Anti-Zionism and Anti-Israel Related Academic
Transcrição
Anti-Zionism and Anti-Israel Related Academic
1 Magenta-Foundation Intervention, Amsterdam 23.2.2006 Juliane Wetzel, Center for Research on Antisemitism, Technical University Berlin Anti-Zionism and Anti-Israel related Academic Antisemitism - Students and Civil Society Can we really talk about an Academic Antisemitism? Is it not rather the issue of prejudices and stereotypes, which are part of the social majority and are likewise virulent in the student ambience? Left-wing positions are certainly more widespread under students or are being expressed more openly as in the average society. Stereotypes coming from this political environment, which are pointed against Israel and include antisemitic connotations, are therefore at least more articulated at Universities than in the nonacademic field. However, it is evident that the political interest of students is rather declining and that students generally are today more pragmatic as earlier generations. The political orientation of students today differs less from the social majority then it was the case in the 60th, 70th and 80th. Although there is a preference for the Green party in younger generations left positions are today more situated under persons of the age between 45 and 59 years. The first study on antisemitic attitudes under students after the unification of Germany has been a survey conducted at six universities in East and West Germany in early summer 1992. More than a third of the students saw Jews rather sympathetic, 5% frankly admitted that they are rather not sympathetic to them. At that time one could state that the sympathy for Jews obviously was the result of a learning process, also if a subliminal taboo of antisemitic attitudes played certainly a role. But also in that period the antipathy against Israelis showed a higher percentage: from the students of West Germany 18.5% (sympathy 20.9 %) bore an antipathy and of those from East Germany 30.1% (sympathy 12.4%). The sympathy vis-a-vis the Palestinians was slightly higher (West: 24.1%; East: 21.5 %). 1 Eight years later, in the winter term 2000/2001 a survey at the University of Essen indicated to what extent nowadays the role of a so-called secondary antisemitism that means an antisemitism resulting from Auschwitz, has grown. Mentalities of a final stroke under the Nazi past and affiliations of guilt against „the Jews“, in the sense of a perpetrator victim reversal, were widespread under students. Newer empirical data concerning trends, attitudes and diffusions of antisemitic prejudices among students are not available right now. 2 Therefore I might only present some highlights on the current situation. More research has to be initiated and sponsored. The Six-Day-War of 1967 changed a pro-Israel attitude in Germany in general but after all in the New Left movement, when they adopted an anti-Zionism tinged with antisemitism that emerged from - and fused with — an anti-Americanism inflamed by the Vietnam War. The common denominator in this mix was the dominant critique of “the imperialistic and neo-colonial politics of oppression,” whereby Israel was portrayed as America’s lackey in the Middle East, while the PLO was glorified as a liberation movement 2 . A second common denominator which has its strong impact also today had to do with the hidden motif of rejecting guilt and for charging Israel and the USA: By labelling Israel and America as “fascist” or “Nazi” the burden of one’s own past is thereby eased considerably 3 . The political scientist Martin Kloke points to an additional psychological mechanism: both the Americans, who stood in post-war Germany for democracy and liberalism, and the Jews, who became the paradigm of Nazi-victims, were no longer living up to their appointed stereotypes. Their belligerent behaviour in Vietnam and Palestine effectively turned what identification and sympathy that may have existed before, into hatred. Following this logic, on the extreme left it was now possible to identify with the “victims of the victims”, i.e. the Palestinians, or, respectively, the Vietcong 4 . With the beginning of the Intifada in December 1987, a harsher criticism of Israeli politics began, which at that point included a broad political spectrum beyond the radical left. In 1989 40 per cent of all Germans supposed that the occupation politics of Israel were the cause f “a more critical opinion of Jews,” 5 and in 2003 this figure rose to 65 per cent 6 . During the Middle East peace process, as the position of the PLO concerning Israel’s right to exist was changing, public interest diminished and the leftist Palestine committees experienced a strong loss of members. Since the end of the Cold War a range of developments and events has led not only in Germany to political re-orientations, which have furthered antisemitic, anti-Zionist and anti-American convictions. The position of the extreme left is far from uniform, however. While the Al-Aqsa-Intifada and the events of September 11th – the war in Iraq could be added to this list – have “put the extreme left’s relationship to Israel onto an old anti-Zionist trajectory [these events] 3 have also … brought into play a radical counter-movement” 7 . In fact, the very act of taking a position vis-à-vis Israel and antisemitism has become a divisive issue among the German left. Today two camps oppose each other with numerous declarations and articles in the media but sometimes they even turned violent 8 . On the one side we find the “anti-German friends of Israel” which have as their intellectual home such periodicals as Jungle World, Bahamas, Interim and konkret, and whose members count themselves as both belonging to the radical left, while at the same time uncompromisingly adopting Israel’s position. This group declares itself to be pro-American, views the Palestinians as an „aggressive antiSemitic collective“, and openly refers to “Islamic fascism” as the re-birth of National Socialism 9 . They accuse the traditional Left to be antisemitic and to lack any factual understanding of Israel’s emergence and to ignore the threats against it, such as world-wide Arabic antisemitism. Such different positions do have also an impact on campus. The political affections of students as also the survey conducted at Essen University showed goes mostly from radical left to the center political attitude. Nevertheless the feeling that Germans should finally have the right to be a “normal” folk connected with the claim that a final stroke – a “Schlussstrich - has to be torn under the Nazi past which seems to be connected more to the right is also widespread under students and overshadows the differences of the various left positions. The representative survey at Essen University approves the results of a poll by the German weekly “Die Woche” from May 2000 where the mentality of a final stroke under the past has been more widespread under those between the ages of 19 and 29 (69%; 15-17 years old: 81%) than under those over 60 years old (53%). The survey at Essen showed that 36% of the students fully or mostly agree with the item “It is time that the national-socialist past will be ruled off,” whereby there was a higher percentage the younger the respondents were. 10 From those who agreed with a final stroke under the past 25% categorized themselves as rather left, 40% as rather political center, 64% as rather right and 41% as no specific political camp. Besides the higher quota of men (40%) who agreed it is interesting to emphasise the result concerning the different fields of study. Those who study to become a schoolteacher showed with 34% the highest acceptance to rule off the past. This is an important result if we take into consideration the fact that these young people are the future teachers and will influence the knowledge on Holocaust and its remembrance. Concerning alignments which cover secondary antisemitic (antisemitism because of Auschwitz) attitudes 19.7 % of the respondents fully or partly agreed with the statement “Jews are good in taking advantage of the bad conscience of the 4 Germans” and 16.7% replied coinciding with the item “Many Jews today try to take advantage of the past of the Third Reich and let the Germans pay for it”. 11 Anyhow the results show that the students from Essen University in 2000/01 bore such stereotypes minor than German population in general. A poll conducted by the American Jewish Committee in Germany 2005 showed that the statement “Jews are using remembrance on the national-socialist extermination policy for their own aims,” was fully or partly approved by 42% of the Germans. What is alarming in correlation with the “Schlussstrich” mentality is the lacking knowledge of students concerning the Nazi period: Only 69% know the date of the beginning of the Second World War, 76% are familiar with the occurrences of the “Reichskristallnacht” – the November pogrom; only 29% were able to answer the question “What were the Nuremberg Laws” and only 23% know what was planned at the Wannsee conference. 12 The survey from Bielefeld University within the ten years series of polls on “GroupFocused Enmity Syndrome—Longitudinal Empirical Observation of Attitudes of Enmity in the Population” published in the series “Deutsche Zustände” in 2004 showed that 68% of the respondents partly (23.8) or fully agreed (44.5) with the item “It is annoying that Germans also today are charged with Nazi crimes”. But it was also obvious that antisemitic Israel criticism was expressed by 31.7 % in the statement “Because of Israeli politics Jews for me are getting more and more dislikable” and even 44.4 % partly or fully affirmed the statement “Looking at Israel’s political agenda I am understanding very well that people have something against Jews” and with the highest consent (68.3%) the item “Israel wages a war of destruction [Vernichtungskrieg – Nazi term] against the Palestinians.” 13 But the results of the survey also showed that respondents at the age from 22 to 34 hold the lowest levels beyond all attitude items. On the other hand a survey by researchers of Leipzig University in September 2004 on “right-extreme attitudes in Germany” produced a surprising result: compared with a similar poll in 2002 right-extreme attitudes from respondents with higher education increased. This makes obsolete the hitherto achievements that a higher educational standard protected more against right-extreme and antisemitic sentiments. 14 It is more than evident that we have to look deeper into this field and have to initiate research projects to get a better overview on the current situation that differs to a certain extent widely to earlier developments. 5 The experiences of the author and political scientist Matthias Küntzel with students of an advanced technical college where he lectured at the seminar “Dimensions of Antisemitism” in spring 2005 are typical for similar cases I and others who give lectures on today’s antisemitism practised in the last years. After having told the students about the characteristics of hate against Jews and about antisemitism in Arab countries and the Muslim brotherhood Küntzel expected requests but instead of that the question came up “Why Germany is still supplying Israel with weapons?” It was immediately clear that there was no general criticism on arms transfer of the German government but that only the relations to Israel were labelled. 15 The same Matthias Küntzel was also asked to write an expertise on antisemitic attitudes coming up in a mailing list of the Hans-Böckler Foundation, the labor union owned scholarship programme, in February 2003. The results of a paper with antisemitic conspiracy theories spread by a foundation supported doctoral candidate with an Arab background via the mailing list caused a heavy discussion within the foundation about antisemitic stereotypes and attitudes. However, the debate was an internal one and the foundation tried to evade any wider public attention and publication: “We don’t want the case to be accessible in general public” 16 . Other doctoral candidates organized a conference on “Antisemitism within the left” where heavy debates between different positions of the split left movement were held. The Böckler-Foundation which supports around 250 doctoral candidates a year was not the only foundation where graduate students reported from similar antisemitic occurrences and debates. Interesting to follow was also a debate in an Internet Forum on “Antisemitism and AntiZionism in the academic ambience” in January of this year as a reaction on the interdisciplinary team-taught lecture series “Germany – Israel-Palestine” at Leipzig University in autumn last year. As it often occurs with speeches or conferences on the Middle East conflict lecturers with a one-sided opinion or Jews with a controversial standpoint on Israel are invited and then used as fig leaf for the political intensions of the organizers. This was also to a certain extent the case at this Leipzig lectures. The organizer, Prof. Georg Meggle of the Institute of Philosophy showed in his report on the lecture series that anti-Zionist attitudes were transported and besides that included a cartoon by the Brazilian caricaturist Carlos Latuff which was in itself a call for freedom but Latuff’s 6 cartoons generally are carrying antisemitic and anti-Zionist stereotypes as well as heavy comparisons between Nazi crimes and the acts of the Israeli Defense Forces in the occupied territories and are often publicised on the anti-globalisation website indymedia. In the Forum some students discussing the lectures showed their secondary antisemitic feelings and their mentality to rule off the past, served the cliché that there is a taboo to criticise Israel and the resentment that because Prof. Meggle seams to be a Jew he might not carry antisemitic stereotypes. Others countered on that and asked themselves what ideas are behind students to serve such arguments. 17 At Hamburg University the offer of lectures and seminars on Israel, antisemitism and the Palestine conflict with questions like “Are Jews themselves guilty for antisemitism?” by the political science professor Rolf Hanisch caused counter reactions by students. What the management of the University was not able to realize the students managed: with a blockade of the lecture and the seminar they interrupted Hanisch’s teaching and the seminars were closed down. 18 Heavy discussions on antisemitic incidents at different universities often resulted in organizing networks against anti-Semitism. At Hanover the “Bündnis gegen Antisemitismus” was founded which had very controversial discussions with anti-fascist groups about the borderline between legitimate criticism of Israeli politics and antisemitic stereotypes. They criticized harshly Flyers, which were spread from student groups with the slogan “Solidarity with Israel means the end of left politics.” 19 A cartoon by the Algerian caricaturist Khalil Bendib published in a student’s publication was part of the discussion as well, due to its anti-Israel connotations. The cartoon could be seen as transporting antisemitic sentiments (“Jewish nose”; rat- or mouse-tail) but Bendib on his homepage provides explicitly antisemitic caricatures in the style of “the Stürmer” as a picture of Sharon with a typical antisemitic grimace titled “Cannibal” and anti-Jewish conspiracy theories combined with anti-Americanism. 20 This going together of antisemitism and anti-Americanism is today common in all political segments from right-wing to the extreme left. In student environments anti-Americanism plays an important role and is often combined with antisemitism using conspiracy theories. Such an interdigitation was often virulent in anti-Israel demonstrations partly organized or co-organized by student groups. How narrow the contents between some left groups and 7 right-wing groups in the struggle against Israel sometimes are could also be seen at demonstrations as the one in Greifswald 2002 where members of the NPD were accepted by the organizing Arab students. These “cross-front strategies” could be observed also at a demonstration in Munich 2002 by the anti-globalization movement Attac where Skinheads participated. 21 To a certain extent the networking with Islamist groups which can be seen generally only in a virtual form on the Internet had also once a practical consequence. On 31st of March 2002 the radical Muslim organisation “Hizb-ut-tahrir” (Liberation Party) published a leaflet on its German homepage containing the following statements: “The Jews are a people of slander. They are a treacherous people who violate oaths and covenants (…). Allah has forbidden us from allying ourselves with them. (…) Indeed, that you should destroy the monstrous Jewish entity. (…) Kill all Jews (…) wherever you find them.” 22 The organisation has been observed for a longer time period by the German Office for the Protection of the Constitution (Verfassungsschutz) but did not receive public attention before they organised a public lecture on “The Iraq – e new war and its consequences” at the Berlin Technical University in October 2002 where also representatives of the German extreme right-wing party NPD (National Democratic Party) as Horst Mahler and Udo Voigt participated. 23 The then Minister of Interior Otto Schily has forbidden the organisation on January 15, 2003 because of its “anti-Jewish and anti-Israeli inflammatory propaganda”. The development in Germany during the last years suggests the conclusion that today it seems to be legitimate, sometimes even en vogue, to hold an anti-Israel attitude often connected to antisemitic traditions. Therefore antisemitic structural thinking is creeping into public and private discourse and more rarely is picked up as an issue or criticized in society, politics and press. This results in an almost unnoticeable increasing acceptance of antisemitic stereotypes. This is a phenomenon, which can be seen in all different parts of society and is therefore also immanent in student circles. 8 Footnotes 1 Manfred Bursten, Wie sympathisch sind uns die Juden? Empirische Anmerkungen zum Antisemitismus aus einem Forschungsprojekt über Einstellungen deutscher Studenten in Ost und West, in: Jahrbuch für Antisemitismusforschung 4 (1995), S. 10-129, hier: S. 110. 2 Cf.. Michael Hahn (Ed.), Nichts gegen Amerika. Linker Antiamerikanismus und seine lange Geschichte, Hamburg 2003. 3 An early example is given by the author Hans Magnus Enzensberger, who wrote against the background of the Vietnam War in 1967 the following: “From the extermination bombardment to the most refined techniques for manipulating the consciousness: its goal is political, economic and military world domination.” Cf. Klaus Peter, Hans Magnus Enzensberger über Amerika, Politik und Verbrechen, in: Sigrid Bauschinger et al. Amerika in der deutschen Literatur, Stuttgart 1975, p. 357. Further examples: Martin Kloke, Reflexe und Ressentiments. Deutsche Linke und die USA, in: Tribüne 43, Issue 169, 2004, pp.134-150, here p. 138f. 4 Ibid. p. 141 5 Of all six possible causes included in the survey, Israel’s politics were named most often; Emnid, Zeitgeschichte, Bielefeld 1989,Tab. 83 6 tns-Emnid, by order of the newspaper „Die Welt“, in: „Die Welt“ November 10th, 2003; 7 Martin W. Kloke, Israel und die deutsche Linke. Zur Geschichte eines schwierigen Verhältnisses, Frankfurt a. M. 1990, p. 183. 8 In Hamburg a „bizarre demonstration“ took place, as the taz Hamburg reported on April 27th, 2004: 180 Persons gathered with the flags of Israel and the USA for the „first Communist, pro-Israeli demonstration against Leftists, who are not solidly with Israel“. 150 opposing demonstrators shouted slogans such as „death to the state of Israel“, and „USA: International central for genocide“, threw eggs at the pro-Israel demonstrators and became violent. (Thomas Haury, Der neue Antisemitismusstreit der deutschen Linken, in: Neuer Antisemitismus? Eine globale Debatte, ed. by Doron Rabinovici et al., Frankfurt a. M. 2004, p. 118). 9 Cf. Thomas Uwer et al. (Eds.), Amerika. Der „War on Terrorism“ und der Aufstand der Alten Welt, Freiburg 2003, to which mostly journalists and writers of the „anti-German“ periodicals bahamas, konkret and Jungle World have contributed. 10 Klaus Ahlheim, Bardo Heger, Die unbequeme Vergangenheit, NSVergangenheit, Holocaust und die Schwierigkeiten des Erinnerns, Schwalbach/Ts. 2002, p. 26 11 Ibid., p. 52. 12 Ibid., p. 63. 13 GMF-Survey 2004: Wilhelm Heitmeyer (ed.), Deutsche Zustände, Folge 3, Frankfurt a.M. 2004. 14 Elmar Brähler, Oliver Decker, Rechtsextreme Einstellungen in Deutschland, conducted September/October 2004 http://www.unileipzig.de/%7Emedpsy/pdf/rechtsextremismus_230605.pdf 15 Matthias Küntzel, dem Antisemitismus entgegentreten – aber wie?, December 2005, website: http://www.matthiaskuentzel.de/contents/demantisemitismus-entgegentreten-aber-wie. 16 Ibid., p. 14. See also Matthias Küntzel, Unschuld und Abwehr. Über einen Antisemitismusstreit in der Hans-Böckler-Stiftung, in: Jungle World, 11 May 2005; and http://www.matthiaskuentzel.de/contents/interview-ueber-dieantisemitismus-debatte-in-der-hans-boeckler-stiftung. 17 Forum Die StudentInnen der Politikwissenschaft, Universität Leipzig (http://www.uni-leipzig.de/fsrpowi/forum/showthread.php?id=2651) 18 Olaf Kistenmacher, Jungle World, 27.4.2005; see also http://www.hagalil.com/archiv/2005/04/hamburg.htm. 9 19 Universität Hannover, Fachschaft Sozialwissenschaften: http://www.stud.uni-hannover.de/gruppen/fs-sowi/unantifa.htm. 20 Homepage Khalil Bendib http://www.bendib.com/palestine/. 21 Attac Deutschland, Erklärung des Ratschlags zu Antisemitismus und Nahostkonflikt, 19.10.2003, in: Sand im Getriebe, internationaler deutschsprachiger Rundbrief der ATTAC-Bewegung, Nr. 27. 22 Homepage Hisb-ut-tahrir, 31.3. 2002; Der Tagesspiegel online, 15.1.2003 (http://www.tagesspiegel.de), Sueddeutsche Zeitung online, 16.1.2003(http://www.sueddeutsche.de/dpa/AP). The German website “MuslimMarkt” (muslim market) just openly kept distance to Hizb-ut-Tahrir on 17.11.2002 (see http://www.muslim-markt.de/neues/neues.htm; http://f25.parsimony-net/forum63498/messages/10858.htm) ; see also Germany Bans Islamic Group, Washington Post online, 16.1.2003 (see http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A63793-2003Jan16.html). 23 Anti-Semitic hate in plain public. Besides Hiz-but-Tahrir many other Islamists agitate against Jews (Antisemitische Hetze in aller Öffentlichkeit. Neben Hiz-but-Tahrir agitieren viele andere Islamisten gegen Juden), Der Tagesspiegel, 31.10.2002, see also ibid., 29.10.2002 (see: http://www.tagesspiegel.de).