Journal of Portuguese Linguistics

Transcrição

A new look at the Portuguese element
in Saramaccan
NORVAL SMITH
HUGO CARDOSO
Abstract
This article contains what is possibly the most accurate wordlist of Portuguese-derived items in Saramaccan (a creole language spoken in the interior
of Suriname) produced so far, and attempts to establish the proportions of
Portuguese – versus English-derived words – in this language. We believe
that the results are very striking when the lexical category of the items
concerned is taken into account. These observations are then analysed in the
light of a possible scenario of the formation of Saramaccan involving the
partial relexification of an earlier form of Sranan (the English-lexifier creole
of the coast of Suriname) with Portuguese and/or a Portuguese-based Creole.
1. Introduction
This article deals with that section of the Saramaccan lexicon which is
derived from Portuguese. One of the main contributions it makes to the study
of this language is to provide the scientific community with an as accurate as
possible listing of the Portuguese elements in Saramaccan. Frequently one
comes across misattributions by linguists of words in this language to Portuguese, Dutch or English. Hopefully, this article will provide a partial corrective for this.
Saramaccan is an English-based Creole language spoken in part of the
interior of Suriname by the descendants of African slaves who fled from the
colonial plantations in the late 17th and early 18th centuries. Despite the
relatively small number of speakers (in excess of 30,000), this Creole has
received a great deal of attention from creolists, not least because of the
sizable Portuguese element in its lexicon. This has been calculated, in terms of
the Swadesh list, to be around 35% of the basic vocabulary (Smith 1987),
whereas English accounts for about 50%. The proportion of Portuguese items
in the other Surinamese Creoles, Sranan and Ndjuka, is much lower.
Journal of Portuguese Linguistics, 3 (2004), 115-147
ISSN 1645-4537
116
Norval Smith & Hugo Cardoso
Even though many other questions concerning Saramaccan have been
hotly debated, the mixed character of its lexicon alone would be enough to
make this language of great interest for linguists. In fact, very few other
Creole languages are comparable to Saramaccan in this respect. Other cases
would include Berbice Dutch and the various forms of Chabacano in the
Philippines. These latter cases, however, are interpreted as cases of mixing
between a superstrate and a substrate language, whereas in the case of
Saramaccan both Portuguese and English would normally be seen as superstrates. One of the striking characteristics of all these creoles is that even their
function words are of mixed origin. In addition, it is often difficult to predict
which part of the lexicon will be derived from each language.
2. Previous work on the Portuguese element in Saramaccan
The Portuguese element in Saramaccan has been the object of study for a
respectable period already. The first systematic study was carried out by Hugo
Schuchardt in 1914, who set out some of the subsequent lines of research,
particulary on the origin of this element. Another influential piece of work
was Voorhoeve (1973), which also addressed the question of the formation of
Saramaccan with particular reference to the Portuguese-based part of its lexicon. Smith (1987) is a very detailed look at the relations among the Creoles of
Suriname and deals extensively with the Portuguese-based lexicon, not only
in terms of its origin, but also in terms of its phonology. More recently, Cardoso (2003) has focused on the processes of change involved in the Portuguese element in the language.
Of all the work done on the subject, the ones that come closest to taking a
global view on the Portuguese-derived lexicon of Saramaccan are perhaps
Cardoso (2003), Schuchardt (1914) and Smith (1987). The other lexical
analyses extant typically take as their point of departure either the Swadesh
list (e.g. Voorhoeve 1973; Aceto 1997), or a specific source (e.g. Perl 2000),
or a sub-sample of words selected for methodological reasons (e.g. Huttar
1989; also Voorhoeve 1973). The present compilation, included as an appendix, is therefore the most exhaustive to date, and will hopefully be useful as a
starting-point for future analyses.
3. Explanations for the Portuguese element in Saramaccan
The origin of the Portuguese element in Saramaccan remains somewhat
puzzling. From the very early studies on this issue on, competing theories
have been proposed to explain the presence of such a significant Portuguese
element in this language. In the interests of space we will not recapitulate the
long history of this debate, just mention two recent hypotheses.
A new look at the Portuguese element in Saramaccan
117
The first of these was proposed by Goodman (1987). He postulated that
the Portuguese element was the result of the diffusion of a Portuguese-based
Creole across the Caribbean following the emigration of the Sephardic Jews
and their slaves from Brazil in 1654, when the Dutch colony of Pernambuco
was lost. This theory was adopted by Smith (1987), who assumed that the
English-based Sranan came into contact with some form of Portuguese on the
Jewish-owned plantations on the middle Suriname River from the late 1660’s
on. A process of partial relexification of Sranan towards Portuguese ensued,
giving rise to Dju-Tongo (‘Jew-language’) by about 1680. Dju-Tongo was the
language the runaway slaves took to the bush to become Saramaccan.
Recently, two separate studies (Arends 1999; Ladhams 1999) challenged
this hypothesis, based on their analysis of historical documents. They claimed
that the number of slaves brought from Brazil, if any, must have been too
small to account for the Portuguese items in Saramcccan. In reaction to this,
Smith (1999) argued firstly that a scenario by which a group of Portuguese
Jews and their slaves moved first to Cayenne after the fall of the Dutch colony
in 1654, and then on to Suriname in 1665, was possible. Secondly he pointed
out that there was an account of a “new language” sounding very much like a
creole, which was spoken in the large Pernambucan maroon settlement of
Palmares. Thirdly he highlighted a number of phonological features only
affecting the Portuguese items in Saramaccan that could be explained as due
to Kikongo influence, and suggesting that these items had a separate history.
4. Proportion of Portuguese words in Saramaccan
As a result of our new look at the Portuguese words in Saramaccan (of all
periods), we have identified 377 fairly certain etyma, plus a few others which
are less certain but still possible. This is a clear advance on the 347 claimed
by Smith (1999). We suspect that the true number of Portuguese words will
eventually probably approach 400.
Some of these words only occur in the 18th century sources for Saramaccan (Schumann 1778; Riemer 1779-80). Others appear only in modern
sources, but, since there has been no contact between Portuguese and
Saramaccan until the modern incursions from Brazil of gold-prospectors and
others, it is safe to say that they must have been present in earlier Saramaccan,
but have gone unnoticed. There are also a few words occurring only in
modern Saramaccan, but which do appear earlier in Sranan. Some of these
items may conceivably be loans in Saramaccan. As Smith (1999) points out,
Sranan has 113 words of Portuguese origin, of which nearly half are unique to
Sranan among the Suriname creoles, reflecting at least partly the urban Jewish
culture of Paramaribo, the capital.
118
4.1. Portuguese ‘basic’ vocabulary and function words in Saramaccan
Smith (1987) makes the claim that Saramaccan is basically an English-lexifier creole partly relexified to Portuguese, or to a Portuguese creole.
Apart from the broad agreements among the creoles of Suriname in terms of
morphosyntax, the basic lexicon of Saramaccan is more English than Portuguese, as we have noted above. In terms of a Swadesh 200-word count, Smith
(1987) found the following percentages for Saramaccan and Sranan.
English
Portuguese
Dutch
African
Sranan
77.1%
3.7%
18.0%
1.6%
Saramaccan
49.9%
34.9%
10.5%
4.7%
Table 1: etymological origin of Sranan and Saramaccan basic vocabulary
(from Smith, 1987).
These percentages show two things. While the largest proportion of basic
vocabulary is of English origin, a very substantial proportion – more than a
third – is from Portuguese. The influence of Portuguese on the basic vocabulary is therefore pretty solid.
Smith (1987) also provides a similar count on the percentages of function
words – taking all types of function word into consideration. The results are as
follows:
English
Portuguese
Dutch
African
Sranan
80.4%
1.5%
15.9%
2.2%
Saramaccan
62.8%
16.0%
14.5%
6.8%
Table 1: etymological origin of Sranan and Saramaccan function words,
(from Smith, 1987).
In this count, only one language appears to be a major provider of function
words – English. The role of Portuguese is here much reduced, to about the
same level of influence that Dutch has on the function words of both creoles.
However, it remains noteworthy that, whether we take the Swadesh basic 200-word list into account, or the totality of function words, the influence of
Portuguese remains roughly ten times as large on Saramaccan as it is on
Sranan. Note also that the Dutch influence can be assumed to be more recent
than that of Portuguese.
These figures from function words seemed to suggest the correctness of
Smith’s relexification hypothesis, as one would expect a much slower
replacement of English-derived items by Portuguese ones among function
words.
119
5. Proportion of Portuguese and English words over the lexical categories of Saramaccan.
We have calculated the proportion of nouns, verbs, and adjectives of
Portuguese and English origin in the Saramaccan lexicon, as it is now available. A caveat which should be expressed is that there is still no complete
word-list of modern Saramaccan. The sources used are Donicie & Voorhoeve
(1963), De Groot (1981), and Rountree, Asodanoe & Glock (2000). In none of
these are all the Portuguese-derived words to be found, and each of them
contains items that appear in neither of the other two sources. For 18th century Saramaccan we have used Schumann (1778), Riemer (1779-80), which is
a near identical copy, and Wietz (1805).
A few methodological preliminaries should be stated. We have basically
restricted our examination to monomorphematic items. However we have also
taken account of items that were complex in terms of English or Portuguese,
but which contained one root plus a cranberry morph as far as Saramaccan
was concerned. In terms of the English items, in a number of cases a Dutch
etymology would strictly speaking have been an option. By and large these
items are old in Saramaccan and appear in 18th century sources, where by and
large Dutch words tend to be rare. We presume that in most such cases the
English derivation is the correct one.
5.1. Nouns
We have identified 355 nouns that satisfied the above requirements. To
our surprise, the proportion that was revealed was 50-50. 176 nouns were of
Portuguese origin, and 179 of English origin. If we recall that ‘basic’ vocabulary was more English than Portuguese, then Portuguese must dominate in
more non-basic concepts. This is of course what would be expected if Portuguese was the relexifying language. The more basic a concept the more resistant it would be to replacement.
5.2. Adjectives
We have identified 78 adjectives of Portuguese or English origin. Here the
proportion was quite different. 27 adjectives were of Portuguese origin, and
51 of English origin. So, twice as many adjectives were of English origin as
were of Portuguese origin. As such, this is not particularly startling. Nouns are
assumed to be more easily borrowed than other word-categories, so we would
expect a higher proportion of replacement among nouns than among
adjectives. Now, of course, relexification and borrowing cannot be identified
as linguistic processes, but they are both types of lexical replacement, and one
would expect that what is more easily borrowed is also more easily relexified.
120
5.3. Verbs
The real surprise came with the verb count. We identified 275 verbs of
English or Portuguese origin in Saramaccan. Of these no fewer than 154
turned out to be Portuguese (56%) while only 121 were of English origin
(44%). It is certainly quite unexpected that such a high proportion of verbs
should be of Portuguese origin. In most cases of large-scale borrowing, nouns
are more easily borrowed than verbs. In some languages verbs can only be
borrowed if a special derivational suffix is added to the verb stem. An
example of this would be Chinese verbs borrowed into Tungusic languages
like Manchu and Orochen.
Matthias Perl (2000) provides an analysis of the verbs in Saramaccan based
on Riemer’s wordlist (1779), and comes to the conclusion, apparently similar to
ours, that there are more verbs with a clear Portuguese origin than verbs with an
English origin – 122 to 111. Note that we only examined items that were verbs
in the source languages, whereas Perl proceeds from the verbs of Saramaccan
itself. Perl in fact omitted a number of verbs, and misetymologized others, so
that in truth the origins of the English and Portuguese verbs in his analysis come
out as more or less equal. Applying our methodology to Riemer’s list, and
taking only English and Portuguese source-language verbs into account, gives
us the figures of 116 English verbs and 113 Portuguese ones. Riemer’s list
cannot be used to prove the dominance of Portuguese over English.
Why should nouns and verbs exhibit such different behaviours? Inasmuch
as Saramaccan can be regarded as mixed in some sense, is it useful to refer to
other cases of mixed languages with skewing as between numbers of nouns
and verbs? The classic case is Michif (Bakker, 1997). Here the languages
concerned are French (nearly all nouns) and the Algonquian Ojibway and
Cree (nearly all verbs). Algonquian languages have extremely complex verbal
morphology – so that we can say that much of the morphosyntax is expressed
through the verbal system. This does not seem to be directly relevant to our
case, however.
6. Mixed creoles and function words
In the only other ‘mixed creole’ in the Atlantic area, Berbice Dutch, the
proportions of Dutch and Eastern Ijo basic vocabulary are roughly similar to
those holding between English and Portuguese in the Saramaccan case. Here
too the ‘minority’ language is much less evident in its presence in function
words. However, there are very striking differences. Berbice Dutch displays
striking substrate influence in the morphosyntax, while there is no apparent
“Portuguese” influence in the case of Saramaccan (there is influence from the
substrate language Fon). There is also no reason for considering Portuguese to
be a substrate language of Saramaccan – or is there? The problem is that when
we talk about Portuguese in the Saramaccan context we do not really know
what we are talking about: either a form of Portuguese, or a Portuguese creole
121
or both. Smith (1999), as mentioned above, shows evidence of Portuguese
forms displaying Kikongo phonological influence, which could point to a
creolized form of Portuguese. If the Portuguese element was brought into
Sranan via a Portuguese Creole, the combination resulting in Dju-Tongo/Saramaccan, we may be allowed to regard this Portuguese element as
substratal, and the Sranan element as superstratal.
7. /payman/ vs /pakamntu/
A very striking parallel between Sranan and Saramaccan concerns the
non-productive derivational relationship between nouns with the basic meaning of ‘payment’ and verbs with the basic meaning of ‘pay’ in the two languages. Such derivational pairs are very rare, and can be counted on the
fingers of two hands in both languages. The fact that an English-derived
version occurs in Sranan, and the corresponding Portuguese-derived one in
Saramaccan, is clear testimony to the intimate historical relations between
these two languages.
Payment is clearly a very important concept in a plantation economy system. We have then a perfect correspondence in the following:
English
pay
pay-ment
Sranan
/pay/
/pay-man/
Saramaccan
/paká/
/paka-mntu/
Portuguese
pagar
paga-mento
This cannot be regarded as coincidental. The fact that such relationships
are extremely rare in both languages rules chance out completely in our
opinion. This must almost certainly be the result of relexification. The
evidence presented in previous sections, together with the fact that Portuguese
was introduced later into Suriname than English (1665 against 1651) makes a
strong case for the hypothesis that Portuguese (creole?) was relexifying an
early form of Sranan.
8. Conclusion
In order to perform the analyses in this paper, we have constructed what
we believe is the most complete word list of the Portuguese-derived lexemes
in Saramaccan produced so far. This is not a trivial task, given the misattributions that have been made in the past. It is essential that, before such partial
lexica are employed to argue for or against some hypotheses concerning the
development of Saramaccan, the lists utilized are at least accurate. We feel
confident in claiming that this list is in fact the most accurate produced so far.
Based on this data, several word counts were carried out which made it
possible to note that, whereas Portuguese is less influential than English in
122
respect of Saramaccan’s basic vocabulary, and much less so with respect to its
function words and adjectives, the situation is different with regard to nouns
and verbs. In fact, it was observed that Portuguese accounts for as many
nouns as English, and it is actually predominant in providing its verbs. These
observations, though surprising, still fit into a scenario of Portuguese, or at
least a restructured variety of Portuguese, relexifying an early English-based
creole.
Finally, attention was drawn to the case of a Saramaccan word that retains
a Portuguese derivational morpheme (an extremely rare case), which has an
equally rare English-derived correspondent in Sranan. It was suggested that
this striking correspondence may support the hypothesis of relexification
towards Portuguese.
References
Aceto, M. (1997) Saramaccan Creole Origins: Portuguese-derived Lexical Correspondences and the Relexification Hypothesis. In The Structure and Status of Pidgins
and Creoles (A. Spears & D. Winford, editors), pp. 219-240. Amsterdam: John
Benjamins
Arends, J. (1999) The origin of the Portuguese element in the Suriname Creoles. In
Spreading the word: the issue of diffusion among the Atlantic creoles (M. Huber &
M. Parkvall, editors), pp. 195-208. London: Battlebridge
Bakker, P. (1997) A language of our own. New York: Oxford University Press.
Cardoso, H. (2003) Processes of change in the Portuguese-based lexicon of Saramaccan, unpublished MPhil thesis (Universiteit van Amsterdam)
DeGroot, A. (1981). Woordregister Saramakaans – Nederlands. Paramaribo: Artex.
Donicie, A. & Voorhoeve, J. (1963) De Saramakaanse woordenschat. Amsterdam:
Bureau voor Taalonderzoek in Suriname/Universiteit van Amsterdam.
Goodman, M. (1987) The Portuguese element in the American Creoles. In Pidgin and
Creole languages: Essays in memory of John E. Reinecke (G. Gilbert, editor),
pp. 361-405. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
Herskovits, M. (1931) On the provenience of the Portuguese in Saramacca Tongo,
West Indische Gids, 12, 545-557.
Huttar, G. (1989) The Portuguese contribution to the Ndjuka lexicon. In Estudios
sobre Español de América y lingüistica afroamericana (J. Montes, editor),
pp. 263-279. Bogotá
Ladhams, J. (1999) The Pernambuco connection? An examination of the nature and
origin of the Portuguese elements in Surinam Creoles. In Spreading the word: the
issue of diffusion among the Atlantic creoles (M. Huber & M. Parkvall, editors),
pp. 209-240. London: Battlebridge
Perl, M. (2000) The Portuguese origin of the Saramaccan vocabulary reconsidered. In
Crioulos de base Portuguesa (E. d’Andrade et al, editors), pp. 143-165. Braga:
Associação Portuguesa de Linguística
Riemer, J. A. (1779-1780) Woerterbuch zur Erlernung der Saramakka Neger Sprache.
Published in Early Suriname Creole texts; A collection of 18th-century Sranan and
Saramaccan documents (1995) (J. Arends & M. Perl, editors). Frankfurt: Vervuert.
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Rountree, S. C., Asodanoe, J. & Glock, N. (2000) Saramaccan-English word list.
Paramaribo: Instituut voor Taalwetenschap.
Schuchardt, H. (1914) Die Sprache der Saramakkaneger in Surinam. Amsterdam:
Johannes Müller.
Schumann, C. L. (1778) Saramaccanisch Deutsches Wörter-Buch. Manuscript
ublished in H. Schuchardt (1914), Die Sprache der Saramakkaneger in Surinam.
Amsterdam: Johannes Müller.
Smith, N. (1987) The genesis of the Creole languages of Surinam, unpublished Ph.D.
dissertation (Universiteit van Amsterdam)
_____ (1999) Pernambuco to Surinam 1654-1665? The Jewish slave controversy. In
Spreading the word: the issue of diffusion among the Atlantic creoles (M. Huber &
M. Parkvall, editors), pp. 251-298. London: Battlebridge
Voorhoeve, J. (1973) Historical and linguistic evidence in favour of the relexification
theory in the formation of Creoles, Language in Society, 2, 133-145
Wietz, I.L. (1805) Die Apostel-Geschichte in die Saramakka-Neger-Sprache. [Unpublished MS., Moravian Brethren, Bambey, Suriname.]
Norval Smith
Amsterdam Centre for Language
and Communication
Department of Theoretical Linguistics
University of Amsterdam, The Netherlands
[email protected]
Hugo Cardoso
Instituto Superior Politécnico de Viseu
Portugal
[email protected]
124
APPENDIX
The Portuguese-based lexicon of Saramaccan
Late 18th century
-abra
adjossi
(tree)
good-bye
adjudâ
enema
agúja
akì
alá
alátu
sewing needle
here, hither
there, thither
rat
amaija
tomorrow
aneru
ring for a person's finger
20th century
-ába
adjoósi
(tree)
good-bye
afaángu
agúja
akí
alá/aá
alátu
excrement
needle
here
there, thither
rat, mouse
amanjá
anatría
andélu
apaní
tomorrow
vermicelli
ring
smack on the head to signal
the beginning of a child's
fight
Etymology
Pt. árvore
Pt. adeus?
Sp. adiós?
Pt. ajuda
Pt. frago
Pt. agulha
Pt. aqui
Pt. alá
Pt. rato
tree
good-bye
Pt. amanhã
Pt. aletria
Pt. anel
Pt. apanhar
tomorrow
vermicelli
ring
to catch, to be hit
help
excrement
needle
here
there
mouse
A new look at the Portuguese element in Saramaccan 125
Late 18th century
apè
assià
20th century
upright, perpendicular
heartburn
awáa
awwò
grandparents,
avó
grandmother, grandfather,
ancestors
baasia
babá
baijà
to dance
bála
bali/bari
bali/bari
banda
banna
bullet, lead
to sweep, to empty
baí
barrel
balí
bank (of a river)
bánda
to dangle, to swing to and
fro
barika
belly
bassorre
broom
bajá/banjá/
bandjá
bakajáu
baíka
basío
bas
now, as ever
grandparents
watermelon
to ooze mucus, to drool,
saliva
to dance
codfish
to sweep
barrel
bank (of a river), side
belly
low river
broom
Etymology
Pt. a pé
Pt. azia
Pt. agora
Braz. agoa
Pt. avó? avò? avós?
on foot
heartburn
now, at present
Pt. melancia
Pt. babar
watermelon
to drool
Pt. bailar
by-form balhar (?)
Pt. bacalhau
Pt. bala
Pt. varrer
Pt. barril
Pt. banda
Pt. abanar
to dance
Pt. barriga
Pt. baixio
Pt. vassoura
belly
shoal
broom
grandmother/grandfather/g
randparents
codfish
bullet
to sweep
barrel
side
to fan
126
Late 18th century
20th century
Etymology
bassia
to bend down, to degrade, baziá
to descend
to descend
Pt. baixar
to lower, to descend
basu/bâsu
underneath, low, lower
bush
spleen
básu
underneath, under
Pt. (de)baixo
underneath
básu
batí
spleen of an animal
to hit, to hit the clothes
against sth. to wash them
Pt. baço
Pt. bater/batido
spleen
to hit/hit
bebé/bebèh
besîh
bilá
to drink
to cloth, to dress
to turn back/around, to
turn, to change
bebé
bisí
biá
to drink, to suck a liquid
to wear, to dress
to turn, to turn around
Pt. beber
Pt. vestir
Pt. virar
to drink
to wear, to dress
to turn
bíngo
bítju/pitju
blâku
boà
bomba
brassa
bringa
navel
worm, vermin
cave, hole
to fly
pigeon
to embrace, to grasp
to strive, to rush, to hurry
bíngo
bítju
baaku
buá
pomba
baasá
biingá
Pt. umbigo
Pt. bicho
Pt. buraco
Pt. voar
Pt. pomba
Pt. abraçar
Pt. obrigar/do?
navel
worm, animal
hole
to fly
pigeon
to embrace
to force
brukà
to hatch, to peel, to break buuká
open
to hate, to dislike, to be
buusé
strict
navel
worm
hole, a well, opening
to fly
pigeon
to embrace
to strive, to hurry, hurry,
hurried
to peel
Pt.
esburgar/esbrugar
Pt. aborrecer
to peel
bâsu
brusseh
to hate, not to stand
to dislike
Late 18th century
20th century
Etymology
to fight, fight, to diminish búja
mouth, jaws, beak, word, búka
speech, tip, blade of knife,
mouth of river
bulí
to stay, to hesitate, to
buujá
hinder, to stir
to fight, to argue
mouth, news, word,
beginning
Pt. bulha
Pt. boca
fight
mouth
to move, to shake
to remain, to stay
Pt. bulir
Pt. embrulhar
to move
to wrap, also to hinder
bulíki
to be beautiful
good
búnu
to sing, the singing, song, kandá
verse
kónda
donkey
Pt. burrico
Pt. bonita
Pt. bom
Pt. cantar
donkey
beautiful
good
to sing
Pt. conta
condá/kondá
cóntu/kóntu
dá
dedia
to count, to tell (a tale)
story, gossip
to give
during the day, day (as
opposed to night)
kondá
kóntu
dá
didía
to tell (a tale)
story
to give
during the day, daylight
Pt. contar
Pt. conto
Pt. dar
Pt. de dia
reckoning, count, bead (on
a rosary)
to count, to tell (a tale)
story
to give
daytime
dindra
to enter
to enter
Pt. entrar
to enter
dindru
diabo
inside
devil
dendá/
dendáa
déndu
inside
Pt. dentro
Pt. diabo
inside
devil
búja/buija
búka
bulja
buníta
bunn
canta
good, easy, dear, blessing
to sing, song, (rooster's)
crow
beads (on string)
128
Late 18th century
dissà
to let go, to leave, to
abandon, to stop work
djaralì
djurà
djumbu
garden
to swear an oath, oath
tin, lead (sometimes
silver)
day following the grang
sabba, friday
domingo
dretta
drummi
dua
dubla
fadda/faddá
fakka
fakkinja
fannija
to melt, to liquefy
to sleep, to lie, sleep, to be
sleepy
two
to fold, to wind
to find something
disgusting
knife, to cut something
with a knife
jack-knife
20th century
Etymology
dimbolí
diiná
disá
to slander, to provoke
Pt. demolir
to have a bowel movement Pt. drenar
to let go, to free
Pt. deixar
to demolish
to drain
to let, to leave
djaaí
djulá
tjúmbu
bathing-place for women Pt. jardim
to swear an oath, to assure Pt. jurar
lead, bullet
Pt. chumbo
garden
to swear an oath
lead
dimíngo
Friday
Pt. domingo
Sunday
duumí
to sleep, to be sleepy
Pt. derreter
Pt. dormir
to melt
to sleep
dubá
fadá
to fold
to bore
Pt. duas
Pt. dobrar
Pt. enfadar
two
to fold, to bend
to bore
fáka
knife
Pt. faca
knife
fáma
object of gossip and
laughter
flour, dust
Pt. faquinha
Pt. fama
small knife
good name
Pt. farinha
flour
flour, all kinds of fine dust fanía
Late 18th century
fassì
febre
feru
fiá
fiá
fikka
fineti
finga
fio
fitjá
flattà
flamma
floli/floro/
froro
franja
20th century
to spin (cotton)
fever
iron, steel
discourse, to argue
to have faith, to trust
Etymology
fasí
fébe
félu
fiá
fiá-fiá
fiigí
to be left, to stay, to miss, fiká
to leave
pin
finéta
to hit something on
fingá
something
fínu
hammock string
fío
to tighten, to narrow
fitjá
to lack, to miss, to be
faatá
insufficient, wrongdoing,
the lack
flame
flower
foló
to spin (cotton)
fever
iron
to argue
trustworthy
to cook or fry in oil
to leave, to be left, to stay
Pt. fazer
Pt. febre
Pt. ferro
Pt. porfiar
Pt. fiar
Pt. frigir
Pt. ficar
to do
fever
iron
to argue
to trust
to fry
to stay
big crochet needle
to hold, to hurt, to string
Pt. alfinete
Pt. fincar
pin
to stick, as a pin in flesh
thin, fine
hammock string
tight, narrow
to miss, to have need
Pt. fino
Pt. fio
Pt. fechar
Pt. faltar
narrow, thin
string
to close/closed
to miss, to be missing
flower
Pt. flama
Pt. flor
flame
flower
fóógo
exclamation for when the
fire threatens to die out
Pt. fogo
fire
faándja
tuft, raffia
Pt. franja
fringe
tuft
130
Late 18th century
20th century
Etymology
frebbèh
to simmer, to cook, to
boil, to be wild
feebé
to cook, to boil
Pt. ferver
to boil
frigà
fruta
fulá
to rub
fruit
to run through, to pierce,
to dig (a hole)
feegá
fuúta
fulá
to rub, to polish
fruit of a tree or plant
to have a hole, to dig a
hole, to drill
Pt. esfregar
Pt. fruta
Pt. furar
to rub
fruit
to pierce
fundam
fundu
depth in the water
deep, to be deep,
thoroughly
tinder, sponge
to flee, to escape, to
withdraw
big prey bird, indigenous
eagle
to deceive, deceit
fundá
fundu
depth in the water
deep
Pt. fundão
Pt. fundo
depth in the water
deep
fúngu
fusí
Pt. fungo
Pt. fugir
fuxhir (dial.)
Pt. gavião
fungus
to flee
gabián
tree fungus
to flee, to float (on the
current)
prey bird, hawk
ganjá
to deceive
to deceive
stutter
kinship term between
women who share the
same husband
place, space, spot, room
ngáku
kambósa
Pt. enganar
Gal. enganhar
Pt. gago
Pt. comborça
stutter
kinship term between
women who share the same
husband
place, space, spot, room
Pt. caminho
fúngu
fussìh
gabiàm
gaija
gáku
gambossa
gamja/
gammia
kamía
hawk
stuttering
concubine, mistress
road, way
Late 18th century
20th century
Etymology
gangá
device of sticks to carry
heavy loads
Pt. canga
yoke
ganía
gasá-gasá
gafá
gééja, geéia
kúa
guunjá
chicken
old, worn out
to praise
gills, uvula
fresh, raw, unripe
to gossip behind the
person's back
Pt. galinha
Pt. gastar
Pt. gabar
Pt. guelra
Pt. crua
Pt. caluniar
chicken
wear out
to praise, to boast
gill(s)
raw
to slander
gannia
gassà
gawwà
chicken
worn out, shabby, blunt
to praise
glua/grua
glunja
fresh, raw, unripe
to grumble, to gossip
behind the person's back
goma
paste of cassava flour with góma
cassava juice
sediment of cassava flour,
paste
Pt. goma
gum
goto
ditch, gutter
góto/ngóto
ditch, gutter
Pt. esgoto (Eng.
gutter?
sewer, gutter
Sran. gótro)
grandi
grang
grangánda
grangkassa
gressì
grità
grossu
gulí
to be older, older
big
neck, gullet, throat
barn, house without walls
to grow, to increase
to groan, to foam
big, especially fruits
to swallow, to devour
gaándi
gaán
gangáa
gangása, gaangása
old, respectable, honour
big
neck
open camp
giitá
to groan
gulí
gumbitá
to swallow
to vomit
Pt. grande
Pt. grã
Pt. garganta
Pt. grã-casa
Pt. crescer
Pt. gritar
Pt. grosso
Pt. engolir
Pt. vomitar
big
big
throat
big house
to grow
to scream
thick
to swallow
to vomit
132
Late 18th century
20th century
Etymology
hansa
haswa
hia
wing
to fight
island
hanza
hásua/ásua
wing
to fight, to compete
Pt. asa
Pt. assuar
Pt. ilha
wing
to insult, to rouse
island
hunja
nails, claws, to scratch
with nails or claws
húnja
nail, claw, scratch
Pt. unha
nail
jabri
to open
Pt. abrir
to open
jassà
to open, to be open, to
jabíi/jabí
uncover
to fry, to roast, to bake, to jasá
fry at the fire, to burn a
boat to make it bigger
to roast, to bake, to burn a
boat to make it bigger
Pt. assar
to roast
jinda
still, yet
Pt. ainda, inda
Pt. cá
Pt. acabar
Pt. cabrita
Pt. acabar
still, yet
here
to finish
small goat
to finish
kaba (cf. kaa)
kabugru
kadjù
to finish, to complete,
done, Enough!, and, but,
already
Coppename nation, built
by Negroes and Indians
indigenous plant
ká
kaa (cf. kaba)
kaabíta
kaba (cf. kaa)
where [rel. loc.]
already
goat
to complete, to stop, to end
kabúgu
person of mixed blood,
mulatto
Pt. caboclo
half-breed (white and
indian)
kadjú
kadósu
fruit tree, cashew
clan-name
Pt. cajú
Pt. Cardoso
cashew
(a family name)
Late 18th century
kaí
to fall, to happen, to
occur, to start a work
kakkà
faeces, manure, to
defecate, ugly
20th century
Etymology
kaí
to fall, to happen, to be
located
Pt. cair
to fall
káita
kaká
card
to defecate
Pt. carta
Pt. cagar
card
to defecate
kambó
mother-in-law, daughter-in- Pt. comborça
law, to play co-wife [Price]
tissue covering the waist of Pt. camisa
men
concubine, mistress
kamissa
masculine clothing to
cover the genitals
kamísa
kamma
kandêa
reed sleeping mat, bed
light, burning resin for
illumination
káma
sleeping mat
Pt. cama
Pt. candeia
bed
lamp
kanja
to disturb, to be difficult
Pt. acanhar
kanú
kapadu
cannon
Pt. canhão
retarded, castrated, kind of Pt. capado
pig
new bush
Pt. capoeira
to restrain, to make
ashamed
cannon
castrated
kappewirri
young bush that shot up
again
kapée
kas
kassika/
kakkisa
bark, skin, leather, shell,
sheath
kákísa
metal pan (often used to
drink)
bark, skin
kassínja
small hut to spend the
night in the bush
kazían
temporary camp
shirt
Pt. caçoulo
field taken over by bush
again
clay pot
Pt. casca
bark, skin (not animal)
Pt. casinha
small house
134
Late 18th century
(a family name)
catarrh
prisoner, slave
puppy, dog
wants
hot
to raise
with
filtering
to eat
bead
provided that
blood-sucking insect, tick
coal
Pt. cala(r) a boca
Pt. carvão
shut your mouth!
coal
hat, cap, anything to cover kaapúsa
the head
everything born or raised kióo/kijóo
in Suriname
hat
Pt. carapuça
cap
boy
Pt. crioulo
creole
to slip, to be slippery
to slip, slippery
Pt. escorregar
to slip
catarrh, a cold
slave
keh
kéndi
kiljà
ko
koa
komé
kónda
kotántu
kontantu
krabbatu
to want, to desire
hot, to be hot, heat
to raise, to care for
with, and
lye
to eat, to dine
coral
very much
1780
tick, insect that sucks
blood
to shut up
dead coals
krapussa
kreôl
krokka
kasitúu
katáu/katáo
katíbo
katj
ké
kéndi
kiiá
ku
clan-name
a cold
slavery, slave
dog’s name
to want
hot, warm
to cultivate, to raise
with, and, or
km
kónda
to eat
necklace
kaapátu
ka búka
kaabán,
koobán
Etymology
Pt. Castilho
Pt. catarro
Pt. cativo
Pt. cachorro
Pt. quer
Pt. quente
Pt. criar
Pt. com
Pt. côa
Pt. comer
Pt. conta
Pt. contanto
com tanto?
Pt. carrapato
katharrha
kattibo
krabûka
kramaù
20th century
koogá/
tick
Late 18th century
20th century
akoogá
kú
rough, unlevel ground
vagina, buttocks
kuá
koowá
tjubí
sift out dirt
skim off
to hide
kuà
buttocks, back part of
things
to sieve
kubri
to cover
kuja
kujade
kujeh
kujeri
kulá
kuleh
kuleh
kumma
kunja
kussuma
kúja
calabash (tree and fruit)
kuj
kulá
kulé
kulé
kuma
kúnja
kusumá
kusumí
spoon
to tend, to cure, bandage
to run, to stream
to leak
just as
wedge
to be on good terms, to be
intimate
to be depressed, to worry
kussima
kwatriwóijo
bowl of calabash
brother-in-law
to choose, to select
spoon
to cure, to heal
to run, to float
to run out, to leak
just as
wedge
to be used to, to have the
habit of
to lament, to complain, to
be sorry
[1805]
marsupial rat
kpátiwójo
opossum
kwefa
sewn cap
kpéfa/kpfa
baby cap
ku
kussumîh
Etymology
Pt. cú
buttocks
Pt. coar
to filter
Pt. cobrir
X Eng. kivver
Pt. cuia [Braz.]
Pt. cunhado
Pt. escolher
Pt. colher
Pt. curar
Pt. correr
Pt. escorrer
Pt. coma
Pt. cunha
Pt. costumar
acostumar
Pt. consumir(-se)
to cover
calabash
brother-in-law
to choose
spoon
to heal
to run
to leak
as
wedge
to have the habit of
to be familiar with
to worry
Pt. quadri-/quatro + four- + eye
olho
cap
Pt. coifa
136
Late 18th century
labo
lalá
lálu
tail
to rub, to crush
grater
lassarà
to writhe on the floor with
distress or pain
latja
lefángi
lembeh
20th century
lábu
lalà
lálu
lánza
lásu
to split, to be split, crack, latjá
gap
axe, sabre
ufángi
to lick
lembé
lenguwá
lensu
handkerchief
liba
lima
limba
limbo
linsu/liso
lío
lolá
sky, over, above
file
to clean
pure, clear, light, plain
smooth, polished
river
to roll, to writhe
lun
líba
lima
limbá
límbo
línzo
lío
tail
to crush, to grate
grater
spear
Etymology
Pt. rabo
Pt. ralar
Pt. ralo
Pt. lança
Pt. (di)lacerar
tail
to grate
grater
spear
to writhe in pain
loop
Pt. laço
to crack, to separate, to tear Pt. rachar
loop
to crack
machete
to lick, to sprinkle
scimitar, sabre
to lick
Pt. alfanje
Pt. lamber
lember [pop.]
wilt
Pt. languir
X minguar
Pt. lenço
lion
Pt. leão
moon, sky, over, above
Pt. (ar)riba
file
Pt. lima
to clean, to weed, to prune Pt. limpar
clean, shining, clear
Pt. limpo
slippery, smooth
Pt. liso
river
Pt. rio
Pt. rolar
languish
lessen, wilt
handkerchief
lion
up
file
to clean
clean
smooth
river
to roll
Late 18th century
20th century
lólo
roll
lólu
lonje/longi
luluntu
far, for a long time
round
lóngi
lungà
ma
to snore
but, only
lonká
ma
maaká
(cf. marka)
mái
vocative for mother-inlaw
mái
makáku
makáku
makkisa/
massika
small monkey, grey or
brown
to grind, to squash, to
crush
makisá/
masiká
to squash, to crush
malà
mamáu
mamma-dosso
mammantem
to whet, to sharpen
papaya tree and fruit
fruit from a tree
early in the morning
maá
mamáu
maamadósu
mámaté
to whet, to sharpen
papaya
kind of tree and fruit
morning, dawn, in the
morning
manda
to send
mandá
mandjá
to send
stained
Etymology
roll
Pt. rolo
Du. rol?
far, for a long time
Pt. longe
Pt. redondo
X Du. rond
to snore, to purr
Pt. roncar
but
Pt. mas? Du. maar?
to mark, to measure, to aim Pt. marcar
roll
roll
far
round
round
to snore, to roar
but
to mark
vocative for mother-in-law, Pt. mãe
daughter-in-law, niece,
sister-in-law
kind of monkey
Pt. macaco
mother
Pt. machucar
(X Pt. mastigar
Pt. amolar
Pt. mamão
Pt. mamão-doce
Pt. manhã (Eng.
morning?) + Eng.
time
Pt. mandar
Pt. manchar
monkey
[originally Kikongo]
to pound, crush
to chew)
to whet
papaya
sweet-papaya
morning
to send
to stain
138
Late 18th century
20th century
Etymology
mandru
mangru
marka/marki
(cf. maaká)
manjá
ripe, strong
mandú
thin
mángu
to measure, mark, border, maáka
accent
to bore, weary
ripe
thin
mark, signal, example,
border
Pt. maçar
Pt. maduro
Pt. magro
Pt. marca
Eng mark?
to bother, bore (fig.)
ripe
thin
mark
markudjà
a tasty fruit
passion-fruit
matter
axe
forest, bush
arm, hand, forelegs of
four-legged animals,
branch, twig
stockings
to be friendly with
passion-fruit
slimy snail track, streaked
stains, spray
axe
forest, bush
hand, arm, foreleg of
animals
Pt. maracujá
Pt. matéria
matjaru
matu
máu
makudjá
mateéa/
matééa
matjáu
mátu
máu/máun
Pt. machado
Pt. mato
Pt. mão
axe
forest, bush
hand
mt
to meddle with
Pt. meia
Pt. meter-se com
sock
to meddle with to be
friendly with
miíi
child
Pt. menino/a
child
miindjá/
minján
mindí
to urinate
Pt. mijar
to urinate
to lie, make up, accuse
wrongly
Pt. mentir
to lie
mói
soft, cooked
Pt. mentira
Pt. mole
lie
soft, limp
meija
metteh
minini
minja
mitíra
moli/molli
child, anything that is
young
to urinate
to lie, lie
soft, to be soft
Late 18th century
20th century
muffîna
wretched, pitiful
mofína
mnim
muija
to be wet, to be damp, to
wet
woman
mujêre/
mojêre
mulêh
mundu
munga
Pt. mofina
Pt. mármore
wretched
marble
munjá
wretched
marble [loan from Sranan
mor(i)mo?]
wet, to be wet, to wet
Pt. molhar
to wet
mujée
woman
Pt. mulher
woman
to die
world
mundu
to bang against something muunga
mussula
to bow in reverence
musulá
naséh/nasì
to germinate, to bloom
ninga
nasí
ndjaká
ngátu
niingá
to contest, to refuse, to
deny
eye, bud, crumb, drop
ójo/wójo
man, something masculine ómi/wómi
ópio
other, second, different
óto
oijo
ómi
otro/otre/
oter
Etymology
Pt. morrer
world
Pt. mundo
to hurt oneself, to wound Pt. amolgar
oneself
to cross legs, run zigzag to Pt. mostrar-se
make fool of someone
Pt. misturar
to grow, to be born
Pt. nascer
part of a raft, to place it
Pt. jangada
kleptomaniac
Pt. gatuno
to refuse
Pt. negar
to die
world
to hurt/to groan/to flatten,
to crush
to show off, make a public
appearance
to mix
to be born
raft
thief
to deny, to refuse
eye
man
poison, black magic
other
eye
man
opium
other
Pt. olho
Pt. homem
Pt. ópio
Pt. outro
140
Late 18th century
20th century
Etymology
wooden plate
debts
vocative for father-in-law, Pt. pai
son-in-law, older brotherin-law
to pay, to give as a present Pt. pagar
to give birth, to bear fruit Pt. parir
father
to catch, to take
to be shocked, to frighten,
to fear
calves of the leg
porridge
a disease that provokes
swelling of the face
Pt. apanhar
Pt. espantar
to catch
to frighten, to startle
Pt. panturrilha
Pt. papa
Pt. papada
calves of the leg
porridge
double chin, dewlap
paggamentu
debts
pái
father-in-law, old man
pái
pakka
pali
to pay, to return
paká
to procreate, to give birth, palí/paí
to bear fruit
panja
panta
to touch
to frighten
panjá
pantá
pantrîa
pappa
calves of the leg
mash, porridge
pantéa
pápa
papáda
pappià
pappo
parrasarra
bawling
papiá
crop
pápu/pápi
tree from which stockades paazáa
are made
to chatter
crop
type of palm
Pt. papear
Pt. papo
Pt. paliçada
to chatter
crop
stockade/palisander
passà
passamau!
to walk past
astounding
to go by
Pt. passar
Pt. pasmão
to pass
person surprised at
everything
pasá
Pt. prato
Pt. pagamento
plate
payment
paátu
pakamntu/
pakamétu
to pay
to give birth
Late 18th century
passià
patatta
pattupattu
páu
to take a walk, to walk to
and fro
potato
duck
tree, bar, stick, handle,
stalk
20th century
Etymology
Pt. passear
to take a walk
batáta
patu-pátu
páu
potato
duck
tree, stick, post, stalk,
frame, wooden
Pt. batata
Pt. pato
Pt. pau
potato
duck
stick
peesénti
peká/peeká
gift
to be stuck, to stick to, to
nail, to fasten
Pt. presente
Pt. pegar
gift
to stick to, to hold
pekka
to stick to, to get caught
pellula
penna
pearl, coral
trouble, distress, to be
troubled, to torment
penti
petra
comb, to comb
stone
pikin
small, a bit
pidí
pikí
pikkado
sin
pikádu
pinna
pioijo
type of leaf, type of arrow pína
fowl-louse
piójo
pípa
pená
pénti
Pt. pérola
to disgrace, disgrace, to
Pt. penar
miss, to feel sorry, to insist,
to reproach
comb
Pt. pente
Pt. pedra
to ask for, to implore
Pt. pedir
small, young, little, a bit
Pt. pequeno/
pequena
incest, sin, doom, spirit that Pt. pecado
haunts the liars
(capitalised)
arrow with two blades
Pt. pena
fowl-louse
Pt. piolho
pipe (cask for liquids)
Pt. pipa
pearl
to suffer, to trouble
comb
stone
to ask for
small
sin
feather
louse
pipe (cask for liquids)
142
Late 18th century
20th century
electric eel
plants, to plant
polaké
paandí
electric eel
to plant
paatí
peénja
to share, to separate
piranha
pluma
to share, to separate
fat fish with human-like
teeth
feather, fur
feather, body hair
shed fur
pobri
poli
poor, wretched
be able, have strength
puúma
puumá
pobri
pondri
pontà
to rot, to decompose
to aim at
pómpa
póndi
prow and stern of a boat
to go bad, to rot
possínja
very powerful poison
pónta
poozían
potigé
point, top of tree
poison
portuguese
praija
pregu
pretta
prikittu
proba
to scatter, to spill
nail
to press, to squeeze
type of small parrot
gunpowder
paajá
peégu
peetá
piikútu
poóba
to scatter, spread
nail
to press, to oppress
type of small parrot
gunpowder
plakkeh
planta/
pranta
plati/prati
plênia
Etymology
Pt. puraquê
Pt. plantar
X Eng. plant
Pt. partir
Pt. piranha
electric eel [Braz.]
to plant
to plant
to break
piranha
Pt. pluma
Pt. de(s)plumar
Pt. pobre
Pt. pode [3sg]
Pt. popa
Pt. podre
Pt. apontar
Pt. ponta
Pt. peçonha
Pt. português?
Eng. portuguese?
Pt. esparralhar
Pt. prego
Pt. apertar
Pt. periquito
Pt. pólvora
feather
pluck
poor
can
stern of a boat
rotten
to point, to aim at
point, extremity
poison
Portuguese
to scatter
nail
to squeeze
parakeet
gunpowder
Late 18th century
probá
putta
20th century
to try, to experiment
poobá
pululú
púta
to put down, to decide, to butá
fix
sá
Etymology
to try, to risk
air bubbles in the water
prostitute
to put, to place
Pt. provar
Pt. pulular
Pt. puta
Pt. botar
to taste, to try
to boil
whore
to put
to be able to
to know
to come out, go out,
appear, become
skirt
bag
to shake
saadían
saagá
sabá
sábi
kind of fish
to salt
day of rest, week
to know, to understand, to
remember, knowledge
Pt. saber
Eng. savvy?
Pt. sardinha
Pt. salgar
Pt. sabá
Pt. sabe
Eng. savvy?
Pt. sair
sabi
to know
something/someone
sai
is, are
saí
to be, to be located, stay
saija
sakku
sakkuli
sája
sáku
sakpí
type of clothing for women Pt. saia
bag
Pt. saco
to shake, to thresh
Pt. sacudir
sangla
sangri
woman dress
bag
to shake, to thresh, to fall
out
to bleed a vein
blood
sangá
nose blood, bloody nose
santa
sappatu
holy, saint
shoes
saapátu
shoe
Pt. sangrar
Pt. sangue
Sp. sangre?
Pt. santa
Pt. sapato
sardine
to salt
Sabbath [Jewish]
know [3sg]
to bleed
blood
holy, saint
shoe
144
Late 18th century
sarrakássa
front part of house
20th century
sákása
living-room
sawá
sédu
sémbe-/sémpesnd
sikáda
to wash, to rinse
cedar
sémbe-té: much time
to shine, to light
stair, ladder
sindó
to sit
ashes
ashes
black
strap
to know, be conscious of
sipajólu
(-kónde)
ashes
hardwood tree used for
making boats
to strap, strap
Pt. cinta
to have an intuition, hear a Pt. sentir
little bit about sth.
spanish(-country): Spain
Pt. espanhol(+
country)
mirror
facial disease marked by
inflammatory redness of
skin
to enclose, surround,
tighten
sindà
to shine, to light
stairs, ladder, steps of
stairs
to sit
sinja
ashes, dust
síndja
síndjápéétu
sínta
strap, girth
sínta
sintí
sendèh
sikáda/skada
Etymology
Pt. sala +
Casa
Pt. enxaguar
Pt. cedro
Pt. sempre
Pt. acender
Pt. escada
room + house
Pt. sentar
X Eng. sit down
Pt. cinza
Pt. cinza + preta
to sit
sipéi
siprà
mirror
dandruff
sipéi/sipé
mirror
sirká
to prepare, furnish
seeká
to prepare, arrange, care for Pt. cercar
Pt. espelho
Pt. erisipela
to rinse
cedar
always
to light
stair, ladder
Spanish
Late 18th century
sreka
sitanja
sombra
sonsu/sunju
suá
subí
tiger trap
silver
shadow
dirty
to sweat, sweat
to climb
sukru
sukupí
dark
to spit
sundà/suntà
to collect, to gather, to
pile
close, together
dream, to dream
to wait
sundu/suntu
sunja/sonja
supla
tampa
tantu
tappa
20th century
sitánja
sómba
súndju
suá
subí
súki
sukuáti
sukúma
zugúu
steel
shadow
dirty
to sweat, sweat
to climb
sugar
cocoa
scum [loan from Sranan?]
dark
zuntá
to gather
zúntu
sunjá
close
dream, to dream
tabáku
lid
tampá
much, very much
tántu
to cover, to be covered, to tapá
block, to lock, to muffle
tobacco
lid
very much
to close, to cover, to stop
Etymology
Pt. cerca
Pt. estanho
Pt. sombra
Pt. sujo
Pt. suar
Pt. subir
Pt. açucre
Pt. chocolate
Pt. escuma
Pt. escuro
Pt. cuspir
escupir
Pt. juntar
fence, enclosure
tin
shadow
dirty
to sweat
to climb
sugar [pop. form]
chocolate
foam, scum
dark
to spit
[vulgar form]
to gather
Pt. junto
Pt. sonhar
Pt. esperar
Pt. tabaco
Pt. tampão
Pt. tanto
Pt. tapar
close
to dream
to wait
tobacco
lid
so much
to cover
146
Late 18th century
tchimà
teh
tenteh
téla/téra
télu
teréjah
tía
to burn, to cremate
until, if, because, since
to pull, to tear, to take
away, to empty
tío
uncle
tjuba/tchuba
to croak, to pant, to
whimper, to sigh
rain
Etymology
to burn, to cremate
until
to insist
to stretch, to extend
land, bank
whole, all
star
vocative for adult women,
or mother-in-law
Pt. queimar
Pt. até
Pt. teimar com
Pt. (es)tender
Pt. terra
Pt. inteiro
Pt. estrela
Pt. tia
to burn
until
to insist with
land
whole
star
aunt
tiípa
tripe, intestine
Pt. tripa
Pt. tirar
tripe
to take
tío
mother's brother, respectful Pt. tio
vocative for all men
uncle
tjaka
djemé
pustules
to sigh, to moan
Pt. chaga
Pt. gemer
pustules
to moan
tjiká
(to be) enough, to be in a
position to, to be able to
Pt. chegar
to be enough
tjúba
tjupá
tolá
rain
to suck (not a liquid)
damage by fire
Pt. chuva
Pt. chupar
Pt. torrar
rain
to suck
to toast, to brown
tjumá
té
temekú
tendé
land (as opposed to water) téla
total
télu
star
teéa
cousin, aunt
tía
tirà
tjemeh
20th century
Late 18th century
20th century
tómbi
tónka
tónto
to cut, to cross, widthways tobesá
to topple, to pour out
pod fruit
to limp, to walk haltingly
crooked, twisted
tronna
trotto
trussa
tule/tulu
to tremble, to shake
to exchange, to change, to
mix
to go back, to return
left, crooked
to twist a rope
all
tummà
to take
to exchange, to change, to
alter
left
crooked, twisted
all
to throw against, to collide
to take, also with a sexual
meaning
wind
trebessà
tremeh
trokka/tokka
teemé
tooká
tooná
toóto
toosá
túu
tuká
tumá
vèntu
walla
wedja
wiwo
wóbo/hóbo
thin rod, whip
envy, resentment, to envy fedjá
alive
vívo
eggs
óbo/wóbo
zikka
come
jealous
alive
egg
Etymology
Pt. tombe/ar
Pt. tonca
Pt. tonto
Pt. atravessar
atravessado
Pt. tremer
Pt. trocar
topple/to topple
type of bean
dizzy, foolish
to cross
across
to exchange, to mix
Pt. tornar
Pt. torto
Pt. torcer
Pt. tudo
Pt. tocar
Pt. tomar
crooked
to twist
all
to touch
to take
Pt. vento
Pt. vara
Pt. invejar
Pt. vivo
Pt. ovo
wind
rod
to envy
alive
egg
Pt. chegar
to arrive

Journal of Portuguese Linguistics

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