório, então foi firmado convênio com a COPPE para esta fazer a análise de possível
contaminação e em que grau se encontra para a SMAC). SENAI.
Governo do estado: Secretaria do Ambiente (FEEMA).
Enfim, todos os órgãos de planejamento, controle do solo e ambientais.
Todos em conjunto devem trabalhar para dar suporte teórico e financeiro (no sentido de viabilizar a
capacitação).
As mesmas instituições acima citadas,mas principalmente a SMU + Planejamento + Patrimônio (Fazenda
e de Governo).
Demanda direta: quatro gerências técnicas com a incumbência de realizar fiscalização e atendimento à
demanda.
Baixa de restrição: especial atenção ao LICENCIAMENTO, verificar o atendimento ao parecer técnico.
Demanda indireta: tentando planejar, criar estrutura de áreas contaminadas.
Não existe da SMAC nenhum programa voltado para a questão da reutilização de áreas contaminadas. A
técnica acredita que os programas deveriam focar na educação ambiental, mas não como é feita hoje, teria
que ser mais ampla, abrangente – PROGRAMA SALA VERDE.
Medidas preventivas deveriam ser estimuladas pela FIRJAN, SENAI e grupo de micro empresário (por
tipo de atividade: marmoraria, oficinas...)
Mecanismos sustentáveis para empresas privadas, onde BANCOS poderiam de certa forma financiar a
descontaminação do solo.
Dentro da Coordenadoria de Controle Ambiental foi criado por decreto um grupo de Gestão de Áreas
Contaminadas. Agora, faz-se necessário criar o SISTEMA DE GESTÃO, a SMAC meio que vai copiar
São Paulo. Estão aguardando palestra em São Paulo, da Secretaria do Verde. E assim, colocar em prática
o registro na C.I.
AP.3
Difícil de ter denúncia pois as pessoas são desinformadas. Quando vêem óleo exposto em poças de água,
acham que essa é uma situação normal na área. Problema maior é a falta de educação dessas pessoas.
A SMAC não tem projetos na AP.3 no que se refere a unidades de conservação.
FIRJAN, FEEMA, Secretaria da Fazenda (cadastro!)
Fundo de Conservação Ambiental
Qualquer secretaria pode participar, inclusive das multas. São apresentados projetos de serviço com
ênfase ambiental, estes são julgados e escolhidos.
CONSEMAC
Se reúne mensalmente, aberto para toda sociedade, ONG´s, OAB..., discutem problemas e fazem
propostas.
Na parte de resíduos sólidos, podem ser inseridas as áreas contaminadas
Roberto Lira de Paula
Coordenador das Comissões Técnicas - Sinduscon
22/10/2007
CONVERSA INFORMAL
Supervia identificou essas áreas industriais, Sinduscon somente se apropriou dessas áreas e fez proposta:
Projeto de Habitação Sustentável (site Sinduscon).
Na Avenida Brasil, o Sinduscon tinha intenção de reutilizar essas áreas (vazios urbanos), mas
conectando-as com as linhas férreas.
ADMI – HIS (mercado está de olho nessa fatia). Sinduscon-RJ junto com a CAIXA, foi o primeiro a
fazer as especificações do PAR. Fizeram especificações que requerem uma obra de maior qualidade,
porém mais cara. Faixa de renda que atrai: entre o nada e a classe média.
Muitas empresas (Sustentax, Eco Ambiental...) filiadas ao Sinduscon estão trabalhando na remediação de
algumas áreas industriais para posterior reutilização. Mas isso é feito a sete chaves, para não afastar o
consumidor de uma possível aquisição no empreendimento.
ENTREVISTA
A principal benesse encontrada pelo Sinduscon é a facilidade e diminuição dos custos por se tratarem de
áreas já infra-estruturadas. Não há necessidade de intervenção das concessionárias de água, luz e esgoto.
Como a maioria das áreas levantadas (Sinduscon + Supervia) são de domínio público, a maioria é do
Exército, há também uma redução do preço.
1. Como dentre os terrenos levantados, a maioria é de domínio público, a primeira dificuldade que deveria
ser sanada diz respeito à propriedade da terra. Deveria ser criada lei específica dispondo sobre
desafetação, transferência ou venda dessas terras públicas.
2. Ver a questão do passivo ambiental, pois dependendo da situação do terreno e da atividade
anteriormente praticada no mesmo, o grau de contaminação pode ser alto inviabilizando a reutilização do
terreno.
3. A violência existente nas favelas.
03. Que medidas você acredita que deveriam ser tomadas para se amenizar essas dificuldades?
Política integrada: política de segurança pública. Enquanto não se pacificar o entorno, as causas presentes
que expulsaram as indústrias. Senão não se consegue fazer com que conjuntos habitacionais e industrias
permaneçam no local.
A Prefeitura teria que perdoar as dívidas dos donos dos terrenos em prol do valor do terreno.Muitas vezes
as dívidas do terreno são maiores que o próprio valor do terreno, Prefeitura poderia igualar as dívidas ao
preço do terreno.
5 bilhões/ ano FNHIS + FGTS – facilitaria o processo
Município poderia doar o terreno e o estado poderia fazer a infra-estrutura, por exemplo. Mas deveria se
pensar em uma ação conjunta!
Empresas devem ser incentivadas a fazer parte disso, talvez através de isenção de impostos durante a
construção, como o ISS.
A utilização do instrumento da AEIS pode ajudar na melhoria dos padrões urbanísticos, o que é muito
importante para atrair a iniciativa privada. A legislação deveria ser mais flexível, para se obter maiores
índice de aproveitamento e densidade.
04. Dificuldades sanadas, potencialidades levantadas... que procedimentos você acredita que
deveriam ser tomados para se dar início à reutilização do terreno?
1.
Desapropriação por interesse social
2.
Projetos de retrofit (se for o caso)
3.
Abertura para todas as empresas participarem, talvez fazer um concurso de idéias
4.
Subsídio para o financiamento – para tornar possível o pagamento das mensalidades de acordo com a
capacidade de pagamento dos moradores (antigos moradores de favela, p.ex.)
problema?
1ª coisa que se deve fazer é fazer levantamento histórico da área e verificar se há condições da mesma ser
reutilizada.
Instituto de Meio-Ambiente (IEA): FEEMA, IEEF e Cerla
SMU – Alice Amaral, FIRJAN, FEEMA, 3 níveis de governo.
Não há diálogo com a população, nem demandas são recebidas. As pessoas têm informações equivocadas
sobre a instituição e só entram em contato para perguntas também equivocadas, p.e. se o Sinduscon estava
vendendo casas (habitação sustentável).
Projeto Piloto de Habitação Sustentável.
Jackson da Costa Pereira
Vice-prsidente Sinduscon
Presidente da Comissão de Revitalização de Imóveis
29/10/2007
Cara Adriana, desculpe a demora para as respostas abaixo:
1 – As áreas industriais abandonadas na Cidade do Rio de Janeiro estão de forma geral localizadas ao
longo da Av. Brasil, junto a um eixo ferroviário de transporte de massa para passageiros. São
normalmente dotados de toda infraestrutura urbana de transportes, água, esgoto, luz, força, iluminação,
coleta de lixo e todos os demais serviços necessários para se constituírem em pólos habitacionais. Seria
uma forma de utilização de uma infraestrutura cara e ociosa sem abertura de novas fronteiras urbanas.
2 – Adequação da Legislação Urbanística do Município. A utilização residencial nestas regiões e
descontaminação do solo quando a indústria trabalhava com resíduo industrial poluente ou contaminante.
3 – Primeiramente identifica-las. Deveria ser feito um levantamento das áreas industriais degradadas e
disponíveis e a situação local do solo e da Legislação Edilícia. Num segundo momento após a
identificação dos locais e dos possíveis problemas se definiriam as medidas para amenizar estas
dificuldades.
4 – Estudar o mercado imobiliário local e sua vocação edilícia (casas, prédios, etc). Qual a faixa de renda
a ser atingida por um empreendimento imobiliário no local?
5 – Acredito que os órgãos governamentais como “FEEMA” não tem condições de conduzir este
processo, mas tão somente definir regras e fiscalizar. O processo de descontaminação do solo deverá ser
conduzido por empresas privadas especializadas.
6 – Iniciativa privada, Prefeitura Municipal do Ri ode Janeiro, Caixa Econômica Federal, Companhia
Estadual de Habitação - CEHAB.
7 – O Sinduscon-Rio fez um levantamento dos grandes vazios urbanos existentes ao longo da linha férrea
Central do Brasil-Santa Cruz. A idéia seria fazer pólos habitacionais a cerca de 5,0km das estações
ferroviárias, unindo-os através de ciclovias e colocando bicicletários nas estações. Tal procedimento
poderia também ser adotado para os pólos habitacionais a serem instalados em áreas industriais degradas
e contaminadas.
8 – A Caixa Econômica Federal já tem diversos programas executados com recursos do FGTS para
atendimento da faixa de renda familiar até 5,0 salários mínimos com subsídios generosos a fundo perdido
que poderiam viabilizar estes pólos habitacionais. O PAR-Programa de Arrendamento Residencial é um
deles.
Christiano Benedicto Ottoni Neto
Supervisor Técnico – GIDUR/ CAIXA
30/10/2007
Projeto REVITA.
Experiência relativamente recente,não era considerada nas análises nem por parte do empreendedor nem
por parte da própria CAIXA.
A CAIXA só analisava a viabilidade técnica da proposta, os aspectos econômico e técnico.
Como começou a se considerar esse aspecto?
A partir de experiências negativas, aproximadamente 2 ou 3 casos no mesmo período, meados dos anos
90.
Em Mauá (SP), durante a construção de uma obra num antigo lixão, umas das cisternas, onde se guardava
o lixo e que produzia gás, estava rachada e na obra acabou gerando uma explosão que por sua vez
ocasionou a morte de um operário. A CAIXA, nessa época estava financiando os mutuários, não a obra,
ainda assim foi co-responsabilizada pelo acidente.
No município de Duque de Caxias (RJ), a CAIXA financiava a construção de um empreendimento
habitacional. Duque de Caxias é um município grande com relevantes áreas industriais.
Duque de Caxias cresceu e englobou a área industrial, agora a indústria começa a se mudar .
No caso do empreendimento Flamboyant, uma antiga indústria foi reutilizada para construção de um
empreendimento habitacional. Numa vistoria técnica da CAIXA, em um dia de chuva, percebeu-se que
havia um reservatório de lixo semi-enterrado inundado por causa da chuva e com manchas de óleo. Os
técnicos da CAIXA estranharam o fato e pediram para o responsável pela execução do empreendimento
fazer a análise do terreno.
As suspeitas se confirmaram, o terreno estava contaminado possivelmente com óleo proveniente do
terreno vizinho, empresa Titanic, distribuidora de óleo.
Depois da análise preliminar feita pela construtora, a CAIXA fez uma análise mais profunda. A
construtora faliu e até hoje a questão ainda está em disputa.
Há três anos essa situação foi levantada e só agora a FEEMA notificou a empresa causadora do dano.
Esse caso despertou a CAIXA, daí procuraram a GTZ. O Projeto REITA foi, então, criado para capacitar
técnicos da CAIXA e também para orientar construtores, bem como informar como poderia se dar a
remediação.
A GTZ ajudou a CAIXA na redefinição da ficha de vistoria do terreno incorporando questões referentes a
indícios de contaminação. A mesma já foi testada e implementada pela GIDUR.
Benefícios – processo de reurbanização da cidade, crescente transformação de indústria para habitação.
Ex: município Duque de Caxias e bairro de São Cristóvão.
Vantagem – terrenos bem localizados, dentro da malha urbana, infra-estrutura. Para a CAIXA,
empreender dentro dessas áreas, melhorando a Saúde Pública, reintegrando essas áreas à cidades através
da oferta de habitação em áreas bem localizadas.
1) Fazer diagnóstico da possível contaminação e do grau da mesma. Devido ao auxílio da GTZ, agora a
CAIXA tem condição de avaliar esse aspecto.
2) A onerosidade do trabalho ambiental: a CAIXA ainda não tem fundos para financiar essa
remediação, nem para se investigar a existência da contaminação.
Em Realengo, a Eternit está remediando um de seus terrenos para poder dar uma outra destinação ao
final. Mas há muitos casos onde as empresas estão endividadas e depende da venda do terreno para
saldar as próprias dívidas.
A CAIXA também não compra terreno, financia propostas que podem contemplar a compra do
terreno, mas quem paga são os próprios mutuários.
3) Poucas empresas são capacitadas em fazer análise ambiental e menos ainda na prática da remediação,
especialmente no Rio de Janeiro. O Rio deveria importar a tecnologia de São Paulo.
Criar alternativas que pudessem contemplar financiamento de um empreendimento descontando o custo
da remediação (idéia levantada dentro do escopo de propostas do REVITA).
MTE: inclusão nos MTE´s de um capítulo específico explicando os cuidados que ela deve ter quanto à
possível contaminação.Através do MTE, a AIXA está incorporando a discussão no âmbito do mercado
imobiliário. Em São Paulo algumas construtoras já fazem avaliação ambiental, algumas dessas também
trabalham no Rio.
Trabalho de conscientização. As construtoras nunca atentaram para o caso. Todos envolvidos no processo
deveriam ser conscientizados (quem contaminou, quem comprou, quem vendeu e quem financiou).
sem tomados para se dar início à reutilização do terreno?
CAIXA só aceita o terreno se ele estiver remediado. No caso do Flamboyant, para a obra o construtor vai
ter que provar que o terreno está ok. Senão, tem que remediar o terreno e só então se dá continuidade ao
processo.
Os técnicos da CAIXA vão analisar a proposta e verificar se há focos de contaminação no terreno.
A CAIXA exige procedimento de análise e remediação ambiental. Mas ela não é responsável por isso.
Daí a CAIXA pretender repassar para o construtor a responsabilidade sobre a aplicação da ficha de
informação sobre o terreno. Daí a CAIXA só verificaria in loco o real uso da mesma. Assim, logo de
início o construtor saberá se será preciso remediar o terreno.
O construtor tem que comprovar que o solo está OK.
No MTE a CAIXA vai colocar todos os procedimentos que o construtor tem que tomar em relação ao
terreno e a CAIXA verifica se está ok.
Prefeituras e Estados (através dos seus órgãos ambientais), principalmente a FEEMA (órgão difícil). Mas
está melhorando, estão descentralizando alguma das suas atribuições para os municípios (por exemplo,
Rio de Janeiro e Duque de Caxias). Mas nem todos os municípios são capazes de receber essas
atribuições. Cada prefeitura tem que provar que é capaz de levar adiante as atribuições delegadas, equipe
técnica qualificada e em quantidade suficiente.
A CAIXA não tem responsabilidade direta nessa questão, tem que se conscientizar da importância do
tema a ser considerado nos projetos. Construtoras também.
Órgãos ambientais têm que cuidar, fiscalizar e atestar a remediação e a análise ambiental. Esses órgãos
devem atestar a adequação do terreno remediado para novo uso.
O Poder Público tem despertar para o tema.
A Prefeitura do Rio não tem manual, usa o da CETESB.
Secretarias Municipais de Urbanismo (até porque envolve uma questão de legislação/ zoneamento).
Impossível se fazer uso habitacional sem que haja mudança do uso do solo. Prefeitura do Rio + CAIXA –
São Cristóvão.
PEU – PRI. Não se pensar só no terreno, mas na região como um todo, ver questão de infra-estrutura,
serviços, equipamentos, usos...
Terrenos industriais não são mais algo pontual, tem que se analisar a remediação, a alteração do uso e o
impacto na região.
CAIXA não intervém diretamente, geralmente em parceria com prefeituras. Deveriam começar pensar
também em Caxias (próximo centro do Rio de Janeiro).
SMAC, CAIXA, SMU...
Não vê com bons olhos a participação da iniciativa privada, porque o mercado sobrevaloriza seus
interesses que nem sempre são os melhores para a população.
No caso do terreno do exército em Manguinhos, um empresário chegou com uma proposta de se comprar
o terreno e construir 3000 UH´s no mesmo. A proposta foi levada à CAIXA que chamou a Prefeitura para
conversar sobre o assunto, foi levantada, então, a questão de que se precisaria fazer um plano diretor
(devido também à reformulação do uso naquela área) para reutilização de tamanha área com tantas
habitações, deveria se pesquisar o impacto de tal empreendimento na vizinhança.
Tem que prevalecer o interesse público.
O reaproveitamento, dessa forma, deve ser pensado em prol do bem comum, o empresariado deve vir a
reboque não na formulação do plano.
Dialoga e incorpora demanda/ opinião da população que vai ser diretamente beneficiada pelo
financiamento (trabalho social).
Eliomar Coelho (vereador)
Trabalho social PAC – verifica se a ação proposta pode ser melhor implementada, se está de acordo com
as necessidades da comunidade.
Todos os programas habitacionais (FGTS, OGU, ...) dependendo da faixa de renda.
Embutir no valor do terreno a questão da remediação (hoje a CAIXA considera que o terreno tem que ser
utilizado já remediado).
A CAIXA poderia estudar casos excepcionais, onde o interesse público prevaleça, a CAIXA deveria ter
um benefício de recursos para remediação. Há subsídios para financiar o comprador, não para quem ta
executando o empreendimento.
Todas essas hipóteses estão sendo levantadas (REVITA). Quem vai bancar isso?
GEMEA (Gerência Nacional de Meio Ambiente) – Jean
Melhorou porque tem uma gerência só com isso, mas ele não resolve, só faz proposta.
Vera Tangari
Membro do conselho editorial da FAU-UFRJ, professor adjunto I
01/11/2007
1-Dentro da temática da sua instituição, como você vê as benesses da reutilização de antigas áreas
R: Na FAU-UFRJ, a reutilização de áreas industriais abandonadas foi muitas vezes tema de projetos
acadêmicos de alunos sendo normalmente esse processo considerado muito positivo.
2-Quais as dificuldades, a seu ver, seriam encontradas para utilização dessas áreas?
R: A contaminação de sub-solos, a legislação urbanística e edilícia vigente, o preconceito por parte da
sociedade e a dificuldade de financiamento.
3-Que medidas você acha que deveriam ser tomadas para amenizar essas dificuldades?
R: Revisão da legislação, divulgação de análises de contaminação de solo e discussão com a sociedade
4-Dificuldades sanadas, potencialidades levantadas... que procedimentos você acha que deveriam
R: Depende do terreno, mas são necessários estudos de viabilidade econômica e de financiamento para
sua reutilização.
5-E quanto ao solo, que procedimentos são tomados? Que instituições você acredita que deveriam
R: Os órgãos de meio-ambiente deveriam proceder a sondagens e análises de solo.
6-E no processo de reutilização como todo, que instituições, a seu ver, deveriam participar?
R: Instituições financeiras, órgãos municipais de planejamento e empresas imobiliárias.
7-Em que medida sua instituição dialoga e incorpora as demandas diretas e indiretas das pessoas
R: Quando orientamos projetos em antigas áreas industriais, tentamos levantar o perfil sócio-econômico
da população e entrar em contato com essas pessoas.
8- Dentro da sua instituição, que programas já poderiam ser implementados nessas áreas? Alguma
modificação deveria ser feita no tocante ao procedimento já adotado pela instituição?
R: Repetindo a resposta inicial, podemos estudar projetos para implantação nessas áreas e ter melhor
acesso a informações disponíveis sobre elas, melhorando a base informacional.
Setor de Marketing
SuperVia
13/11/2007
QUESTIONÁRIO BASE
A ocupação de vazios urbanos de forma planejada e regulamentada promover ocupações que estejam
aliadas com o planejamento macro e vetores de desenvolvimento da cidade.
Regularização patrimonial; eventuais desapropriações disponibilidade orçamentária.
Empenho em três níveis governamentais.
Atuação dos diversos setores governamentais envolvidos.
problema?
A SuperVia para análise dos projetos e o poder público nos níveis estadual e municipal para o
desenvolvimento de projeto e designação de recursos.
06. E no processo de reutilização como todo, que instituições, as eu ver, deveriam participar?
A SuperVia para análise dos projetos e o poder público nos níveis estadual e municipal para o
desenvolvimento de projeto e designação de recursos. Talvez empresas privadas em busca de parceria.
Através do nosso atendimento ao cliente recebemos críticas, sugestões e reclamações, as quais buscamos
atender.
Através da nossa área de meio-ambiente, fazemos políticas educacionais junto às comunidades que
residem ao longo da via férrea.
Através de áreas técnicas como coordenação de projetos, coordenação de sinalização, telecomunicação e
energia, coordenação de via permanente; analisamos projetos elaborados por entes públicos que possuam
impactos com as áreas operacionais administradas pela SuperVia e que busquem melhoria do contexto
urbano.
Os maiores problemas são as questões patrimoniais e orçamentárias. Estas questões precisam ser
resolvidas. Pode-se buscar investidores e até mesmo serem desenvolvidaos projetos para algumas das
áreas de maior potencial, porém a questão patrimonial é de solução política e é muito difícil de chegar a
assinatura de algum acordo. Somente para exemplificar, há quase 8 anos, a SuperVia tenta sem solução,
até o presente momento, implementar um projeto na área da Leopoldina. Enquanto essa questão não for
resolvida é extremamente difícil implementar algum projeto.
Dyrton Bellas
Chefe da Divisão de Controle Industrial (químico)/ FEEMA
21/11/2007
A FEEMA toma conhecimento da existência de áreas industriais degradadas/ contaminadas através de
três meios: denúncia anônima, auto-denúncia das empresas e até a própria FEEMA identifica.
As empresas, no entanto, pedem para não divulgarem se são responsáveis por contaminação, se estão
descontaminando... Geralmente, têm conhecimento dessa situação a empresa que dá destinação ao resíduo
industrial, a empresa que descontamina, a FEEMA e a própria empresa contaminada.
Como a contaminação é algo que geralmente não se vê, é fácil e conveniente manter a discrição em
relação ao tema.
Após a denúncia e vistoria da FEEMA, a empresa faz uma análise ambiental e uma proposta de
tratamento. A FEEMA define o grau de tratamento que deve ser dado à contaminação d acordo com o uso
que o terreno terá.
Um instrumento interessante é o descomissionamento, ou seja, na ato da aquisição do terreno
contaminado, a empresa deduz do montante a pagar pelo terreno o valor que será gasto com a
descontaminação.
Evidentemente, quando da compra de um terreno, o futuro dono necessita de prova que o terreno está
descontaminado.
Ainda que tenha custo alto e demande tempo, muitas empresas procuram a FEEMA com o intuito de
descontaminar a área na qual atuam ou que já atuaram. Mesmo quando vai se desfazer do terreno.
ENTREVISTA BASE
Área industrial abandonada geralmente se encontra no local que deveria estar. Se não tiver problema de
vizinhança. Tem toda infra-estrutura urbana.
A maioria das indústrias no Rio eram indústrias de transformação, então não existe um passivo ambiental
com grandes problemas. , só óleo/ graxa e ainda superficial..
Não se vê interesse das indústrias permanecerem ali, estão pressionadas pelas pela ocupação urbana
desordenada.
Hoje muitas indústrias estão sendo reutilizadas como galpões, o que é bom porque impede tráfico pesado
dentro da cidade (questão logística). Quando se localizam próximo a entrada da Dutra, vindo de São
Paulo ou de Minas Gerais. Mas o mercado já se antecipou a esse benefício, como sempre o faz, e já está
se apossando dessas áreas pelo baixo custo que é requerido. Existem antigas indústrias e galpões sendo
alugados por 10 reais/ dia, só para não terem que pagar IPTU.
Ocupar-se de área contaminada não é recomendável porque o governo que vai arcar com custo da
descontaminação. Indústrias preferem até não doar para não ter que descontaminar. Assim, essas levam
30 anos para descontaminar o terreno, mas ao menos a preço barato.
Reutilizar sem ter que descontaminar é ótimo.
No caso de áreas contaminadas já ocupadas, quando a FEEMA identifica quem contaminou a área:
a.
Primeiro, antes, a FEEMA avisa a Prefeitura e a Defesa Civil para evacuar a
população do local e isolar o mesmo. E não permitir a re-ocupação.
b.
a pessoa tem que descontaminar (medida legal).
Identificação do autor: no caso de não se identificar o autor, o Ministério Público aciona a FEEMA para
resolver o problema.
Rio de Janeiro tem muito menos problemas que São Paulo. FEEMA já identificou todos os postos de
gasolina com contaminação. No caso dos postos abandonados, há dificuldade em se identificar o dono.
As indústrias mais pesadas ainda continuam em ação,
descontaminam. No caso de indústrias com caldeiras,
derramamento de óleo das mesmas, as próprias indústrias
Atualmente, existe instrumento que bloqueia bens de
descontaminem a área.
então eles trabalham ao mesmo tempo que
que podem ter contaminação causada pelo
descontaminam o local no ato da desativação.
diretores de empresas até que os mesmos
CENTRES e INGÁ são as duas piores no Estado. No CENTRES toda fonte foi cessada, novo trabalho pra
ver. A INGÀ gerou alto grau de contaminação por confinar resíduos no local.
Na hora de vender o terreno, o comprador pode abater do preço da compra.
Também já existe a possibilidade de se gravar no cartório dizendo para que se pode utilizar a área.
O maior problema é a questão do tempo/ burocracia (por exemplo, CENTRES), deveria se pensar também
em alguma medida compensatória visto que o que os custos para descontaminação ainda são bastante
elevados. O problema é fazer o tempo e a hora.
Há dificuldade também em se aparar as arestas entre Secretário, Governador, presidente das
multinacionais.
No caso da INGÁ, por exemplo, o Sr. Dyrton teve que ir 4 vezes falar com a juíza apenas para explicar
como se daria a solução do problema.
Quando um empreendedor souber que pôr em prática um projeto de reutilização, ele deve dar entrada da
FEEMA no pedido de licença de instalação ou licença prévia. Deve explicitar o que novo uso quer dar ao
terreno e, então, a FEEMA vai expor quão descontaminado o terreno deve estar para receber aquele uso.
problema?
O município do Rio de Janeiro retornou ao domínio do Estado a questão de contaminação dos postos de
gasolina. Mas as questões de conflitos urbanos (indústrias de pequeno porte) foram passadas ao
município, por exemplo, no caso de uma marmoraria, onde já se conhece todo o processo de produção, o
problema maior é a questão do conflito com a vizinhança, questão de barulho, proximidade com escola.
Nesse caso, cabe mais ao município que ao órgão estadual cuidar do problema.
No caso do município assumir essa questão, eles ficam responsáveis pelo licenciamento e fiscalização.
Mas no momento o município do Rio não se diz apto a cuidar do que lhe foi repassado, não dispõem de
corpo técnico nem de infra-estrutura.
Sr. Dyrton acredita que a cooperação entre governo e município deveria existir. O Estado podia dar apoio
técnico ao município na questão de treinamento, e no caso do município não se sentir apto a realizar um
trabalho, então ele requisitaria ajuda do Estado e os dois trabalhariam em conjunto.
O estado, no entanto, só repassa ao município aquilo que eles acreditam que o município pode dar conta.
Não passam, por exemplo, uma contaminação por cromo. A questão dos postos de gasolina poderia muito
bem ser tratada em âmbito municipal.
Assim, a FEEMA acredita que o órgão ambiental estadual, a própria, deveria gerenciar a questão de áreas
contaminadas ou o próprio município, desde que se encontre capacitado. O caso da Bayer, por exemplo,
não foi repassado ao município, visto que o mesmo não se encontra em condições. A FEEMA prefere
manter os grandes projetos sob sua custódia, já que possuem equipe especializada no assunto.
Os projetos de transporte também não são repassados aos municípios, pois muitas vezes envolvem mais
de um município.
06. E no processo de reutilização como todo, que instituições, as eu ver, deveriam participar?
Depende de cada caso, em todos, no entanto, tem que haver interligação de todos os atores e para que a
reutilização seja possível, tem que se obter o licenciamento da FEEMA, IBAMA ou município.
Se a reutilização tiver financiamento da CAIXA ou da Petrobrás, essas duas instituições pedem essa
licença como passo inicial de qualquer projeto. Em qualquer tipo de financiamento, pede-se
licenciamento ambiental.
No caso específico da reutilização tem que se averiguar se a empresa antiga tinha essa licença e se a nova
também tem.
Por meio das reclamações feitas ao setor responsável por recebê-las. Esse setor repassa para o setor
competente a reclamação inicial. Daí se faz uma entrevista com o reclamante, faz vistoria para se verificar
a veracidade ou até mesmo o grau do impacto. Se necessário, faz a notificação da empresa.
Sempre se dá retorno ao reclamante dos encaminhamentos adotados na situação, mesmo que a denúncia
tenha sido feita de maneira anônima.
Os setores competentes que respondem às reclamações nunca têm acesso à identificação do reclamante,
apenas do conteúdo.
Existe, no entanto, uma grande dificuldade quando da vistoria de áreas de risco (áreas ocupadas). Em
alguns casos não se tem acesso de forma alguma, pode ser que não se volte delas.
Até mesmo na INGÁ, a FEEMA teve que entrar com a polícia militar, pois não queriam permitir a
entrada do órgão ambiental. 8 policiais acompanharam o profissional da FEEMA.
APARU – Área de Proteção para Reordenamento Urbano. Diante da pressão urbana, as indústrias acabam
por serem obrigadas a saírem da atual região onde se encontram. Através da APARU isso pode ser feito
sem grandes danos nem pra comunidade, nem pela empresa. O município pode ajudar a empresa a
encontrar outro local para se instalar e a comunidade pode vir a ganhar um parque, ou uma praça no local,
além de deixar de se incomodada por mau cheiro (de frigorífico, por exemplo).
Geralmente esses conflitos acontecem quando a comunidade chega no local onde a indústria já existia
devido também à expansão da cidade.
ENTREVISTA ESPECIFICA
01. Feita a denúncia, qual o procedimento adotado pela FEEMA?
Ver parte introdutória.
02. Qual o procedimento adotado pela FEEMA no caso de uma empresa contaminar o solo?
Procedimento também descrito na parte introdutória e durante as outras perguntas da entrevista.
03. Que instrumentos urbanísticos ou legais a FEEMA utiliza para solucionar e evitar o problema
da contaminação industrial?
Hoje os instrumentos são mais de prevenção. No caso de indústrias novas, já se cobra das mesmas
soluções que já evitem uma possível contaminação. No caso das antigas, eles já estão pedindo que
adequem suas estruturas no sentido de evitar danos ambientais.
Como essa questão da auto-denúncia faz com que a empresa se livre da acusação de crime ambiental,
muitas indústrias já se auto-acusam e começam a dar solução à contaminação gerada.
Hoje também existe uma maior consciência ambiental, além disso o a Lei de Crimes Ambientais contribui
para isso.
04. De que forma a FEEMA estimula a reutilização de áreas industriais degradadas?
Não existem programas de incentivo à reutilização.
05. De que maneira trabalha com medidas preventivas ao problema?
Fazendo com que antigas indústrias adaptem suas instalações para melhor evitar a contaminação. E
fazendo com que as novas já se protejam contra possíveis danos.
06. Manguinhos/ Jacaré?
A Refinaria de Manguinhos está contaminada. Atualmente encontra-se em processo de descontaminação
e ainda está desenvolvendo atividades no terreno. Existe uma outra empresa em Manguinhos que está
contaminada, também está em processo de descontaminação, mas vai deixar o local (não se pode dizer de
que empresa se trata).
07. A partir de que momento a FEEMA passou a se preocupar com a gestão das áreas
contaminadas?
Depois dos casos emblemáticos da CENTRES (Central de Tratamento de Resíduos) e INGÁ.
Na INGÁ foi detectado o problema no início dos anos 80, no primeiro governo do Brizola. O secretário
de Meio-Ambiente é o senhor Luiz Alfredo Salomão. Em plena atividade, a indústria jogava rejeito no
rio. A empresa faliu e o problema ambiental está até hoje nas mãos do estado. Desde o início a área é
problemática, ao se intitular posse de um senador da república, quis evitar a entrada do órgão ambiental
no local.
Até hoje o processo encontra-se em andamento. O síndico da massa falida queria fazer micronutrientes
com os resíduos devido à presença de zinco nos mesmos. (3.000.000 toneladas).
INGÁ entrou na falência em 1994 (+/-) e o CENTRES em 1996 (+/-).
08. Cadastro de áreas contaminadas? Como trabalham com isso?
Não trabalham com cadastro de áreas contaminadas, mas já possuem levantamento das áreas
contaminadas dos postos. Têm como conseguir esse dado devido ao licenciamento. Há pouco tempo
contrataram 8-10 geólogos para tratar disso, postos de serviço, mas entre 1 ano e 1 ano e meio eles
resolvem a questão. Não são muitas as áreas contaminadas.
Eles avaliam o projeto contaminado e acompanham a descontaminação.
Usam o material de Gestão de Áreas Contaminadas de São Paulo, mas não sabem até que ponto seria
vantajoso criar seu próprio material, visto que a contaminação no Rio não é tão intensa como em São
Paulo.
Quando alguma situação acontece e eles ainda não sabem como resolver, fazem cursos com alemães e
americanos para saber a solução mais adequada ao problema.
Na hora da descontaminação, usam padrões de São Paulo e da Holanda. No caso do empreendedor não
saber que uso vai dar ao terreno descontaminado, eles adotam a legislação mais restritiva.
09. Vocês acompanham projetos de estudo de caso ?
Não acompanham estudos de caso, possuem todos os casos documentados, com todas as informações.
Mas não existe nenhum caso específico que seja acompanhado para compreender melhor uma realidade
ou melhorar técnicas já utilizadas na FEEMA.
Renato Gama
30/11/2007
Chefe Divisão de Patrimônio - Fiocruz
Melhores condições de vida dessas comunidades. Escola, projetos habitacionais... tirá-los dessa vida
improvisada de favela.
Falta de investimento, vontade política para concretizar ações de re-urbanização. A questão do tráfico
também deve ser vista como grande dificuldade visto que impede / interfere em várias áreas.
Maior investimento feito pelo governo, como é o caso do PAC.
Consultar as comunidades que estão sentidas com o PAC.
Marcelo Firpo – imensa região de depósito de lixo. Toda a área do campus e arredores. Em 1892 foi
construído um incinerador de lixo dentro de onde hoje se encontra o campus. O mesmo permaneceu no
local ainda durante certo tempo depois da chegada da FIOCRUZ, quando então foi destruído.
"Além do mais, a região de Manguinhos, desde o final do século XIX, foi escolhida como área de
depósito de lixo da cidade. O terreno aproveitado para a instalação do Instituto Soroterápico, que viria a
se tornar o IOC e depois, a Fiocruz, foi desapropriado de uma antiga fazenda para instalar fornos
incineradores de lixo. Esses fornos conviveram em funcionamento com as instalações do instituto até,
pelo menos, finais da década de 1910. Durante os anos quarenta havia um planejamento para dividir a
cidade em áreas de acordo com o tratamento destinado ao lixo. Para a zona norte a idéia era usar o lixo
como aterro aonde existissem mangues, justamente. De acordo com mapa de época 1[1], a região de
Manguinhos seria limítrofe desta setorização, comportando tanto áreas de aterro sanitário, mais próximas
ao mar, ou mesmo nas bacias dos rios que cortam a região, quanto áreas para fermentação do lixo".
(Texto retirado do material da pesquisa Comunidades de Manguinhos: história dos lugares e das pessoas,
coordenado por Tânia Fernandes e Renato da Gama-Rosa Costa, Casa de Oswaldo Cruz, Fiocruz).
PCRJ (SMH), Ministério das Cidades, UFRJ (pesquisa da Andréia), indústrias da área (ainda existentes),
Reinaria... A Fiocruz, ao ver do entrevistado, deveria ser a articuladora de todas as instituições.
Através do Centro de Saúde, ENSP (principalmente), PSF e DLIS/ Manguinhos, Laboratório Territorial
de Manguinhos.
PDTSP (Programa de Desenvolvimento Tecnológico em Saúde Pública), através do edital Cidades
Sustentáveis. O nome do projeto: Manguinhos – Diagnóstico histórico-urbano-sanitário: subsídios para
políticas públicas sustentáveis em saúde. Duração da pesquisa: 24 meses.
1[1] Publicado na Revista Municipal de Engenharia, de julho de 1940, a página 327.
Maria Auxiliadora
30/11/2007
Vila São Pedro - Manguinhos
ENTREVISTA COMUNIDADE
01. Quais os principais problemas encontrados na área?
Falta de creche, não tem área de lazer, esgoto mal feito e antigo com vários pontos de entupimento. Existe
uma mini-indústria de reciclagem de óleo que joga resíduos e entope a rede. Essa indústria laca com soda
cáustica para desentupir os canos, mas ainda assim estes se entopem.
Existe um prédio condenado pela defesa civil, é escorado.
Problema de enchente quando o rio enche (Rua de Baixo).
02. Quais os principais pontos positivos?
Ser mais alto por causa dos aterros, eles ficam ilhados. Acessibilidade, acesso para todos os lugares: Rua
Democráticos e Linha Amarela.
Rede antiga de abastecimento de água, não falta água.
Hoje em dia quase não existem pessoas da época da fundação da favela, devem existir apenas uns 10%
dos fundadores. As pessoas voltam para sua terra natal ou até mesmo já morreram.
03. Por que você mora no complexo de favelas de Manguinhos?
Porque não existe outro lugar para morar. Segundo Patrícia, também existe acomodação das pessoas que
não querem se mudar pois já conhecem tudo, e são conhecidas, mesmo o local sendo violento.
Dora diz que não existe violência dentro da comunidade, mas a violência externa também atinge a área.
Se o PAC melhorasse a infra-estrutura, o melhor lugar para morar seria a comunidade.
Dependendo da comunidade onde se mora, quando da aplicação para um emprego, os currículos nem são
analisados. Também não se consegue vaga em colégios.
Existem pessoas na comunidade que fazem universidade, tem gente até que faz doutorado, mas ainda
preferem morar na comunidade porque não pagam aluguel. Tinha até um advogado que recentemente se
mudou porque corria o risco do tráfico lhe obrigar a defendê-lo
04. O que você acha que deve ser feito para acabar com esses problemas e valorizar as coisas boas
da comunidade?
Seria uma mudança radical em todo o sistema. Se o PAC realmente acontecesse, será bom. Melhorariam a
casa. Como as pessoas não têm dinheiro para melhorar a casa, a mesma permanece sem acabamento,
juntando poeira e, conseqüentemente, fazendo com que as pessoas fiquem com alergia.
Dever-se-ia dragar o rio.
E há necessidade de se gerar mais empregos para pessoas de baixa renda que, não têm como trabalhar,
acabam por se revoltar.
Escola com qualidade e oportunidade de trabalho.
05. Quem você acredita que deveria ajudar na solução desses problemas?
As autoridades (prefeito, governador...) e a sociedade. A sociedade, no entanto, só pode participar se
houver vontade política.
06. De que forma, atualmente, a comunidade conversa com essas instituições?
De forma alguma. A FAFERJ colocou lá a presidente. Segundo a presidente, a mesma já entrou em
contato com a Prefeitura reivindicando melhorias. Tudo que se pretende reivindicar se faz por meio da
FAFERJ.
Para falar com prefeito, tem que se apadrinhar .
07. Em relação ao PAC, você acha que da forma como o programa está sendo pensado ele vai ser
um bom programa para a comunidade? Por quê?
O PAC não vai atender todas as comunidades, isso é muito injusto. Em vez de se fazer obras faraônicas,
deveriam se atender todas as comunidades.
08. Como você acredita que deveria ser o PAC?
Dependendo do orçamento, atender a todas as comunidades.
1. prioridade: saneamento, até por causa da questão da saúde (todos deveriam ser atendidos). Não adianta
construir casa, nem reformar vias sem se fazer saneamento.
09. Você conhece algum terreno vazio ou indústria abandonada nos arredores? Você já os viu/
visitou?
Embratel, Exército.
10. Em relação às indústrias abandonadas da área, o que você acha que poderia ser feito com elas?
Para construção de casas e escolas. Existem muitas pessoas desabrigadas que moram em cubículos. Dessa
forma, os vazios urbanos deveriam ser e aproveitados em benefício da comunidade, do jeito que o
governo bem entender (mas em prol da comunidade).
11. Por que, a seu ver, essas indústrias saíram da área? Foi bom para a comunidade essa saída?
Por quê?
Ninguém tem como manter os impostos/ taxas para ter uma firma/ loja. O lucro não compensa, então o
empreendedor tem que correr atrás do lucro. Dizem que é por causa do ambiente/ local, mas eu não
acredito. Quando a firma é sólida, como os Correios, ela fica.
Algumas estragaram o meio-ambiente, por esse lado foi bom sair. Mas não é bom porque diminui o
emprego.
12. Você sabe se há alguma reclamação sobre questão de saúde por parte de quem mora perto ou
dentro dessas indústrias/ terrenos abandonados?
Só em relação ao negócio da reciclagem: óleo e soda cáustica no rio, causando cheiro insuportável.
Patrícia
30/11/2007
CHP2 - Manguinhos
QUESTIONÁRIO LIDERANÇAS
CHP2CHP2 tem mais ou menos 5000 pessoas
Surgiu na década de 50 com moradores oriundos de outras comunidades (favelas): Praia do Pinto
(Leblon), Cachoeirinha e Caju (ponto Rio-Niterói). Essas áreas foram desabrigadas pelo governo do
estado que, por sua vez, construiu edifícios para abrigar a população
O CHP2 foi o segundo conjunto a ser construído na área, o primeiro foi o conjunto João Goulart. No
CHP2 dois tipos de construções foram executados: casas e apartamentos.
Os apartamentos, no entanto, começaram a ceder por terem sido construídos em terreno de aterro sobre o
antigo mangue. Os prédios foram então destruídos e em seu lugar foram construídas casas.
•
Grandes supermercados, outras agências de banco (fora Banco do Brasil e Bradesco) só podem
ser encontrados em Bonsucesso.
•
Mas as atividades comerciais são bem presentes nas comunidades.
Violência (muito grande), falta de saneamento básico, grande déficit habitacional e falta de infra-estrutura
adequada ao número de habitantes residentes na área.
Um certo suporte das instituições não-governamentais que acabam por ocupar o espaço deixado vazio
pelo governo. Essas organizações trabalham mais na questão de arte & cultura:
•
Rede CCAP (educação jovens)
•
Programa PEJA
•
Grupos culturais e esportivos
•
Existia uma cooperativa que trabalhou durante 12 anos na comunidade (COTRAM)
•
Grupos de artesanato
Fácil locomoção (transporte) – próximo Metrô, ônibus, trem e transporte alternativo.
03. Por que você mora no complexo de favelas de Manguinhos?
Falta de condições de morar em outro local. Gostaria de morar em um lugar melhor, sem enchentes,
violência, mas ao mesmo tempo gostaria de melhorar o local e continuar vivendo nele. Por causa de todos
os pontos positivos na questão anterior enumerados.
Muitas pessoas, no entanto, fogem dos pontos negativos da área e acabam se mudando, mas ficam longe
do trabalho, do centro...
da comunidade?
O Estado tem que cumprir com seu dever, cumprir deveres humanos e civis para com a população.
Estado e a própria população (desde que consciente, mobilizada e articulada).
Existe muito pouca conversa e feita apenas através de 1 ou outra liderança comunitária. O processo PAC
e a intervenção do Fórum que está proporcionando maior diálogo com governo do Estado.
Não. O PAC não é uma vestimenta que se coloca no povo e pronto. O governo do Estado pecou em não
adequar o PAC à necessidade da população. A população precisa de educação, trabalho e renda,
saneamento, programa de saúde...
Se não fosse o PAC, Manguinhos não teria nenhuma intervenção nem micro nem macro. E a micro
deveria ter, como a questão da saúde, educação...
visitou?
Terreno da Light onde não se pode fazer nada e adutora da CEDAE.
Mais próximo é do outro lado do Jacarezinho. Souza Cruz está saindo, tem apenas 20% dos funcionários
trabalhando. GE já saiu, 70% dos seus funcionários já estão trabalhando em outro local, mas a empresa
foi vendida para uma outra indústria.
A Light agora é do DETRAN.
10. Em relação às indústrias abandonadas da área, o que você acha que poderia ser feito com elas?
Atender todo o déficit que a comunidade tem: escola, teatro, esporte... habitação. Melhoria da qualidade
de vida da população do entorno.
11. Por que, a seu ver, essas indústrias saíram da área? Foi bom para a comunidade essa saída?
Por quê?
Violência, muitos assaltos, risco de vida dos profissionais e o próprio desenvolvimento do entorno
(favelização). Não se assalta moradores, apenas quem é de fora (Correios e Casas Bahia, por exemplo). O
tráfico rouba, fica com aquilo que precisam e o resto é distribuído na comunidade.
A saída das indústrias foi ruim porque a comunidade já tem baixo desenvolvimento humano e agora baixo
desenvolvimento industrial e comercial o que acaba por desvalorizar a área.
Proliferação de ratos, baratas... questão do lixo..
Maria
12/12/2007
Mandela de Pedra - Manguinhos
•
Sexo feminino
•
Mora no conjunto desde 1999
•
Antes morava na favela da Maré, mas se casou e o único local que eles tinham dinheiro para
comprar
Sairia de Manguinhos para Maré que lá moravam em conjunto habitacional. Sairia daqui por causa da
violência. Maré é menos violento.
Vila do João e Pinheiros eram do comando vermelho e agora foram tomadas pela facção da Maré. Então
não tem muito conflito.
Tráfico, falta de saneamento básico, energia fraca (não dá vazão, tem baixa), água fraca (encanada) mais à
noite, enchente, rio poluído, falta consciência dos moradores. Tem lixeira na porta da comunidade.
Facilidade de incêndio (fiação mais barraco de madeira).
Convivência, uns respeitam os outros, trabalho da igreja católica, (trabalho social com fiocruz), trabalho
dos agentes comunitários e da agente comunitária de dependência química.
da comunidade?
Depende muito dos políticos, as pessoas são obrigadas a votar, para a eleição não tem problema entrar na
comunidade. Ação social na comunidade, só tem na Mangueira (futebol, ginástica rítmica)/ DIA
(Benfica), aí as pessoas acabam por optar pelo tráfico.
Representante da comunidade (que hoje não existe, só fachada – há 10 anos no comando da comunidade).
Fiocruz até tenta. Mas primeiro depende dos políticos/ representante. Houve 3 movimentos muito bom:
Fiocruz fechou a Leopoldo Bulhões para lazer para comunidade. Mas existe representante que se
preocupa só com seu bolso, outro não faz nada só...
Não tem acesso ao representante a entrevistada. Não sabe como responder.
Não vai ter muito êxito. Só vai atingir parte dos correios e da Refinaria e como fica o miolo da
comunidade? Estado e município estão atuando na Mandela de Pedra. A entrevistada fez questão de se
ausentar das reuniões porque na primeiras que foi não teve nada que prestasse.
Que o PAC envolvesse/ trabalhasse na comunidade toda. Para fazer só uma parte, o município já asfaltou
2 ruas
visitou?
Refinaria (parte ativada, outra parada),
Quartel DISUP,
Embratel + CCPL + CONAB.
09. Em relação às indústrias/ terrenos abandonadas(os) da área, o que você acha que poderia ser
feito com elas(eles)?
Fazendo conjuntos habitacionais, posto de saúde porque existem pessoas precisando de serviço e não tem
como o PSF chegar na área. Lazer também. Diziam que a Embratel não era bom para invadir, que era
para fazer Vila Olímpica.
10. Por que, a seu ver, essas indústrias/ equipamentos saíram da área? Foi bom para a comunidade
essa saída? Por quê?
Por causa da violência. Nem sempre é, porque vai aumentando as comunidades carentes e diminuindo a
fonte de emprego.
Hanseníase, DST, infecções respiratórias, verminoses (saneamento).
Não sabe dizer porque são áreas descobertas pelo PSF, com exceção da CONAB.
8 equipes de PSF, deveria ser no mínimo 1 equipe de PSF por comunidade.
Paulo
12/12/2007
Varginha –Manguinhos
Pessoas vieram da Zona Oeste para Varginha para depois ir para Mandela de Pedra. Sogra mora há 50
anos porque era mais perto do Centro. Moradores Amorim e Varginha trabalhavam na Fiocruz.
2003 – 58,000 hab (PDU)
Hoje 70,000 – 75,000 hab
Jauregui 110,000 hab
01. Características do entrevistado
1.1 Sexo:
(1) feminino
(2) masculino
1.8 Local de moradia anterior?
(1) mesma área no mesmo bairro
(2) outra área no mesmo bairro
(3) outro bairro Qual? Vila Arará,
Benfica
1.9 Porque você veio morar na área?
Porque se casou de novo e a esposa morava em Manguinhos
02. Por que você mora em Manguinhos?
Compromisso com a Associação de Moradores. Paulo tem ramificações políticas também no Arará. Hoje
está separado, então podia sair da comunidade, que ele não faz parte. Mas ele fica por causa do
compromisso.
Todos que eu possa imaginar. Saneamento básico, falta compromisso da empresa de luz, pior:
ENCHENTE (entre duas comunidades altas, de 20 em 20 anos tem chuva forte). Políticos querem fazer
política/ campanha para eleição.
A comunidade em si, apesar de não participar como desejado, é ao menos civilizada.
da comunidade?
Acabar com a Varginha e fazer de novo. Não só o governo tem que querer intervir, está faltando diálogo.
Com diálogo se sabe o que se tem que fazer para a comunidade e para as outras comunidades de
Manguinhos.
Ver espaços vazios e reutilizar com novos usos ou antigos, por exemplo, com um restaurante popular que
gera emprego e ainda proporciona comida por R$1,00 o prato.
Criar equipamentos e instrumentos de saúde e para atender a comunidade no setor do esporte. O Centro
de Saúde da Fiocruz não atende à comunidade, a Fiocruz é só centro de pesquisa. PSF teve problema na
implantação por falta de espaço em Manguinhos.
Refinaria de Manguinhos, parcerias privadas para criar Vila Olímpica, p.e.
Governo, população (processo de reivindicação, manifestação), mas cabe muito mais ao governo.
A associação puxa parcerias, mas é difícil porque a imagem das associações é arranhada se usavam da
associação para benefício próprio. Esbarram no fato de não darem o dinheiro para a população, governo
que executa.
O PAC vem melhorar, mas do jeito que ta sendo feito não. A proposta é boa porque vai beneficiar aqueles
que mais precisam. Indenização não é política de habitação.
Política da habitação, tirar quem morar ruim para morar bem. Piores áreas: Mandela de Pedra/ coréia e
Embratel.
visitou?
Gilette, Jafra, Maia (Benfica).
11. Em relação às indústrias/ terrenos abandonadas(os) da área, o que você acha que poderia ser
feito com elas(eles)?
Vila Olímpica (principalmente), produção habitacional, equipamentos próximos (Maré) não podem ser
utilizados pela população. Embratel cogitava ser usada para Vila Olímpica. Pessoas pedem muitas creches
(e dar emprego para os pais).
12. Por que, a seu ver, essas indústrias/ equipamentos saíram da área? Foi bom para a comunidade
essa saída? Por quê?
Acesso, trânsito muito grande, engarrafamento. Não por causa do Tráfico. Gilette e Correios não geram
empregos.
Refinaria (nem tanto hoje porque parou as atividades), perto da fundação tem um valão.

adriana barbosa dantas - Urban Management

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