An Overview of Relations between Afghanistan and Germany
Transcrição
An Overview of Relations between Afghanistan and Germany
Journal of European Studies An Overview of Relations between Afghanistan and Germany Islam Shah There are multiple factors which have brought Germany and Afghanistan close to each other. This closeness began when the diplomatic mission headed by Oskar von Niedermayer arrived in Kabul in 1914. At that time Amir Habibullah Khan was king of Afghanistan.1 Germany had been trying to persuade the Afghans before and during the two world wars to fight against Russia and British India in the name of “Jihad”. Germany had therefore sent various diplomatic missions to Kabul to convince the Afghan Government to convert to the German cause.2 Since the nineteenth century the British Raj in India considered Afghanistan as a buffer between its empire in India and the czarist Russian empire. This competition for control of Afghanistan between Russia and Britain is known in history as the ‘Great Game’. After the third Anglo-Afghan war in 1919, the fourth period in modern Afghan history began. Afghanistan abandoned its policy of strict isolationism and moved towards defensive neutralism. Amir Amanullah (1919-29) terminated the alliance with Britain because it had reduced Afghanistan to the position of a vassal, which the burgeoning spirit of nationalism in the populace was no longer willing to tolerate. However, Afghanistan understood very well 1 2 Nasrullah Nasir, Afghanistan ao Narai, Pashto translation (Kabul: Afghan Foreign Ministry Centre of Strategic Studies, 2004). Y. M. Tekhonove, The Afghan War of German Reich, translated in Pashto by M. Tahir Kanni, Da Germany Impratori Afghani Jagra (Jalalabad: Da Afghanistan da Culturi vade Tolana-Germany, 2004). 107 Journal of European Studies that because of its strategic location it would always remain vulnerable to outside intervention. It thus encouraged Germany to assume the role of a “third force” against the USSR and Britain. German-Afghan relations were therefore a result of political expediency. As for Germany, it was seeking allies for an invasion of British India during the First World War. Later, German interests were largely economic, until they again became political during the Second World War. Afghanistan also hoped to enlist Germany as a major partner in its ambition to gain strength and power through a comprehensive modernization programme.3 During the cold war, both the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic maintained economic and political relations with Afghanistan. When the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in December 1979, the Federal Republic of Germany as a Western ally gave considerable assistance for the sustenance of the more than three million Afghan refugees in Pakistan and also contributed financially to the Afghan resistance against the Soviet invaders. Why Germany? - That was the question in most people’s minds when the conference on Afghanistan’s future was held in Germany in the wake of the US-led attack to oust the Taliban in late 2001. Apart from the obvious explanation that Germany unlike France or Britain has been more circumspect in its statements on political issues, there were other reasons for choosing Germany as the venue of this conference. Firstly, Germany had never invaded Afghanistan. The country was just too far away and the Germans during the Second World War considered the conquest of Europe as crucial to their strategic aims. Since Germany had no colonial past in this region, it’s no wonder that the Afghans looked upon Germany as a benevolent country. Besides, as pointed out earlier, Germany was a close ally of Afghanistan during and after the 3 Ludwig W. Adamec, Afghanistan’s Foreign Affairs to the Mid-Twentieth Century: Relations with the USSR, Germany, and Britain (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1974). 108 Journal of European Studies world wars, and supported the country against British designs. The “Great Game” of the nineteenth century, involving imperial Russia and imperial Britain was testimony to British ambitions in Afghanistan. As far back as the Berlin conference in 1878, Germany’s Iron Chancellor Otto von Bismarck made moves which spoiled relations between Afghanistan and England. Afghan King, Amir Abdul Rahman looked up to Bismarck, the unifier of Germany, as a role model. The King earnestly tried to unite the disparate racial and religious groups of Afghanistan. He felt great pride when he began to be called the "Bismarck of Afghanistan"! But the most interesting phase of German-Afghan relations began when Sultan Amanullah arrived in Berlin in the 1920s on a state visit. This was the time, when the First World War had just ended and Germany was being treated as a pariah nation. The Afghan King just did not seem to care about Germany’s awkward position in Europe. He rode around with German President Paul von Hindenburg in a convertible in Berlin. Ties between the two countries became stronger with the visit of King Amanullah to Germany, because Afghanistan after gaining full independence from Britain in 1919, launched an independent foreign policy and wanted to maintain it. Germany could play the part of extra regional power – a counterweight to the two Great Powers – Britain and the USSR. During this state visit political, economic, educational and trade ties were consolidated. The dashing Sultan was a most exotic figure for the generally austere Germans. A German lyricist inspired by the dark-skinned foreigner and his country of barren mountains scribbled a "Schlager", a popular German carnival song about him which was a hit. Even today at every carnival in Germany revelers sing at the top of their voices, “Die Karawane zieht weiter...Dä Sultan hat Doosch". Loosely translated it means "the caravan rolls ahead, the Sultan is thirsty". The BVG (Berlin public transport) was also impressed by the Sultan. They promptly named a subway train that he rode on after him! Apart from his charm and charisma, Sultan Amanullah was a progressive leader. 109 Journal of European Studies He genuinely wanted to reform and modernize his country. The immense strides by the Germans in industrialization and the sciences made quite an impression on him.4 Amanullah was particularly keen to further develop the “special relationship” between Germany and Afghanistan, and it became part of the Afghan ruler’s strategy to secure his country’s political and economic independence by playing off Afghanistan’s neighbours (Russia and Britain) against one another. Germany would act as the “third force” in the power play in South Asia and Central Asia.5* The German-Afghan Group was formed in 1923. Civil engineers began coming to Afghanistan for construction work in 1924. Germany established the Amania High School in Kabul in 1924. In the same year the Treaty of Friendship between the two countries was signed. Sultan Ghazi* Amanullah Khan invited specialists and experts from Germany to work in Afghanistan in various fields. Several German experts worked on development projects not just in Kabul, but also in Kandahar and other Afghan towns. With Amanullah’s exit from power, the German affection for Afghanistan lost some of its warmth. After the free trade declaration in 1930 in the Nadir Shah era, employees of the famous engineering firm Seimens came to Kabul and experts in other fields also visited from time to time. Germany allowed the opening of a branch of the Afghan Milli Bank in Germany.6 Between Afghanistan and the right bank of the river Indus is an area (presently Pakistan’s Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province) which at 4 “The German Afghan Connection” Deutsche Welle available from http://www.deutsche-welle.com/dw/article/0,,336834_page_2,00.html. 5 Ludwig W. Adamec, Afghanistan’s Foreign Affairs to the Mid-Twentieth Century. * Ghazi in Arabic means a Muslim war veteran, or one who has returned home safely after winning a war. 6 Nasrullah Nasir, Afghanistan ao Narai. * 110 Journal of European Studies that time was a well-known venue for hatching plots and insurgencies. History is witness to the fact that British authorities in India were unable to rule or even fully control this Pakhtoon dominated area. Discerning the opportunities in the situation, Germany had been trying to exploit the area for promoting its own interests. Kaiser Wilhelm II wanted to aid and abet the uprisings in Central Asia and British India, and to plan an attack on India. Adolf Hitler, Nazi Germany’s leader followed the same policy. Several plots were being hatched in Berlin to destabilize the Soviet Union and Britain. In 1939, Hitler voiced the expectation that permission would be given to German forces to be deployed in Central Asia. Encouraged by King Amanullah, the Central Powers – Germany, Italy and Japan were already engaged in building infrastructure in Afghanistan since the 1920s. The German air service was operating between Berlin and Kabul, and this gave a chance to German spy agencies to take pictures of the Afghan areas bordering the USSR and British India. It is said that Nazi Germany’s plan was that after invading the USSR and Russian Turkestan, the Pakhtoon tribal belt located on both sides of the Durand Line would be invaded and occupied. German strategic experts in Berlin calculated that after quickly defeating the USSR, they would be able to get control of these areas easily. So it is strange why the German mission did not implement their plan in northern Afghanistan, and instigate an insurgency against Moscow in Central Asia; for a small contingent of German forces could have made possible, what could not be achieved by thousands of Basmachis*. Germany’s main target was British India, where six hundred thousand (600,000) British forces were in readiness to push back a German attack. In the mountainous tribal areas, Faqir Epi and his band had been giving the British forces a tough fight. The British wanted control of this area for strategic reasons. Berlin sent its airplanes to Waziristan to drop ammunition for the Pashtoon insurgents. German airplanes had been taking off from * The Basmachi revolt was an uprising against the Czarist imperial rule and later the Soviet Union by the Muslim, mostly Turkic people of Central Asia. 111 Journal of European Studies northern Caucasus.6 British forces suffered big losses of life at the hands of the insurgents. By 1935 infrastructure development began to focus on the military, for another world war now appeared imminent. Kabul which had begun to look towards Germany for its economic and military modernization, was not disappointed. Germany supplied the country with weapons and assumed the role of ally as well as protector. Afghanistan considered Germany as a useful and reliable counterweight to the Soviet Union and British India. Cooperation in other fields besides the war-related one also took place between the two countries. In 1936, the Afghan hockey team and Afghan officials were special guests at the Berlin Olympics, which had turned controversial owing to the Nazi regime’s actions. The Afghan team like other foreign teams were showered with attention, for the Nazis tried hard to make the summer Olympics a showcase for the "New Germany". Many Afghan soldiers were sent to Germany to get training from German officers. The objective was to train and equip Afghan armed forces to enable them to match western standards. For the first time, a weekly air service was established between Kabul and Berlin. Plans and supervision for major infrastructure projects in Afghanistan such as roads, bridges, airfields, and industrial plants were provided by the Nazi government and its organizational set up.7 In Hitler’s strategic plans, Afghanistan had a significant place, for it would provide the much needed foothold to conquer India and the South East Asian countries. Nazi agents arrived in Afghanistan for disbursing economic assistance and advising the government. They particularly gained influence in the tribal areas across the Durand Line. The tribal elders were offered the lands of British India by the Germans, on condition that they rebelled against Britain. The Germans, besides aiming to destabilize the British Indian empire, wanted to use Afghan soil as a base camp against 6 7 M. Tahir Kanni, Da Germany Impratori Afghani Jagra. Nasrullah Nasir, Afghanistan ao Narai. 112 Journal of European Studies the USSR. In his diary, the German Chief of General Staff Franz Helder noted that Hitler had ordered that Afghanistan must be included in the strategy to be finalized.8 However, during the Second World War, officially Afghanistan professed a non-aligned policy and German diplomats and other experts left Afghanistan. This was probably owing to Afghanistan’s peculiar position as a next door neighbour of British India, which was at war with Germany. While cordial relations between FRG and Afghanistan were renewed after the war ended, relations were also established between the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) and Afghanistan. Kabul established diplomatic ties with the Federal Republic in 1954. These relations were upgraded to ambassadorial level in 1958. An agreement was signed between the two sides on exchange of goods and payments as well as one on economic and technical cooperation. This led to the strengthening of relations. The FRG supported various projects in Afghanistan’s first development plan of 1956-62. West Germany actively assisted the relevant Afghan ministries in the fields of mining and industry. The FRG’s help was also sought in other projects such as the establishment of a power station and cables for power installation between Kabul and Spinboldak (near Kandahar), and the structure of a telephone network in the capital. Also, Afghans were sent to FRG for training and German instructors came to the University of Kabul and technical schools in the country. It is noteworthy that no other country in the sixties benefited from German development assistance as much as Afghanistan. Large-scale industrial projects were launched for promoting industrialization in Afghanistan. In the forefront was Siemens which established the first pharmaceutical factory in the country. During the Second Five Year Plan 1962-67 Germany earmarked more financial support for 8 Ahmed Hasan, Afghanistan Haqaiq Ki Roshni Main, Translation (Karachi: Awami Adab Publications). 113 Journal of European Studies Afghanistan. This was apparently an attempt to draw the country into the western camp in the on-going cold war. In July 1961, Prime Minister Daud visited the FRG. This was the first official visit to West Germany of an Afghan head of government. Afghanistan which had palpable pro-Soviet leanings, on the induction of Prime Minister Muhammad Yusuf Khan from 1963 onwards showed a bias in favour of the West. Yusuf even talked of an association of Afghanistan with the European Economic Community (EEC) and better relations with Iran and Pakistan, which were the West’s close allies in the region. Afghanistan at this time adopted policies for promoting private capital and also made conscious efforts to create a more favourable investment climate for foreign industrialists. The FRG expressed eagerness to assist Afghanistan in all aspects of public life. It extended loans amounting to 260 million DM to Afghanistan between 1962-67. Prime Minister Dr. Abdul Zahir paid an official visit to the Federal Republic of Germany on the invitation of Chancellor Willy Brandt in September 1972. Afghan Home Minister Nematullah Pazhwok also visited the Federal Republic of Germany in May 1973.9 In 1976, an expatriate German community in Kabul feeling nostalgic about their homeland, set up a German club, and gradually a "mini Germany" was created in the Afghan capital. Some Germans, most likely fed up with a daily menu of ‘Nan’ and ‘Kebab’, trained their Afghan cooks to make well-done pepper steak and sauerkraut, typical German cuisine. Two German schools and a bakery were also set up. The Goethe Institut for teaching German language and culture was established in Kabul. It was instrumental in bringing Germany closer to the people of the city. Even before the US-led war in Afghanistan, which began in October 2001, several German non-governmental organizations were giving support to small development and humanitarian projects in Afghanistan. One such example was the province of Paktia in the south of Kabul that owed its development to a German master plan. 9 Nasrullah Nasir, Afghanistan ao Narai. 114 Journal of European Studies Mostly owing to the circumstances prevalent in Afghanistan since the late seventies, Germany has become a second home to almost 100,000 people of Afghan origin. Afghans are part of the multicultural face of Germany. They have established around a dozen organizations and clubs of all sorts, that deal with matters ranging from women’s empowerment to cooperation with German doctors in the field of medicine. A German-Afghan website also exists, which reports and updates events taking place in Afghanistan.10 Ties between the two countries had been frozen after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, but various organizations were formed in the Federal Republic of Germany in the aftermath of the Soviet invasion to support those resisting occupation, or those displaced by the event. The Federal Republic of Germany withheld recognition to the Communist coup d’etat in April 1978 and the government set up as a result, as well as the subsequent Soviet occupation of Afghanistan. Bonn fully supported the Afghan Jihad for freedom. The German government often invited leaders of the various Mujahideen factions to visit Germany. Thus while the Soviets remained in Afghanistan, the Mujahideen leaders Burhanuddin Rabbani (leader of Jamiat-e-Islami Afghanistan) visited Germany (FRG) thrice and met with the leaders of Christian Socialist Party; Moulvi Muhammad Younus Khalis also went three times to Germany and met the leaders of the Social Democratic Party and government officials; Sibghatullah Mujaddidi paid two visits to West Germany and addressed the German Parliament on his second visit; Gulbadin Hikmatyar went to the Federal Republic twice and met the German Foreign Minister and Willy Brandt, the head of the Social Democrat Party; Pir Sayyed Ahmed Gilani visited West Germany three times and held meetings with many high ranking German politicians. He also spoke to the German 10 “The German Afghan Connection”, Deutsche Welle online. 115 Journal of European Studies parliament.11 The German Embassy in Kabul ceased operations in 1979. In early December 2001 a German liaison office began operating in the Afghan capital. A German Ambassador presented his credentials to the Afghan Interim Administration in January 2002, after the ouster of the Taliban. The German diplomatic mission maintains close contacts with the government in Kabul and has been assigned the task of supervising German humanitarian aid and reconstruction projects in Afghanistan. In accordance with the October 2003 decision of the German parliament, Berlin has stepped up its engagement in the country and set up two field offices of its embassy in the Afghan provinces of Kunduz and Herat. In November 2003, Germany created a Provincial Reconstruction Team (PRT) with a military component in the Kunduz region. This was done under the mandate of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF). Now a large number of German soldiers and representatives of the Federal Foreign Office, the Federal Ministry of the Interior and the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development are operating under ISAF. The objective is to speed up regional reconstruction, promote political stability and strengthen the government in Kabul. Since October 2004, Germany has been heading another PRT in Faizabad in Badakhshan Province. It is noteworthy that Germany had maintained diplomatic relations with Afghanistan during 1989–2001, but not with the Taliban regime. The German government liaised with the Government of the Islamic State of Afghanistan (Northern Alliance), which also represented the country in the United Nations. The Interim/ Transitional Administration which was installed in December 2001 was represented by an ambassador in Berlin by the end of August 2002. During the Afghan civil war that broke out after the Soviet troops vacated the country, Germany was in dialogue with all the protagonists and firmly supported the United Nation's efforts to 11 Nasrullah Nasir, Afghanistan ao Narai. 116 Journal of European Studies resolve the conflict. From 1994 onwards, Berlin made it a point to draft the annual General Assembly resolutions on the political and humanitarian situation in Afghanistan. The UN mission in Afghanistan, UNAMA, was headed by a member of the German Federal Foreign Office, Dr. Holl. The latter was Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General from July 1996 to the end of 1997. UN Resolution 55/243, which condemned the destruction by the Taliban of the Afghan cultural heritage, particularly the Buddhist monuments in Bamiyan was tabled by Germany and adopted by the UN General Assembly with the support of a large majority of its members. After the US-led coalition’s attack on Afghanistan and the subsequent fall of the Taliban regime, the UN Talks on Afghanistan were hosted by the German government at its Petersberg guest house (near Bonn) from November 27 to December 5, 2001. The negotiations in Petersberg, led to an agreement on December 5 for the formation of an interim government. At this meeting, the members of the Interim Administration were also chosen. A parallel conference was held in Bad Honnef (also near Bonn). At this moot an attempt was made to forge the Afghan civil society's vision of the country's political future. In December 2002, another conference was held at Petersberg, focused on rebuilding Afghanistan and establishing peace and stability in the country. At the Berlin conference, the international community reiterated its future commitment to Afghanistan. Sixty-five delegations from different countries met in Berlin for discussions with the Afghan government regarding the political and economic setup of the country. The final communiqué, known as the Berlin Declaration, outlined the vision for post-conflict Afghanistan. Germany as an important member of the international community pledged euro 320 million for the period 2005-2008. A conference on regional police cooperation was held in Doha, Qatar on May 18-19, 2004 attended by Afghanistan’s neighbours and many donor countries. The moot was co-chaired by Germany, Afghanistan and the UN. The aim 117 Journal of European Studies was to improve cross-border police cooperation. Germany has played a leading role in rebuilding the police force as part of international support for reforming the Afghan security sector. A sequel conference was held at Doha in November 2005. Owing to its role in World War II, Germany has always been wary of military involvement in any part of the world. It has been avoiding any actions that would expose it to allegations of aggressiveness. However, in a departure from this policy on December 22, 2001, the German parliament passed a motion with a large majority which allowed German forces to join in the implementation of Resolution 1386 of the UN Security Council. An International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) was dispatched to the Kabul region. From February to August 2003, ISAF was jointly led by Germany and the Netherlands, when NATO took over this task with different nations leading its forces. Germany contributes troops to ISAF, which are deployed at ISAF headquarters, in the Kabul Multinational Brigade, at Kabul International Airport and at the Forward Support Base in Termez (Uzbekistan). In Afghanistan’s northeastern provinces of Kunduz and Faizabad, Germany guarantees security and provides assistance for urgently needed reconstruction through its two Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRT). In Kunduz it has had a presence since November 2003 and in Faizabad since September 2004. When ISAF took over responsibility for the west of the country, some German troops were redeployed from Kabul to the north west in June 2006. ISAF’s mandate is extended by twelve months every year under the UN Security Council Resolution 1510 of October 13, 2003. The requisite approval of German participation is also given every twelve months by the German parliament. The continuing precariousness of the security situation in the country and the need for economic and political reform make it necessary that international financial support and the stationing of foreign troops continue for the time being. The top priorities for German reconstruction efforts cited by Berlin 118 Journal of European Studies are as follows: the re-establishment of educational institutions, rebuilding of administrative infrastructure, the inclusion of women and girls in creating a genuine Afghan civil society and renewal of political institutions. As regards bilateral development cooperation between Germany and Afghanistan the priorities are: setting up a proper framework for developing the private sector and market mechanisms, refurbishing the power sector with focus on renewable energy and the reconstruction of urban drinking water facilities. Besides, Germany provided special funds for training primary teachers for the period 2005 - 2007. At the donors’ conference held in Tokyo in January 2002, the German government promised to provide reconstruction assistance amounting to euro 320 million to Afghanistan over a period of four years. These funds were fully disbursed by the end of 2004. At the Berlin conference in March 2004, Germany made a commitment to provide another euro 80 million per year for 2005 – 2008. This commitment was extended for another two years at the London conference held in January 2006. Germany has thus contributed some 650 million euro for humanitarian assistance and reconstruction of the country.12 Germany adopted a leading role in revamping the Afghan police at the request of the Afghan government and the United Nations. Besides coordinating funds from other international partners, Germany also advises the Afghan Interior Ministry on increasing the capacities of the police. It supports specific projects in the field. The German project office in Kabul helps out in recruiting, training and equipping Afghan police officers and renovating and constructing the police buildings. It coordinates international participation in these fields. The German role in revamping the security sector has been coordinated at the political level since autumn 2003 by a German official with the rank of ambassador. In August 2002, the Police Academy in Kabul, rebuilt by the Federal 12 German Embassy Kabul, “Development Cooperation between Germany and Afghanistan”, available from http://www.kabul.diplo.de/vertretung/kabul/ en/05/. 119 Journal of European Studies Agency for Technical Relief was inaugurated. It imparted training to some 1,600 police recruits and at the beginning of 2004, 2,624 graduates were ready for duty. In agreement with the German project office, the US has taken over the responsibility of training the lower civil service grades. There has also been considerable progress in developing an antidrugs unit, an anti-crime squad, a police health system and the traffic police in Kabul. To improve the public image of the police and to impart a professional code of conduct to police cadets, training courses pay special attention to instruction in basic human rights. Women have also been inducted in the Academy for police service. The incremental implementation of these reforms is coordinated by the Federal Foreign Office with the cooperation of the German Ministry of Interior. For the period 2002-2003, the German financial contribution in this sector amounted to euro 33 million. Another euro 48 million were earmarked for the period 2004-2007. Besides the ongoing development of police training, German commitments in this period focused on consolidating the work in the restored central institutions in Kabul, improving their networking and communications and supplying police in the 34 provinces with vehicles and equipment. A very urgent task in the security sector is the revamping of the border police and closely connected with this is training and equipping an effective force for anti-drug operations. Since 2004, German police officers have been sent to Afghanistan on assignment. Some of them have been stationed at the German embassy's field offices in Kunduz and Herat, to help rebuild the Afghan police in these provinces. Likewise, since March 2005, two German police officials have been working as advisers at the field office in Faizabad. Special attention has been given to the resumption of AfghanGerman cultural relations and in this regard the well-established network of dedicated Germans and Afghans is of great help. The traditional cooperation between universities and cultural institutions has been revived. With a yearly donation of several 120 Journal of European Studies million euros (euro 18.9 million in 2010), Germany is playing an important role in the revival of culture in war battered Afghanistan. These funds are earmarked for projects such as the reopening of schools, including the Amani Secondary School founded in 1924 and the rebuilding of Afghan universities. The German-Afghan academic twinning arrangements are active in this regard. The Goethe Institut and the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD) have opened offices in Kabul. The Goethe Institut is engaged in imparting knowledge of German language and inservice training for teachers, besides contributing to cultural cooperation in the realms of theatre, film and photography. In addition, the German Foreign Office has sponsored the restoration of cultural institutions and historical monuments in Kabul, Bamiyan and Herat. It also supports efforts to rebuild the sports sector, particularly football. Most active in the media sector is Deutsche Welle, which every day gives a two-hour news slot in Dari and Pashto to the Afghan national broadcasting corporation. It has also given training and technical assistance to Afghan broadcasters.13 Conclusion We can conclude from the preceding paras that Afghan-German relations have a long and positive history, going back to the beginning of the 20th century. This is probably a major reason why Afghanistan is given priority in Germany’s development cooperation programmes and why the German government is willingly playing a leading role in the country’s reconstruction. This German involvement has to be maintained for several years down the road so as to safeguard democracy which is in the stage of infancy in Afghanistan. Despite its sensitivity regarding military involvement abroad, Germany probably agreed to contribute troops to ISAF, to help establish peace and political stability, without 13 Federal Foreign Office, “Afghanistan”, March 2011, available from http://www.auswaertigesamt.de/EN/Aussenpolitik/Laender/Laenderinfes/01Nodes/Afghanistan_node.html. 121 Journal of European Studies which there can be no democracy.14 Germany has its own stance on Afghanistan. It has fully renewed its commitment to the ongoing reconstruction of Afghanistan, and has assured the Afghan government of its continuing cooperation. Berlin has initiated reconstruction and is supporting and coordinating the training and equipping of Afghans in various fields.15 These are positive moves for peace in Afghanistan and also the larger region. 14 Visit at http://www.bmz.de/en/countries/partnercountries/afghanistan/index. html. 15 M. Tahir Kanni, Da Germany Impratori Afghani Jagra. 122