from Li Hsing-tao to Bertolt Brecht Author(s)

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The chalk circle: from Li Hsing-tao to Bertolt Brecht
Hall, Wai-hing Lee Katherine.; 李惠馨
Hall, W. L. K. [李惠馨]. (1973). The chalk circle : from Li Hsing-tao
to Bertolt Brecht. (Thesis). University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam,
Hong Kong SAR. Retrieved from
http://dx.doi.org/10.5353/th_b3120358
1973
http://hdl.handle.net/10722/39277
The author retains all proprietary rights, (such as patent rights)
and the right to use in future works.
THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE EXAMINATION OF
THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OP HONG KONG
THE CHALK CIRCLE - FROM LI HSING-TAO TO BERTOLT BRECHT
Presented by
Katherine Wai-Hing Ball
December 1973
Abstract of thesis entitled
The Chalk Circle - from Li Hsing-Tao to Bertolfe Srecht
submitted by Katherine Wai-Hing Hall
for the degree of Master of Philosophy
at the University of Hong Kong in December 1973
ABSTRACT
This thesis consists of an Introduction and four
Sections.
The Introduction asks : can we justifiably compare
Li Hsing-Tao's Thirteenth-Century Ytlan drama Hui-lan Chi
(The Chalk Circle) with Bertolt Brecht*s Per Kaukasische
Kreidekrejs?
justice.
Li and Brecht share a concern for social
For this reason the Chinese play, and not the
biblical tale of Solomon's judgement between the two harlots,
appeals to Brecht,
My main purpose is to show how a simple
dramatic gesture - that of pulling the child out of the
chalk circle - is transformed from one language and one
culture into another language, another culture under
different social conditions.
It is not ray intention to
assess the translations of Li f s play, such as Stanislas
Julien's, Wollheim da Fonseca's and Alfred Forke's.
The
adaptations of Klabund and Johannes von Guenther serve as
Tiseful foils to the works of Li and Brecht.
Section One The Ch&lk Circle - a sociological
perspective first gives a brief survey of the historical
and literary context in which Ytfan drama flourished.
I
compare how Li, Klabund, von Guenther, and Brecht use
history in their respective 'Chalk Circle' plays.
In order
to understand the relationship between Judge Pa o and the
people of his time, and the relationship between Pao as he
appears in Ytfan drama and the YOan people, we need to glance
at the relevant Sung, YOan stories and plays, as well as
Sung history.
A true perspective of Pao's position in
history and in literature can only be formed by comparing
his role in Li's play and his roles outside that play.
This
- ii _
is necessary in order to appreciate Li's play as a -work
which answers, a social need.
Li's fao and Brecht's Azdak
are distinguished by their zeal in obtaining justice for
the ponr.
They do so in very different ways.
But they
share a. belief created by the corrupt environment : one
needs to twist and bend the law in order to benefit the
poor.
In this connection, I discuss the cult of the
'Bandit Hero' in Chinese literature.
Li and Brecht portray
with sympathetic realism the life of poverty.
The way Li
handles the misfortunes of the heroine Chang Hai-T'ang
shows his awareness of her problem of survival as a social
one.
The same realism characterizes the two writers'
language which is lively, colourful and vulgar.
Klabund and von Guenther have not really understood
the sociological implications of Li's play.
Section Two
Klabund and von Guenther - inadequate adaptations shows to
what extent this lack of perception affects their recreations.
Klabund's major innovations are the
characterization of Tschang Haitang, Tschang-Ling, and the
'chalk circle' as symbol. A comparison between Li's HaiT'ang and Klabund's reveals the latter's weaknesses.
Klabund sentimentalizes over her misfortunes.
He
exaggerates the oppression and the suffering, but confines
her reactions within a fairy-tale realm.
His over-elaborate
style defeats whatever social purpose he may have had.
The
same fault mars his many variations of the 'chalk circle'
symbol.
love.
There aire two motifs in the play.
One is romantic
Tschang-Ling represents the other; a Messianic
Expressionist fervour to transform the world according to
one's ideal.
Von Guenther shows a superficial and uncritical
appreciation of Chinese theatre in the Epilogue to his play.
- iii-
It is true that guilt and atonement do play a major part
in the traditional Chinese concept of justice as he points
out.
He claims to have based his adaptation on this fact.
The result is ill-contrived.
Section Three, A Metamorphosis of Justice - from Li
to Brecht, shows how Brecht revitalises an old dramatic
device by giving it a Marxist, contemporary meaning*
The
nature of this meaning is revolutionary and deeply
humanitarian.
Section Pour is entitled Per Kaukasische Kreidekreis •
the culminating point of Brecht's ideas on justice and
Brecht as a revolutionary artist.
This Section first points
out that humanitarianism is an intergral part of true
revolutionary art.
Then it compares how Brecht, the
revolutionary artist, handles the subject of justice in the
earlier works and in Per Kaukasische Kreidekreis.
Li Hsing-
Tao is revolutionary neither in his ideas or in his
presentation.
But he and Brecht share a deep
humanitarian concern for justice.
CONTENTS
Introduction
pp* 1 - 9
Section One
The Chalk Circle - A Sociological
Perspective
pp-. 10 - 85
Section Two
Klabund and von Guentker - inadequate
Adaptations
pp. 86 - 133
Section Three
A Metamorphosis of Justice - from
Li to Brecht
pp. 13^ - 177
Section Pour
Der Kaukasische Kreidekreis - the
Culiminating Point of Brecht*s Ideas
on Justice and Brecht as a
Revolutionary Artist
pp. 178 - 199
Summary
pp.- 200
Appendix
Synopses of the ten Ytfan Tsa Chtf which
feature Pao Ch£ng as judge
pp. 201 - 212
Select Bibliography
pp. 213 - 215
Illustrations
pp. 2^ - 2 5
INTRODUCTION
- 1 -
Li Hsing-Tao' s ( %- \\ }j§_.) Hui-lan Chi ( ^ ft] t£j ),
or The Chalk Circle, is a Thirteenth-Cenfcury sung drama.(1)
Bertolt Brecht* s Der Kaukasische Kreidekreis is a. *Ewra.tt dishCentury Marxist play.
An attempt to draw them together in a
discussion must raise numerous questions.
similarities between the two works?
Are there any
What is the value of
discussing these similarities?
The main question this thesis raises is: can we
justifiably compare The Chalk Circle with Der Kaukasische
Kreidekreis?
The reply is: yes, we can.
It is possible to deny that there is any
justification for comparisons.
approach to the question.
The answer depends on one's
It depends on one's attitude to
comparative study. • If one understands it as an examination
of literary influence or possible literary influence in
language;techniques or ideas; or if one takes it to mean
bibliographical research into the history of source
materials, then there is no justification for a detailed
comparison of Li's and Brecht*s plays.
(1) see this thesis, pp.207-2l0for a synopsis of the play
-
2
-
The chronology of tile 4Cfr&lk. Circle' plays (2) shows
that Brecht might have read Julien's, or Wollheim da
Fonseca's, or Forke's, or all three translations.
On the
other hand, he might not have come across any of them.
There is no evidence*
It is a known fact that Brecht saw
Max Reinhardt's production of Klabund1s Per Kreidekreis
in Berlin in 1925.
In Bertolt Brecht, Reinhold Grimm notes
that Brecht was overheard in describing his impression of
Klabund's play as "eine echte Offenbarung".(3) Unfortunately
we do not have more precise information about this remark*
(2) Relevant dates to the Chalk Circle plays
13th century
•
j*
•'
(exact dates unknown) Li Hsing-Tao %- ft m
f i t tiliHui^lan Chi (The Chalk Circle)
1832
Stanislas Julien Hoel'-Lan-Ki, ou L'Histoire
du cercle de craie (a translation)
1876
A.E. Wollheim da Ponseca Der Kreidekreis
(a translation based on Julien's)
1925
Klabund (Alfred Henschke) Per Kreidekreis
(an adaptation)
1926
Alfred Porke Per Kreidekreis
(a translation)
II940
Bertolt Brecht Per Augsburger Kreidekreis 1
(a prose story)
>
1942
Johannes von Guenther Per Kreidekreis
(an adaptation)
1944
Bertolt Brecht Per Kaukasische Kreidekreis
1954
Bertolt Brecht's production of the same
in the Berliner Ensemble
(3)Reinhold Grimm, Bertolt Brecht,(Metzlersch
Verlagsbuchhandlung, Stuttgart, 1971J P.53.(This remark
is noted by Natalja Luna^arskaja-Rozenel1 in her book
Pamjat* serdca (Moskau, 1962), p. 153, where she records a
conversation between her husband, Lunabarskijs, and
Brecht about the success of Klabund's Per Kreidekreis
in Moskow.)
- 3 -
Brecht had probably not read von Guenther*s adaptation
before he wrote his play.
He Was unlikely to have got
hold of the latter's 1942 publication while in the United
States.
It is quite possible that Klabund's play was
the only contact Brecht had with the Chalk Circle
story.
Whether Brecht read or knew the other translations
or adaptations is not our most important concern.
What is
important is that the only obvious link between the
original play and Brecht*s is the chalk circle test as a
dramatic device.
EVen here, Brecht's test differs from
Li's and from the two adaptors'.
In all the other versions,
the child is awarded to the physical mother who has proved
her love through the chalk circle test.
In Brechtfs> the
child is awarded to the 'forster-mother* who has proved
herself a Worthy guardian.
His play does not share any
common ideas or style of presentation with either Klabund's
or von Guenther*s.
For the two adaptors, the Chinese
atmosphere is important because they want to make something
interesting, new, and attractive out of it for the European
audience..
Brecht's play is set in a fictitious Georgian
Grusinia and is acted by commune members in the Caucasus.
The narrator-singer, Arka.di Tsheidse, points out that the
story derives from the Chinese, but that they are
presenting it in an altered form.(4)
Textually, Der
Kaukasische Kreidekreis is totally different from any of
the preceeding versions of the Chalk Circle story.
Therefore it is futile to talk about Brecht's
indebtedness, in any sense, to any of the previous writers.
(4) Bertolt Brecht Gesamtausgabe, Stuecke 10, p.145
(Suhrkamp, Frankfurt, 1965}(hereafter cited in the text
as Stuecke 10 followed by page numbers)
. 4 -
The question of influence otr d«pa-rtnrres fyom source
materials does not arise.
A comparative study along these
lines is not justifiable.
Li Hsing-Tao and Bertolt Brecht share a concern
for social justice.
They are determined to reveal and
criticise the many, often hidden, forms of injustice
practised and accepted as normal in everyday life*
The
style in which they attack injustice is different.
The
projections of their ideal of justice is even more
different.
But these do not detract from the main issue :
how can we obtain justice in an unjust society?
The
entirely different social backgrounds, social demands and
present day realities confronting the two writers naturally
affect their ideas, ways of expression and hopes.- If we
study their presentations, we will see how much they have
in cotamon, and how close they are in their humanitarian
concern oyer the mojst pressing and. universal demand for
social justice.
In the Old Testament, wise King Solomon -confronts two harlots, each of whom claims the same baby as her own
child.(5) One of the women had smothered her new-born child
by rolling over it while sleeping, and had exchanged the
dead boy for her neighbour's living one. . She was motivated
purely by individual spite and jealousy.
Solomon's
solution to the problem, is to threaten to cut the baby in
half in front of the 'mothers'.
The real mother pleads:
"0 my lord, give her the living child, and in no wise slay
it."
But the other woman cries brutally: "Let it be
neither mine nor thine, but divide it.". . Solomon then
gives the child to the woman who would rather lose her
(5) The Bible, I Kings, Chapter 3, verses 16-28
- 5 -
son than see it butchered.
This Hebraic-European
traditional tale is closer to Brecht in terms of a
legendary past.
play?
Why did he not use it as the basis of his
What is it in the Chinese version of a similar
judgement that attracted him?
The main difference between
the tales is the social position of the claimants*
two harlots h&^e equal social standing*
The
The allocation
of the baby to the physical mother or to the one who loves
it most is a relatively simple matter.
Moreover, the
second harlot's heartle3sness reveals itself very clearly
in her words.
Li Hsing-Tao's Mrs. Ma does not betray her
real nature quite so quickly and obviously.
The Chinese
judge cL J^_(Pao Ch&ng) faces a more complex problem.
case takes him beyond a private squabble,
social conflicts of the day.
Pao's
it mirrors the
Mrs, Ma is the first wife of
a rich man, a so-called 'Lord' Ma.
Her claim is backed up
by the moral support and prestige of being the first wife.
But more important than that, she is affluent and therefore
(Ck an S Hai-T'ang), Ma's concubine*
influencial.
is an ex-prostitute.
She lacks both money and position.
Solomon's action may be simplified into saying that it is
like returning stolen goods to the owners
If Pao makes a
just pronouncement on his case, he is virtually accusing
the rich of stealing from the poor*
This is totally
unconventional and it is a dangerous course of action.
Even if Klabund's adaptation is the only contact Brecht
had with the Chinese story, the disparity between the
claimants' social status can still be seen.
reflects and criticises social evils.
does not do so.
Li's play
The biblical tale
This is the reason why Brecht uses the
Chinese story.
The adaptations of Klabund and von Guenther serve
-
6 -
as most useful contrasts to the plays of Li and Brecht.
The former two rely heavily on the framework of the Chinese
play.
They betray an excessive desire to make something
out of the Chinese atmosphere.. Doubtless they are intended
to be free adaptations and ,jaew creations.
of new creations are they?
intentions?
But what sort
What are the adaptors'
What are the plays about?
These are some
of the puzzling questions one is left with after reading
them.
The adaptors' professed intentions are expressed in
a confused manner.
Their works only show that the writers
are acquainted with certain aspects of Chinese literature
and custom*
They will probably survive as a foil to Brecht
rather than by virtue of any intrinsic wortht
In this thesis, I do hot intend to assess the merits
of the translations of Li's play, neither Julien's,
Wollheim da Fonseca's, nor Forke's.
relevant to the argument.
They are not strictly
Neither do I propose to trace
textual differences between Brecht's Der Augsburger
Kreidekreis and Der Kaukasische Kreidekreis.
The prose
story is written in the form of a novella and is therefore
more realistic and restrained in style.
The differences
between the two do not point to any crucial development in
Brecht's ideas.
"Hie first half of this thesis focuses on
how a simple dramatic gesture (that of pulling the child
out of a circle on the ground) from one culture, one
language is re-interpreted, transformed in another culture,
another language under different social conditions.
Theatre is the most immediate medium through which
trans-cultural ideas, images can be remoulded and
transmitted into an intelligible idiom.
The success of an
- 7 idea conveyed from one language to another depends not
only on the skill with which that idea is translated, but
on how effectively it is presented as drama in the audio,
visual, and other sensuous aspects.
The following is a
news report on the success of Brecht's The Caucasian Chalk
Circle in Sri Lanka
"Brecht's The Caucasian Chalk Circle translated into
Sinhala as Hunuwataye Kathawa has been staged more
than a hundred times and is still drawing full
houses all over the country. Translated and
directed by one of the best known dramatists in the
country, Henry Jayasena, Hunuwataye Kathawa
captured the theatregoer's heart and imagination
not only because of its theme,(which has echoes
from the legendary tales of many countries,
including Sri Lanka) but also because of its
lilting music and lyrics."(6)
The success of Hunuwataye Kathawa in Sri Lanka is the
success of the synthesis of three stages of creation Brecht's Der Kaukasische Kreidekreis, Jayasena's
translation, and his production of the same.
To say that
the play captures Sri Lanka's audience because of its
music and lyrics and also because of the theme, which has
echoes from the local legendary tales, is to simplify and
romanticise the spectators' reactions.
It also
underestimates the intelligence of the audience.
A
romantic echo of the past may attract certain sections of
the community for a limited time, but Hunuwataye Kathawa's
success demands a fuller explanation, a sociological
explanation, of why this particular piece should so appeal
to the people of Sri Lanka at present.
In The Necessity
of Art, Ernst Fischer points out:"Always we reach out for what we need, and a work
of art is never a thing in itself. It always
(6) Eric Ranawake, "Rebirth of drama in Sri Lanka"
(The Asian. Hong Kong, February 18-24, 1973, p.8)
- 3 requires an interaction with a spectator. We
discover the meaning of a work : but we also invest
it with one." (7)
The transformation which a simple dramatic gesture has
undergone from Li Hsing-Tao to Bertolt Brecht reflects
a certain social demand : the demand for justice.
Brecht
recognises in the old gesture a reminder of a present
urgent need.
He also 'invests' the old gesture with a
contemporary meaning.
What is this contemporary meaning with which
Brecht invests the old gesture?
new meaning?
works?
How does he express this
is this expression related to his other
The second half of this thesis is a study of
these questions.
These questions will merge in the final
discussion on Brecht's role as an artist in an neverchanging social reality,
for man's sake'.
Brecht's first concern is 'art
His creative energies are directed
towards a humanitarian goal.
He uses the medium of
theatre and of poetry as his contribution towards the
betterment of society.
He looks forward to the day when
the world will be an 'inhabitable' place for everyone,(8)
His innovations in the theatre are revolutionary in the
sense that they are fundamental reconstructions of what
already exist.
More important than that, his theatre is
truly revolutionary because it is truly humanitarian.
Revolutionary art is humanitarian.
Its central concern is
the betterment of th^life of every man.
Li Hsing-Tao is
not a revolutionary artist, but he shares Brecht's profound
humanitarian concern.
Der Kaukasische Kreidekreis is
(7) Ernst Fischer, The Necessity of Art, translated by
Anna Bostock, p. 140 (Pelican. 1963."]
(8) Materialien zu Brechts, Per Kaukasische Kreidekreis',
p.86 ('Kunst und Politik')(Suhrkamp, Frankfurt-amMain, 1968)see also this thesis,, p. 156 for quotation.
(This book is hereafter cited in the text as
Materialien followed by page numbers,) •
- 9 Brecht's highest expression of dialectics and aesthetics.
Reason and feeling complement each other and enhance
each other's effectiveness.
Marxist art.
This play is the epitome of
SECTION ONE
THE CHALK CIRCLE
-
A SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE
subheadings ; - Li Hsing-Tao - a need for revaluation
pp.10-17
- The historical and literary context
pp.18-22
- The Chalk Circle - history used as a
model
pp.23-29
- Pao Ch^ng - a model for justice
pp.30-51
- "Gut versehn mit falschen Ma^en"
pp.52-58
- Chang Hai-T'ang and her problem of
survival
pp.59-72
- The language of realism
pp.73-85
-
10
-
LI Hsing-Tao - a need for revaluation
Li Hsing-Tao1 s only known work
(Hui-lan
Chi,or The Chalk Circle) has never been highly valued by
critics past or present.
studies of Ytfan drama.
It is rarely mentioned in critical
This is because the criteria of
drama criticism have up till now centred on language.
The
following comment about Li's play by the Japanese sinologist
Ly_i( A o k i Masura) is typical:-
t
(k.
Bit- 11#,
(Its subject provides interesting material for a
court-trial play, and the plot is well-constructed.
But the lyrics are commonplace and insipid, and
fail to move the audience.)
Masura stresses, above all, the inadequacy of the language
written to be sung.
Indeed both Chinese or Japanese critics
who have taken the trouble to bestow a passing comment on
Li's play have remarked disparagingly on its unadorned
colloquialisms.
The form of YCian drama encourages a purely literary
evaluation focused on language.
Drama is a relative
latecomer in the history of Chinese literature.
It became
fully developed only around the Thirteenth-Century (10)
,
-, _, translated
by Sui Shu-Shdn, p.86 Hong Kong, 1959
(Drama is also known as 1 tsa-chtf'. tsa ; mixed, various;
chtl: play (s) )
The romanization in this thesis is based on Mathews'
Chinese-English Dictionary {Harvard University Press
1969]
(lO)Dates of the Dynasties and Kingdoms relevant to this
thesis:\% T'ang
A.D.
618 - 907
jf-Liao
907 - 1168
jb-^Sung (North)
960 - 1127
£Kin
-1125 - 1234
& #JSung (South)
1127 - 1279
jb Ydan
1279 - 1368
&& Ming
1368 - 1662
;|ch'ing
1644 - 1908
-11
under Mongol rule.
-
Among the literary works, it is
considered the least impressive compared to the quality of
poetry and even prose.
Chinese drama from Sung to Ch'ing
Dynasty is sung drama.
Poetry S3 (shih) reaches its height
in T'ang Dynasty.
>di
In the Sung Dynasty, the dominant form
of literary expression is
(tz'u) - a form of poetry
created on a given metrical pattern.
In the Yftan Dynasty,
because of the discrimination against the ;J^(Han) people,
(11) scholars trained in the writing of shih and tzTu were
compelled to find a new medium for their skill.
The
hitherto neglected literary form - drama - met their need.
Drama was very closely linked with shih, and specially so
with tz'u, because it had slowly evolved and detached itself
from the two over several hundred years.
As a result of
this close connection, the standard criteria of poetry and
prose criticism were applied to drama irrespective of their
fundamental differences.
Action and dialogue received little attention from the
dramatists.
Very often the dialogues were arbitrary
additions improvised by the actors in a performance.
The
prime concern of the dramatist was to select from the many
existing $
(ch'tf p'ai) and to fill in the lyrics.
Ch'tf p'ai are tone patterns with fixed metres.
This art of
filling in the lyrics was widely known by the name
( jjft - t'ien : to fill in;
given rhyme).
- tz'u : verses made on a
It is understandable that this sort of
writing easily degenerated into a mere literary mannerism.
Far too much emphasis was laid on the juggling of words to
(11)
(Han) - the original settlers of central China.
They have had a much longer cultural and literary
history than the Mongols or inhabitants of the fringe
kingdoms such as Liao and Kin.
- 12 -
fit the tone patterns.
Aside from language, (the elements
which constitute drama) such as dramatic technique,
structure and above all, ideas, were regarded as secondary,
and all too frequently neglected in criticism.
This
attitude still persists to-day.
Only three of the critics of classical drama have
really attempted to depart from the traditional standard of
assessment.
The earliest is
(Li lTtt), alias
(Li Li-W^ng) of the Ch'ing Dynasty (l6ll-l680?).
^
His S L ^
(Li-W£ng ChQ Lun, Li-Wang's Essays on Drama) is
one of the mast perceptive treatises on Chinese drama.
His
own experience as a dramatist, coupled with a genuine love
for and devotion to the theatre as a connoisseur have
sharpened his understanding of drama as a performing art
dependent on an interaction between actors and audience.
This is something which most scholarly, literary critics
fail to appreciate.
JLu Ytf of course does not discriminate against
drama, or t'ien tz'u, as a minor art.
He writes:-
OO
(T ien tz u is not the least skilled of the
arts. It arises from the same source as
history, biographies, poetry and prose. It
is only of a different school#)
- i1 h
^
?f
hi % r L
03)
#
(Of the celebrated names, nine of ten made
their mark in poetry. Of those who are
remembered now as masters of 'tz'u ch'tf-f", *
they are less than one in ten. Perhaps
only one among hundreds or even a thousand
succeeds in making a name for himself.)
Bfein "Ch tt Yfian (A New Collection of Essays on Lyrics),
vol.3, no.17, Li Yd, Li-W^ng Chtt Lun (Li-Wang's Essays
on Drama), vol.1, /Shanghai, 19^0^
(13) Ibid., p.2
^ErCh'tf $ , songs, lyrics, arias. YCIan drama Is also
known as Ytfan Ch'tt.
- 13 -
He is right to point out that there is nothing wrong or
inferior with t'ien tz'u as a method of writing dramatic
lyrics.
It is the over-emphasis of this method which
constitutes the abuse.
He is the first critic to attach
importance to structure rather than lyrics in drama:4
ta I % f
.%i&
h * f # - t ("0
(Musical pitch and rhythm are held to be very
important for t'ien tz'u, but I alone maintain that
structure is the most important.)
Li Ytf recognises the value of Yflan drama in literature.
He also recognises its major shortcoming:« jf -- f & . i <j<
'nhi-
^
-&<!j
•% #
& » m a. a i M &
<-/5>
(As for drama, there are three component parts:
lyrics, dialogue, and structure which interweaves
and links up. The Yttan people were only good at
one of these, that is, the lyrics. When it comes
to dialogue and structure, they are deficient.)
Literary critics neglect dialogue and dramatic
structure in their criticism.
Li Hsing-Tao's The Chalk
Circle is rich in the vernacular.
small urban areas.
Its characters come from
They are housewives, prostitutes,
small landowners, magistrates, guards and so on.
speech cannot be divorced from colloquialism.
applies to the lyrics sung by
the heroine of the play.(l6)
Their
The same
Chang Hai-T'ang When 'common speech* filters
into the lyrics, this is considered as the height of
unrefined writing.
But for Li Hsing-Tao's play, the
(14) ibid., p.3
(15) Ibid., p.10
(16) It irs a rule in Yttan drama that only the hero or
hei*oine of a play sings the lyrics. Thus in one play
there is only one singing part. There are quite
a number of dramatists who depart from this rule.
- 14 -
dialogue and lyrics full of the common and occasionallyvulgar idioms of the day are the very elements which
enliven and make it so much a part of the people*s
theatre.(17)
After Li Yff, jL U
(Wang Kuo-Wei, l877-1927, Ch'ing
Dynasty) is the second critic who has made a decisively
constructive impact on drama criticism.
His
^
(A Study of Sung and Yffan Drama) written in 1912 surpasses
Li Ytf's writings in scholarship, but cannot equal the
latter's compelling, exuberant love and understanding of
the subject.
Wang values the simplicity and naturalness
in Yffan drama as a mark of great literature.
He writes:-
-i'-itfci. e > - z .
9, %-h ZiiLlH^
Ltt. I.
w
J- f-36;
.
(Where does the worth of Yffan drama lie? It can be
simply said: in its naturalness. Great literature,
whether past or present, prides itself on its
naturalness. In this Yffan drama surpasses all. its
authors were neither celebrities nor scholars; their
aim in writing was not to perpetuate themselves, nor
to pass on their skill to the next generation. They
were moved by their enthusiasm. They wrote to amuse
themselves and to entertain others. They did not worry
about looseness in the structure of their work; nor did
they try to conceal crudeness in their ideas. They
were not particularly concerned with contradictions in
their depiction of characters either. They strove to
reproduce their feelings and the conditions of the time.
The truth of their reasoning and the sincerity of their
spirits pervaded their works. It is indeed true to say
that Yffan drama is the most natural of all Chinese
literature.)
(17)see this thesis pp. 73-85 for a discussion of the
language in Li's play. t
(is)
[+ ifi fXId % ikA.. jfc31
Wang Kuo-Wei - A Collection of Essays on Drama, p.105
fPeking 19571
- 15 -
Wang's high evaluation of Yffan drama is valuable at the
beginning of this century when drama was still the most
neglected of all Chinese literaturei
His interest and
research lead the way for subsequent scholars.
The passage
quoted is characteristic of his general attitude.
One
cannot help noticing that he only links Yffan drama rather
vaguely and superficially to its social context*
There is
a marked difference in Li's and Wang's drama criticism.
The former's is characterized by its practical insight;
the latter's by its literary approach.
But neither sees
Yffan drama as part of a social movement.
The third critic who departs from the traditional
criteria of criticism is
Ol%(\
(Yen Tun I).
In his
(Yffan Chff Ch£n I, Problems in Yffan Drama),
Yen examines the subjects of eighty-six plays against their
historical background.
He comments on problems arising
from style, content and origin.
before the Chinese Liberation.
This book was written
It is possible that
revolutionary ferment has indirectly influenced the critical
attitude of the author.
He is more aware of the reaction
playwrights showed to the oppressive character of Yffan
justice than other critics.
However, the basis for his
selection of plays for discussion is still conservative.
He chooses to examine a play if he sees a discrepancy in
the authorship or the reputed origin.
As so little is
written about Li Hsing-Tao and his play, there was nothing
to challenge Yen.
7
Yffan drama survives in spite of the inappropriateness
of a one-sided tendency in criticism.
This speaks for its
vitality and also the insignificance of literary criticism.
But how long it can continue to survive is debatable.
Criticism centred on scholarly research into tone patterns
- 16 -
and lyrics tends to alienate the laymen, who are interested
in drama as a living art.
Outside China now where classical
drama is still studied and performed, the young people often
feel more estranged from it than from the poetry and prose
which preceded it.
They are put off by its stylisation in
language, gesture and singing.
They fail to realise that
drama was once a powerful art in China*
This is partly
because of the degeneration which drama has undergone since
Ytfan time.
The contents of to-day's operas, whether Peking,
Shanghai, or Cantonese,(19) are only weak reflections of
what drama must once have been during Mongol rule.
Drama flourished in the Yffan Dynasty.
popular entertainment.
It was not just
It was a powerfully moving social
literature in the hands of the frustrated Ban scholars.
It
was the only comparatively safe medium for the Hans to give
vent to their hatred of the oppressors.
The theatre was the
only place where the people could sneer at the type of
corruption in the government under which they had to suffer
silently in real life.
The gulf between the intellectual
class and the common people disappeared in the theatre where
they joined in laughing at those to whom they deferred in
the streets. (20)
Degeneration in drama set in towards the
latter half of the Eighteenth-Century (during the Ch'ing
Dynasty),
Theatre became the property of the ruling class
and rich merchants.
Theatrical troupes were often 'bought
up' and kept by rich connoisseurs.
A 'star system' grew and
even now prevails in the operas performed outside China.
The May the Fourth Movement (1919) influenced the
(19) These three are the most common types of operas
performed outside China.
(20) see this thesis, the following section "The historical
and literary context" for a detailed discussionypp.l822 .
- 17 -
introduction and adoption of Western style prose dialogue
drama.
Western critical assumptions were naturally employed
in the evaluation of this new dramatic expression.
Unfortunately dialogue drama did not have time to grow out
of its adoption-and-imitation period into a fully-fledged
art.
Yffan drama, like Li Hsing-Tao's The Chalk Circle, was
a product of Yffan social conditions.
It answered the
aspirations, and the need of a people under pressure.
was the weapon and the moral support of the time.
It
Narrow
literary criticism does not do justice to this powerful ...
literature.
To evaluate, or re-value, The Chalk Circle, we should
first place it in its historical and literary context.
It
is only then that the full implications of the play and
the strength of its interaction with the spectators can be
gauged.
- 18 -
The historical and literary context
The social conditions in Yffan time, contributed to
the flourishing of drama.
They also caused the prejudice
that it was an inferior literature.
When the Mongol rulers obtained control over central
China, they divided the whole population hierarchically into
four 'Levels' and ten 'Classes':Pour Levels:1. if
- Compatriots (Mongols)
Descendents of the
neighbouring Kingdoms such as
jj_ (Liao),
(Kin)
- Hans (21)
4.
j,
- Southerners (around Kwangtung
Province, mostly immigrants
from northern China since
the fall of North Sung)
s-V
Ten Classes:
1. 6
lords
2.
secondary officials
3. $
. monks
4. i t
Taoists
5. fgj
medical doctors
6.
craftsmen
7*
hunters (nomads)
8.
farmers
9. flp
intellectuals
10.
^
beggars
Besides being grouped together in the lowest strata, the
Hans and Southerners were debarred officially(22) from
(21) Li Hsing-Tao and most of the intellectuals of the time
would be grouped under 'Hans' or 'Southerners'.
(22) There were two Han Prime Ministers during the whole
period of Ydan domination.
,
see
it f/f- v fjjjL.
^
Li Chien, Hlltory of Yffan, p.63lTaiwan, 1964J
There were no less than six instances of Ytfan Emperors
trying to recruit noted Han scholars as Court officiala
But most of those who had chosen the life of a recluse
in the mountains declined the royal offers, (see Ibid.,
p.159-160)
- 19 -
being courtiers, lords, or high government officials.
The
heads of Regions, arsenals and granaries were all Mongols,
while most of the heads of provinces were natives of
external vassal kingdoms.
The majority of these had little
experience in administration and even less desire to get
aquainted with the Chinese language.
This added friction
to the already pronounced ill - feeling between rulers and
ruled, and led everywhere to the outbreak of banditry.
In the Class system, the literati were placed only
one grade above beggars.
The traditional respect for
scholars and educators was totally reversed.
The tri-
annual State Examinations to which all scholars aspired
were much disturbed and interrupted before and after the
Mongols took over China.
When North Sung fell in 1127, the
neighbouring Kingdom Kin took over central China.
For a
short while, it existed alongside the South Sung Dynasty.
The Kin rulers admired Han culture and imitated some
administrative measures including the State Examinations
system.
In 1234 Kin was in turn vanquished by the Mongols
who abolished the Examinations for the next eighty years.
When the Yffan Empire was firmly established, there were
quite a number of short-lived attempts at reviving the
Examinations.
During the ninety-one years of Ytfan rule,
the State Examinations were held only twenty times.
Three
hundred candidates were selected from all over the land,
out of which a hundred were to be awarded offices.
These
hundred places were divided equally among the four Levels
of people sitting for their different subjects.
When one
considers the percentage of illiteracy among the Mongols
and non-Han people who would be holding offices
irrespective of the Examinations, the gross inequality of
the system is revealed.
Ninety-percent of the high
- 20
-
officials rose from being secondary assistants in the
provinces.
They obtained these positions by courting
favour or simply by being non-Hans.
Less than five-percent
of government places were direct awards to successful
candidates.
Therefore most Han scholars saw the futility
of pursuing a career in poetry and prose in such an
environment.
There was no point in studying the regular
set courses of poetry and prose in the hope of securing a
governmental post after success in the Examinations.
They
turned to lead the life of hermits, studying and tutoring
students in the mountains, or they made a living by working
at what was then thought to be outside the main stream of
literature - drama and novels.
Owing to this same -
prejudice against novels and drama, very little about these
two genres and their creators exists in the official Yttan
chronicles,
Li Hsing-Tao is one of the least known.
The most comprehensive account of the lives of YCIan
dramatists are the two volumes of
uh;
(Lu Kuei Pu -
A Record of Ghosts) compiled by/^ ^ fa^ (Chung Szu~Ch>'£ng)
of the YCfan Dynasty (23) All that can be learnt there
(23) A Record of Ghosts (1330) by Chung Szu-Ch'^ng ( 1 2 7 9 ? f und l n
s
.oa°
°
^^ ^
^ ^
its,
A Collection of Critical Essays on Chinese Classical
Drama, vol. 2,(Peking, 19591
~~
Brief references in Chung's record to Li Hsing-Tao are
found on the following pages p.104,116 - references to Li and The Chalk Circle
p.200 notes no.572-574 - references to Li's other
names.
p.200 note no.575 - a slightly different wording of
the title of The Chalk Circle
Similar references to Li in Ming and Ch'ing records
are found in the following books ChuCh'tian, (Ming) T'ai Ho Ch£ng Yin, 2 vol. (from A
Collection of Critical Accounts on Chinese Classical
Drama, vol.3 p.20, 21,32)
b)
Yao Hsieh,(Ch'ing)A Critical Study of Contemporary
Music. (Ibid., vol.10, p*ll2)
- 21
-
about Li is that he was a native of
H'\
(ChiangChow)
and was already deceased when Chung compiled the records
towards the end of the Ytfan Dynasty.
Li's life are unknown.
The exact dates of
Chung classifies him along with
fifty-six dramatists who represent the early and the best
period in Ytfan drama in terms of quality and quantity.
On
the lists are names of the acknowledged masters such as
Kuan Han-Ch' ingj M& Chih-Ytfan, Wang Shlh-FU.
Aoki Masura
places these fifty-seven men in a period dating from the
Mongol's conquest of Kin to a short time just after their
conquest of South Sung which united the whole of China as
Ytfan. (24)
It is probabl.e that Li Hsing-Tao lived in the
early part of the Dynasty.
In his Problems in Ytfan Drama, Yen Tun I expresses the
idea that plays reflecting sharp social criticism were
mostly written towards the end of Ytfan rule when the
weakened empire was incapable of such stringent control
over the criticism of its subjects as before. The Chalk
Circle is much less directly critical of the ruling class
than
(Selling Rice in the Ch'*£n Region)
which Yen shows to have been written near the end of
the Mongol Dynasty. (25)
The Mongols imposed numerous restrictions on the
Hans.
For the Han writer, the risk of being accused of
subversive criticism was very great.
Therefore, as a
means of self-defence, they took to using historical
settings and figures in their works.
It is extremely
(24) Aoki Masura, An Introduction to Ytfan Tsa-Chfl, p.53
•#-
I. X- %
7
Yen Tuh~~1T7 Problems in Ytfan Drama, vol.l & 2 pp.209*
570-572) [Shanghai, i960.)
(for synopsis of this play, see this thesis,pp.201-202)
- 22
rare to find a Ytfan play which actually portrays the life
of the time.(26) Most playwrights and novelists took
refuge in history.
In recreating historical figures who
were well-known for their virtue or corruption, the artist
could praise or condemn without exposing himself to danger,
Li Hsing-Tao does the same.
(26) One notable exception is the following play which
shows clearly the frustration and the sadness shared
by intellectuals suppressed by Ytlan rule:%<• ft
Kung Ta-Yung, The Immortal Friendship between Fan
and Chang, (especially in Acts 1 and 2)
see
M f
IMi • iTsang Chin-Su (Ming Dynasty), Ytlan Ch tl Hsflan,
2 vol., p.950 ff.{shanghai, 1936^ (from now on
cited in the text as Y.C.H., I use this rather
than the older edition, see p. £3
note(29), for
easy reference as the pages of the older edition
is not numbered.)
- 25 -
The Chalk Circle - history used as a model
The full titie (27) of The Chalk Circle describes Li
Hsing-Tao's motifs in the play
n a ; i p i
f $ m
: f, i# £>1 «! J&A jfc §£i s
.P *
it,
-4-:
£1 h
W^tcJ
(Subject: Chang Hai-T ang kneels, wrongly accused, in
K'ai-F£ng-Fu(28)
Main Title: Judge Pao solves the mystery of the chalk
circle through his great intelligence)
There are clearly two motifs and they are of equal
importance: first, to show Chang Hai-T'ang as a virtuous
woman who has been made to suffer unjustly; second, to show
the brilliance of Pao Ch&ng as judge.
The pictures(29) on the following pages illustrate the
t'i-mu (subject) and the ch&ng-ming (main title).
They
illuminate the overall impression the play probably did
have on the spectators.
I shall first discuss the second
picture which bears direct relevance to the argument in
this and the next two sections of this chapter.
In this
picture, the figure of Pao Ch£ng in his court commands the
centre of attention.
Framed by the imposing portals of his
(27) Each Ytfan play bears a 'Subject' and a 'Main Title1.
t'i-mu - subject, title, problem
j£_Jz ch£ng-ming - ch&ng : correct, pure, central
ming : name
(28) K'ai-F&ng-Fu - name of the Region where Pao Ch£ng was
Governor. The Emperor's Court was in the same Region.
Therefore Pao's court of judgement was the chief court
in the country. His position was one of the most
coveted because of the honour implied.
(29) The pictures are taken from . l
.
lki,
f ^
iff-$
^(Ming Dynasty; Tsang Chin-Su, Ytfan Ch tl Hstfan, vol.11
[Shanghai, Chung-Hua Book Store)reprinted from a Ming
edition, (no dates given).
-tr
f
§ U':5S
&YJr "
'""Tj
mp&
'
J
' *"
- 26
-
court, he seems to be looking down benevolently from a
different world at the kneeling supplicants.
Each little
group of people in the foreground appears preoccupied with
their varying concerns.
Directly in front of Pao is Mrs.
Ma, the first wife of the then deceased Lord Ma,
points an accusing finger at Hai-TTang.
She
In the right
foreground are the witnesses, some of whom seem to be
listening to Mrs. Ma, while some look as if they are just
enjoying the situation.
Both the child standing in the
centre of the chalk circle and the court attendent who
is drawing the circle have the appearance of simply
performing a duty.
Hai-T'ang is the only one who looks
concerned about the child's being placed in the circle.
The climax of the work - thia simple but concrete
dramatic device of the chalk circle judgement - is grossly
underplayed in the drawing.
The whole scene idealizes and
idolises Pao Ch£ng and makes him larger-than-life.
Yet
this is probably an accurate interpretation of the feeling
of the Yftan audience, of which the majority would be Hans.
(30) They needed this idealized figure of a judge on whom
they could project their thirst for justice and paternal
care which were missing under Ytfan rule.
They needed
someone to whom they could turn in confidence to voice
their grievances.
The fact that the same judge Pao Ch^ng
from the Sung Dynasty is present in a number of Ytfan
plays substantiates this point.(31)
(30) The Mongols had a great love for music. This was
partly why drama (sung) was allowed to flourish in
Ytfan. The Emperors often patronised the Han
performances. Either they failed to see indirect
criticism of their governments or they felt that the
plays did not provide enough cause for persecutioaa--*.since most of them were set in earlier Dynasties.
(31) for plays featuring Pao Ch&ng, see Appendix pp,201-212
27 -
Ytfan dramatists tend to look back to a previous era.
They use this as the background for expressing a hope of a
better future.
This is a characteristic of Ytlan novelists
too. (32) In both cases, history is used with Confucian
propriety.
The evil deeds in history serve as warnings;
the good ones are examples for posterity to emulate,
other words, history functions as a model.
in
Pao Chang's
administration of justice in the Sung Dynasty is a model
for the ruling class which has power over the life and
death of the masses of people.
The Ytfan people looked back
nostalgically to this time when just rule is obtainable.
They did not look beyond what they or their forefathers
had experienced.
They probably did not think there could
be any better solution outside their historical experience.
They longed for a repetition of benevolent rule.
The
Sung Dynasty was renowned for the freedom of speech given
to the intelligentia.
It was an age when Confucian
scholars had influence in the Imperial Court.
With the
onset of Mongol rule, the intellectuals suddenly found to
their mortification that Confucianism and all that it stood
for was downgraded to the level of beggarliness(33).
The nostalgia for the Sung Dynasty is not only centred
on Pao and his justice.
so.
For the majority this might be
But for the literati, the dramatists themselves, this
nostalgia possibly betrays a yearning for an age when the
intellectuals were a privileged class.
History in the
hands of the Ytfan dramatists was strictly used as a model
(32) The most famous examples
.
Shih Nai-An, The Water Margin, and
^
-5~
/iTifr
, Lo Kuan-Chung, The Romance of the Tftree
Kingdoms.
(33) see p./#, , 'Ten Classes'
- 28 -
for emulation.
They were crying for the repetition of a
past, favourable era.
They were not demanding any
fundamental change in the system of government.
They were
not asking for a revolution.
In their adaptations Klabund and Johannes von
Guenther use history as a mere decoration, as a pretty
oriental backdrop for their plays.
Bertolt Brecht uses
history as a Marxist should : to stiaulate an awareness of
contradictions in social developments, an awareness which
in turn makes possible intervention in that development
to change its direction.
To Brecht, history implies
change, and a possibility for development.
He explains his
emphasis on the use of the historical perspective thus
"Die Vorgaenge werden historisiert und sozial
milieurisiert. (Das erstere findet natuerlich
vor allera bei Vorgaengen der Gegenwart statt:
Was ist, war nicht immer und wird nicht immer
sein. Das zweite stellt staendig die momentane
Gegellschaftsordnung in Frage und zur Diskussion."
(34)
His 'historicising' process is grounded on dialectics
which aim at a progressive development of the spectators'
consciousness.
He writes ;~
"Bei der Historisierung wird ein bestimmte
Gesellschaftssystem vom Standpunkt eines
anderen Gesellschaftssystem aus betrachtet.
Die Entwicklung der Gesellschaft ergibt die
Gesichtspunkte."(35)
The structure of Brecht's Per Kaukasische Kreidekreis
grows out of the reasoning behind the above quotation.
The prologue -'Per Streit um das Tal', and the story of
(34) Bertolt Brecht, Gesammelte Werke, vol.16, p.656
(Suhrkamp, Frankfurt, 19&90 (Hereafter cited in the
text as G.W. followed by vol. no. and page nos.)
(35) Ibid., p.653
- 29 -
the chalk circle which is the play-within.-the play, stand
interdependent.
purpose.
They are interdependent for a theatrical
Brecht wants to show that one can best examine
a given social system from the standpoint of another.
Li Hsing-Tao is concerned only with a certain phase
of history, namely the Sung Dynasty at the time of Pao
Ch&ng.
He is not concerned with historical process.
He
is more concerned with the Confucian sense of rectification
of names.
Like Li, the other Ytfan dramatists look back to
the Sung Dynasty when Pao, the model for justice, lives.
They are also descendants of the Sung people among whom,
especially among the intellectuals, Confucianism has great
influence.
Confucianism is basically a philosophy of the
scholar patriarch, the feudal statesmen and princes.
is valued foremost is /- ^
What
the Order Amongst Men :
- the tie of blood between father and son; loyalty between
sovereign and lord; reciprical duties betwen man and wife;
sequence between senior and junior, trust between friends.
These JL
(wu-lun), Five Orders, have been disturbed
in one form or another in the Ytfan plays and short stories.
A belief in the validity of the Five Orders assumes that
the Orders will and should be restored at the end of what
can only be a temporary disruption.
The Orders confine
each 'type' of man to a definite place and moral function
in the feudal class system.
This system might have worked
satisfactorily if it had been adhered to in the strict
Confucian sense of benevolent rule.
But it was not.
However, this problem is not Li's concern.
He only uses
a particular piece of Sung history as a model for Justice.
- 30 -
Judge Pao Ch§ng - a model for justice
It is important to distinguish between the present
day image of Pao Ch&ng and the Pao Ch£ng in Sung history
and Ytfan literature*
Pao is now more of a mythological
figure than a historical one to a majority of the Chinese
people.
This distortion is probably the result of our
(3(0
street story-tellers'"exaggerated versions of tales about
Pao.
I call this a distortion because if Pao had been a
pure mythological creation, he would never have had so
powerful an influence in Ytfan drama.
There is a legend about the origin of Pao Ch&ng.
is said that when the Sung Emperor Sf- ^
It
(J%i Tsung) (37)
was born, he would not cease crying until one day a spirit
descended from the heavens, disguised as an old woman.
She
whispered eight words in the baby's ear :
(for civil affairs there is W@n-Ch'tf; for military affairs
there is Wu-Ch'tf).
W&n-Ch'tT and Wu-Ch'ff are the names
of two stars in the galaxy.
The former represents
scholarship and is personified in Pao Changs the latter
represents valour and is personified iny$^L"^" (Di Ch'ing),
a general.
These two, according to the story, were to
aid Emperor J§n Tsung for fourty-two years during which
(36)They are the dying-out remnants of the popular folk
tradition
(Shuo-Shu) explained on p. 40
(37) Pao was Judge of K'ai-F&ng-Fu (see p.2$
note 28)
at the time of Jefl Tsung (1023 - 1056 A.D.) of
North Sung.
- 31 -
peace and prosperity reigned.(38)
it seems the heavens
had ordained that Pao Ch£ng should grace j£n Tsung's rule
with his help.
Pao is characterised in the theatre by his almost
completely black painted-face.(39)
Black predominates as
it is associated with brusqueness and complete honesty of
character.
Phrases Which refer to his appearance, such as
\§3 (iron face) and "$r. \1D p f
still in current use.
(black-faced god), are
In the Ytfan plays and short stories
about him, there are a few references to his dark visage,
usually in a relaxed, comic way.
The current phrase - iron face - suggests that Pao is
inflexibly just.
The ironical truth is that the literature
about him points to the contrary.
has a flexible sense of justice.
Pao is just because he
In the Eleventh-Century
feudal society, he could be just only if he applied
justice flexibly.
It is this aspect of Pao which is
perpetuated in Ytfan drama.
And it is this aspect of Ytfan
drama which is most relevant to a sociological analysis of
The Chalk Circle.
In order to understand the relationship between Pao
Ch&ng and the people of his time, and subsequently the
relationship between the judge Pao in Ytian drama and the
people under Mongol rule, we need to study the Sung and
(38) This story is from the Prologue to the Ytfan novel,The
Water Margin.
-j--mi
•-i-Mt. a n
M
Shih Nai-An, The One-Hundred-and-Tw^nfy Chapters of
'The Water Margin, 2 vol. pp.3^4 (Shanghai, 1957"}
(39) Ch'i Ju-Shan gives a very interesting and detailed
account of the changes made on Pao's black paintedface from Ytfan, to Ch'ing time.
^
iM $lU
tl A U i - & -f
Ch i Ju-Shan,
"
'ghe Art of Chinese
Drama> pp,244, 2f>2, 257 fTaiwan, 1 9 6 2 )
- 32 -
Ytian stories and plays, and also Sung history.
A true
perspective of Pao's position in history and literature
can only be formed through a comparison between his role
In Li Hsing-Tao's The Chalk Circle and his other 'roles'
outside the play.
This is a necessary step towards the
appreciation of Li's play as a work which answers a social
need.
Facts about Pao's life and service to his countrymen
exist in
, the official Sung Chronicles.
It is
useful at this stage to know what the government records
say about him, and later to compare this with his letters
to the Emperor, and then with what the vernacular says
about him.
There is very little recorded of Pao's life in the
official channels.
He is rarely mentioned in general
historical accounts of the Sung Dynasty or in critical
works about Ytfan drama.
The following two passages from
the Sung Chronicles testify to his uprightness of
character and his different and telling impact on
colleagues and on the ordinary-man-in-the-street:-
^ fH&. i
fci
ft Lm
£ & Itt t % t
fja -*f
a
ft p\. f, tf & Lit
• $ £ S
0- i f
^
(to)
-*
f!
nt-t'tiSung Chronicles, Chapt.3l6, "Biographies of the
Heroes", no. 75, p.2-3
,; r
- 33 -
(Ch&ng was known for his uprightness and
firmness in the Imperial Court. The royal
kinsmen and the officials stood in fear and
respect of him. 151036 who heard about his deeds
feared him. They likened the rarety of his
smiles to the times when the Huang Ho was clear.
(41) Children and women also knew about his
reputation. They all called him Judge Pao.
There was a saying in the Capital that should
the sovereign be remiss in any of his duties,
there is always Old Pao the Yen-Lo.(42) According
to the old custom, whoever came to register an
accusation might not enter the main court-room,
but Ch&ng had the front door wide open so that
suppliants might approach and talk to him
directly. As a result, the court officers dared
not victimise them.)
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(41) Huang Ho, the Yellow River, was never clear because
of the great amount of soil washed downstream. Pao
was supposed to be such a severe person that he
rarely smiled.
(42) Yen-Lo - the king of Hell, He pronounces judgement
on the dead according to their deeds when they were
alive. He is much feared by the people as he does
not spare anyone who has erred In life.
(43) Sung Chronicles, Chapt. 316, no.75>PP«3-4
- 34 -
(Ch@ng was most honest and strict. He abhored
corruption among the officers, and he was very •
responsible in carrying out his duties. Even
those who hated or were jealous of him could not
help admitting that he was a model of loyalty.
He did not take part in conspiracies nor did he
ever falsify his words or manner to please. He
did not hoard private property, and he did not
give favours to old friends or relatives< in
his highly prestigeous position, his clothes,
his household utensils and his food did not
differ from what they were like when he was a
commoner. He often said, 'Should any of my
descendents become officers in court and commit
bribery, they are forbidden to return to their
ancestral home. When they die, they must not
be buried in my ancestors' graveyard. If they
do not follow my principles, they are not my
children or grandchildren.)
The collection of Pao's one-hundred-and-seventy-one
letters to Emperor J%i Tsung -
(Tsou-I, Petitions)
- gives a more substantial picture of him than the Sung
Chronicles.
In these we see him as .a. most conscientious
and tireless worker for the welfare of his countrymen.
These letters were collected and first edited by one of
his students.
The subjects include the rearrangement of
land allocation to farmers and herders; relief of the
victims of famine, earthquake and high taxation;
'
establishment of certain offices to take charge of specific
needs of the people; increase or decrease of the number of
officials or garrisons at a place; improvement of the
system of examinations; selection or promotion of civil
servants; exposure of the corruption of officials such as
provincial governors and magistrates; and also praise of
the unoticed merit of some worthy men.
There are many examples in the Petitions where Pao
openly reveals corruption and injustice among his
colleagues, some of whom were related to the Emperor.
He
clearly shows that he is speaking for the masses who are
- 35 -
the victims of a depraved leadersh.i i>.
Xn one of these Pao
stresses the gravity of the situation whereby the power of
the governors (who frequently were also the magistrates) of
the Counties was often abused, thus causing misery among
the people t« U f f
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Pao Ch&ng, Petitions of the Honourable Pao Hsiao-Su
~~
~ — ~
Xj x 9 5 o }
^ w )
- name given to Pao postumously as
to his character. ^
- filialj
- austere
- 36 -
(I have heard that our forefathers paid great
respect to the idea that the governor of a County
is like the parents of the people. But now, the
shame of the Counties and the cause of low
morality amongst our people also rest with the
governorsi The reason is that they have not been
appointed with great discretion and care.
Whoever are descendents of officials, or who are
backed by powerful families, hanker after the
governorships. To the shame of our land they *
pose as leaders of the Counties. It seems now
that any dim and debased person can wield
executive power. Then how can we expect criminal
offences^decrease? Can such ' parents' of the
people be entrusted with a revival of good spirit
and morality in our people? Moreover, the
promotion and appointment of officials to the
Court are often contrived by personal influence.
Those who lack even the experience of being a
County governor are sent to head the Regions.
They have absolutely no idea about the ethics of
administration, and they fail to develop a good
relationship with the people. It is especially
vital at present to have good leaders in the
Counties because of the heavy administrative
duties. I beg to suggest that from now on if a
court official or a judge does not possess the
experience of having been a County governor, he
cannot be appointed to head or inspect a Region. ,
Then we may hope that our land would be governed
by suitable talents and civil servants need never
put their hopes on influence and chance again.)
In another petition, Pao recommends that those who
are found to be guilty by the local judges should be
tried for a second time by
(Ti-Hsing) (45) so
as to ensure a fair-hearing
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(45) jgj-iJ (T7i-Hsing) - a man whose special duty is to go
round the Counties inspecting judicial courts, hearing
appeals, and executing sentences.
37 -
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(I see that our country has installed the special
office of T'i-Hsing so as to keep a check on court
sentences passed in the Counties and Districts.
But from what I have observed, death sentences are
too often carried out without consulting a T'i-Hsing.
Is this not contrary to the great benevolence of
our Holy Majesty? I now cite one or two examples
as proof of what I have seen. 1 was in the Tuan
Region yesterday. There were seven prisoners carrying
death sentences. When the local government knew that
a T'i-Hsing was going to pass through the town,
they excused themselves by saying that these
prisoners had not been tried yet, and therefore
relieved themselves as well as the T'i-Hsing
of the responsibility and consequence of a second
trial. In our neighbouring Region, Ch'un, there
was a case of more than two hundred people
implicated. Many were sentenced to be exiled.
Pour or five were condemned to death. Again the
T'i-Hsing was not consulted. Fortunately in this
case, our Chief Officer for Communications took
up the case himself and appointed another
official to look into the matter. Gross errors
(46) Pao Chfeng, Petitions,pp.74-75
- 38 -
were found* The death sentence Is carried out
as a solemn ceremony by our judges, but for the
sentenced, once the deed is done he cannot be
revived. I am afraid that examples of such
corruption in our judicial system are numerous.
Although Your Majesty has often sent out letters
of advice to our administrators, I am afraid
that they have seldom been heeded. I beg to
suggest that from now nn, when sentences of
death are passed in the Regions, whether the
acaused are soldiers, robbers or commoners, and
when there are five of them or over, a definite
date should be set for the T'i-Hsing to go there
personally for a thorough examination of the
cases, so that it can be hoped that there will be
no more corruption in our judicial system.)
if.c-U
These petitions^that Pao has a personal and deep-felt
concern for a social problems.
He always contributes
practical suggestions as to how the difficulties could be
overcome.
He does so through a first-hand knowledge of
the situation by going to the particular locality
personally.
This tells how close he must have been to
the people.
He is ready to travel extensively for their
welfare. In the collection of short stories about Pao
/7 .
, „
6 i\ •C-i
^
(The Seventy-Two Miraculous Court-Cases
of the Honourable Pao) and in the Yflan plays, the number
of times when Pao passes through a place and is immediately
sought by the local people to right the wrongs done to
them is quite staggering.
In fact so numerous as to
create the impression that Pao must have been nearly
always on his horse travelling from place to place.
His
Petitions substantiate this, and reveal his paternal
involvement with the people.
Freedom to criticise is part of the unique phenomenon
of the Court of Sung.
frank and terse.
The language of Pao's Petitions is
There is no attempt to mince words or
to sugar criticism even though the addressee is the Emperor.
- 39 -
The first Sung Emperor ^ ^ ( T ' a i - T s u ) decreed that there
would be no execution of courtiers.
Should anyone be
guilty of crime, he might be exiled.(47)
Under these
conditions, Pao was able to serve for thirty years and to
write the Petitions.
He was not the only outspoken one.
The freedom to criticise indirectly strengthened the
position and power of courtiers.
In the time of Jen Tsung
(whom Pao served), the Court was especially full of men who
spoke out for what they held to be right.
This same
period can be said to be the pinnacle of the Sung Dynasty it inherits the constructive work done by the previous
reigns, and at the same time, it marks the beginning of
decline.
The presence of Pao gives this period of Sung
history a special aura, not as ideal as a 'golden age',(48)
but of a time when even a nonenity may cherish a hope
that, somewhere in the country, there Is a Judge Pao who
would listen to his grievances personally, and who would
stand up for him against the oppressive forces of power and
wealth.
The excerpts from the Sung Chronicles (49) show that
Pao was respected but also much feared by royal kinsmen
and courtiers.
They hated him because he would not
compromise justice.
But neither the Chronicles nor the
Petitions give an idea of how Pao obtains justice for the
poor and the anonymous.
His name is not immortalised by
history or by his letters, but by the various popular
genre of folk literature.
This is not surprising as Pao's
Kao Meng-An, The Slmg Dynasty - it's Heroes and its
Culture. p.3,(T a l w a n » !970.3
f48^ Stuecke 10. p.300 ("Goldenen Zeit").
(49) see this thesis, p p . 3 2 - 3 3
- 40 -
work evolved round the people* not round the Emperor's
Court where luxury and influence lay.
benefited most from his career.
The common people
They were the ones to
sing his praise from genuine gratitude and admiration.
The popular folk tradition of tfLi
literally, to speak) or
(shuo-hua,
(shuo-shu, to relate from
a book) first popularized stories about Pao's deeds.
Japanist sinologist ~ii *'j ^
The
(Kojiro Yoshikawa) points
out that this tradition of story-telling, shuo-hua or shuoshu, was already wide spread in the time of North Sung
when Pao was alive,(50)
The skill of the story-tellers
depended on improvisation, memory, and apt embellishment
in the form of verses, proverbial sayings, and topical
references.
No complete texts are found.
Hence it is
impossible to determine authorship or dates.
Each story-
teller made up his own rough sketch known as "f-jf ^
p&n, the basis of the story).
(hua-
These hua-p&n came to be
one of the primary source from which Ytian drama drew its
material,(51)
In his discussion of the relationship
between the story-tellers of the oral tradition and Pao,
Yoshikawa points out that:a#.
(Linked with theTfamous North Sung judge Pao
Ch&ng was a group of story-tellers who
specialised in 'shuo kung-an1. These tales later
(sorfiztf
A-$ &
Kojiro Yoshikawa, k Study of Ytfan Drama, translated by
Ch&ng Ch'ing-MoUi p.179 {Taiwan, 19501
(51)^^.#
j • £ & Zjt
T an Ch^ng-Pi s Hua-p&n and Classical Drama, {Shanghai
1956)is a very comprehensive study on this subject.
But what he has to say about Pao is negligibly little.
(52)Kojiro Yoshikawa, A Study of Ytfan Drama, p.l8o
- 41 -
formed the basis of the 'pao Lung-T'u
Kung-an'.) (53)
Pour of the ten Ytfan plays summarised in the Appendix
have their equivalent in the 'kung-an' stories,(54)
The three types of popular literature which feature
Pao Ch&ng are: the hua-p§n sketches, the 'kung-an' short
stories (mostly collected and edited in the Ming Dynasty),
and the Ytian plays.
They give us the more detailed and
personal aspects of Pao's justice.
These important and
informative details are not to be found in historical
documents.
The fact that the vernacular gives us the
most complete picture of the judge is itself a tribute to
his involvement with the people.
Of the people's art, the plays are the best medium
for illustrating Pao's work among his fellow men.
The
theatre lends itself readily to the form of an
investigation.
The audience are easily induced to become
jurors, observers and judges.
the accused or the accusor.
Or they might identify with
A trial or investigation on
stage is one of the most effective dramatic devices for
capturing the audience's attention, and for setting up an
interaction between the observers and the observed.
A
court-scene on stage is like a play within a play in terms
of the mental participation in the auditorium.
(53)'shuo kung-an' - telling stories about court cases.
Lung-T'u - one of Pao's honourary titles.
'Pao Lung-T'u Kung-an' - There are many versions of
this. Most editions include around seventy-two s$ort
stories about Pao's court cases. Some of the stories
are so similar as to suggest that they are really the
same, but told by different story-tellers.
(54) for titles of these four plays, see Appendix pp.201,
202, 204 and 210 (T'an Ch&ng-Pi, Hua-P%n and
Classical Drama, pp.93, 294, 301)
- 42 -
There are ten known Ytian
*
&
1
(tsa-chC) about
Pao's wisdom and insight into his cases (55).
M
f
l
i
Among these
(Selling Rice in the Ch'£n Region) gives
the most interesting portrait of him.
He is not simply-
seen as a wise, severe, impeccable judge who inspires
respect in the good and fear in the bad.
a vulnerable man.
He is shown as
He has his weak moments when he wishes
that he was free of the taxing burden of administering
justice in an unjust society.
He is aware of the danger
and the risk that he runs in defending the helpless
against the powerful ruling class.
His deeds have a
miraculous touch because it is so extremely rare to find
such a courageous man.
invulnerable.
But he is not a god.
He is not
The existence of unusual courage side by
side with human weakness is what attracts the Ytfan
dramatists and the story-tellers.• This is what makes him
a folk hero.
In spite of his vulnerability as a lonely
dissenting voice among crooks and conformists, he is able
to administer justice in a way which is safe for himself
and for the men he helps.
of the law.
He understands the apparatus
He sees the ambiguity of its function.
(55) 'tsa-chtf' is the popular name for the drama which
existed from the Sung to Ch'ing Dynasties. It is a
rather loose term as the basj<) structure of the plays
varied from Dynasty to Dynasty.
'tsa' - mixed, impure, of a varied nature
'chtf' - drama
The ten plays are summarised in the Appendix .
Other than these, Pao's name appears in %
,
where a man kills his evil sister-in-law for his
brother. But Pao does not speak at all in the play.It
is an incomplete text where speeches are often left out^
and the reader is just told^tbat a certain character
has spoken, see J | 4
4tiki^M-)
• i: 5$t
Sui Shu-Sh^n, A Collection of Ytfan Drama not included
in "ytian Oh'tt Hsttan'.' 2 vol. Chapt,62, pp.707-715, T'i
Sha Ch'i. Anonymous, (shanghai, 1959
- 43 -
The ambiguity is there for the benefit of the lawa-tnakora
and law-givers.
Pao seizes on thio ambiguity and
ingeniously twists it to benefit the oppressed.
common mistake to think of Pao as the
impersonal god of justice.
this view.
1
It is a
iron-faced', totally
Popular literature corrects
He is cunningly wise.
He is not unlike .
Brecht's Azdak.
In Selling Rice in the Ch'&n Region, Pao shows a
conflict within himself as to whether the time has come
for him to retire from fighting the powerful rogues.
This
comes out in an informal conversation with his personal
attendant
(Chang Ch'ien)
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Pao(sings): From the cloudy morning hour to the
late afternoon sun, I work to earn
only barely enough to clothe myself.
My purple official robe restricts my
actions. I put my very best into
carrying out my duties. If I don't
take the money offered, I annoy
(56) Y.C.H., p.41 (Act 2)
(Musical terms of the particular tone patterns used in
the lyrics are left out of all quotations from Yffan
plays in this thesis.)
- w
-
people; if I do, I act against myself.
My salary alone hardly allows me to
make a small gift to a friend on a
special occasion.
Chang Ch'ien: My old lord* you never shun
standing up to the haughty rich and
powerful.
Pao(sings): Between them and I is enmity as huge
and deep as the mountain and the sea.
I have had Lu Chai Lang executed in
the market-place, I have had Captain
Ko jailed.(57) I swallowed so many
curses thrown at me that I suffer
from indigestion.
Chang Ch'ien: My old lord, though you are now
elderly, your defiant spirit is still
there J
Pao(sings) : All that should come to an end now.
From now on I am going to keep my
mouth shut when something does not
concern me directly. I'll only
strive to nod in acquiesance before
the majority. You'll see how much
better off I will be that way I
A little later in the same Act, during a conversation with
his colleagues, Pao again expresses a slight
disillusionment with his long fight for justice :-
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(57) for the stories, see Appendix, pp. 205-206
(58) Y.C.H. p.42
H ftijfejsx)
- 45-
Pao sings: I was thirty-six when I joined the
government service after the
Examinations. Now I am nearly
seventy. Hasn't one heard the saying:
"when a man reaches middle-age, he
should bring relaxation to all his
activities"? I have observed the
course of events in the T'ang and Han
Dynasties, and also the Spring-andAutumn Period, and I try to follow the
footsteps of our honoured great men.
The Honourable Pan : Indeed your Honour has
served the Court for many years. You
enjoy a long and memorable history.
Lft :
As a Court Judge Your Honour has shown
great loyalty and service to the
Empire. You have always fought
against Darkness and brought Light
into the open. Is there one of the
mighty and wealthy families outside
the Emperor's Court which does not
fear when they hear your great name?
Your Honour is indeed a classic
example of an upright courtier.
Pao:
Ah, do you think that one should boast
about that? I remember that several
righteous courtiers in the past
Dynasties died unhappy deaths. A
blunt fellow like me is certainly not
one to keep his head long.
Then Pao goes on to cite examples of those who died for
their loyalty and honour, and expresses the wish to beg
for retirement in his next audience with the Emperor.
This
desire to retire is a fact supported by seven letters
to the Emperor on this subject which are found at the end
of the collection of his Petitions.(59)
However
Pao's
instinctive drive to do justice to those who deserve it
is too strong for any thoughts about retirement.
(59)Pao Ch&ng, Petitions, pp.195-199
Later in
- 46 -
the same Act he is most determined to travel to Ch'£n and
right the wrong done to the people there.
Examples of Pao wrestling, so to speak, with the
powerful rich are found in Selling Rice in the Ch'£n Region,
The Butterfly Dream, Lu Chai Lang, and The Magic Music
Box, (60) in the first play, there was even a duel of words
in front of other colleagues between Pao and Lord Liu who
is the master-mind behind the corruption of his son and
son-in-law,
Liu knows of Pao's intented .visit to Ch'&n.
He threatens that if Pao dares to harm his relatives he
will use his wealth and power for revenge,
frank in his retort:-
^
/
, ,
.
Pao is equally
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W
How can I, an old fellow, fight against
you!
(sings) The heap of silver and gold
you've hoarded is larger than the
Northern Star, All that you hope for
is to enjoy your riches In peace,
Gould one ever expect you to raise a
finger for the good of the country?You
speak without caring that your words
would put your mother to shame, I earn
my salary with the tip of my pen, but
your power over ten thousand families
is earned with the points of swords.
( 6 0 ) See Appendix pp..201, 205, 206, 212 respectively.
(61) Y.C.H., p.44 (Act 2)
- 47 -
Lord Liu: Old Governor, I am not afraid of you.
Pao(sings);You need not boast. Though you are a
plague by yourself, nonetheless I am
not deterred from going to share the
worries of every man in the Ch '£n
Region.
Meantime in Ch'%n, Liu's son known as the 'Young Lord'
kills a commoner, Chang 'the Foul-temper', who comes to
protest about the r^ice*
Pao leaves for Ch'3n.
that all is not well with his family.
Liu senses
He uses his
influence among the courtiers and obtains a written pardon
from the Emperor.
Pao knows that he is racing against
time in his battle with the Lius.
He too acts swiftly.
He has the son-in-law, Yang, executed in the market-square
for abusing the power of the royal Gold-and-Purple Hammer.
He orders Chang's son to avenge his father's murder and to
kill the 'Young Lord' with the same Hammer with which
Chang was killed.
Pao acts as if he knows what to expect
from the Liu family.
When the 'Young Lord' is dead, he
calmly orders Chang's son to be placed under arrest.
at this moment, Liu arrives with the pardon.
Just
The scene
which follows is a good example of Pao's cunning wisdom
and his courage in opposing and twisting royal commands
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(Lord Liu rushes in holding out the letter of pardon.
Fear shows in his face. He recites;) I am so worried
and the journey seemed so long. I left home
hurriedly because of this emergency* I am Lord Liu.
I pleaded in front of His Holy Majesty and managed to
obtain this pardon* It says : 'Pardon the living,
but not the dead'. I journeyed through the night to
the Ch'^n Region to save my two sons* Hey, you
there!' Stay yolii* hands I I've got a lettet* of pardon
here, it reads;
'Pardon the living, but not the dead 1 !
Pao: Chang Ch'ien, who died?
Chang Ch'ien: Yang Chin-Wu and the 'Young Lord* died.
Pao: Who's living?
Chang Ch'ien:'Young Foul-temper'.
Lord Liu: What!? I've pardoned somebody else!
Pao : Chang Ch'i&n, release 'Young Foul-temper',
(sings)
What a loud cry of 'Pardon comesi' I cannot
help looking back and laughing at that. These
father and sons have relied on their powerful
positions long enough. They've reached the end
of their luck and fortune to-day. So, he had
hoped that as soon as the pardon arrives things
will work out well for his kin. Little did he
imagine that before it arrives, I've already
executed the evil-doers. I turned their plans
upside down and now they've pardoned somebody
else! This is not an evil plan. It just shows
that justice is on the side of the good.
Through experience, Pao foresees that neither Liu nor the
Emperor would imagine that he dares to execute on the spot
the sons of such a powerful family.
The Emperor approves
of the ambiguously worded pardon suggested by Liu and his
colleagues : Pardon the living, but not the dead.
It
sounds a fair and benevolent compromise on the Emperor's
part.
It would seem excessive if he publicly saved both
the evil-doers.
So in order to 'save face' for the Emperor,
(62) Y.C.H. p.52 (Act 4)
. 49 -
the courtiers word the pardon so that it reads as if onlyone is to be pardoned, the living onei
Of course they
expect to find both Yang and the 'Youhg Lord' living,
Pao guesses their game*
He actfe one step ahead of them
and defeats them.
Doubtless Pao has to rack his brains often to think
up new ways of outwitting the 'legalised' conspiracy in
the Imperial Court.
In The Butterfly Dream, Pao fights
for a poor family against the family of Captain Ko who is
related to the Throne.. At the end of the play, Pao
secretly releases the son who has been sentenced to death
for killing Ko in revenge for his father's murder.
Pao
had another condemned prisoner executed in the place of
the son of the poor family.
Another example worth citing as an illustration of
the constant danger Pao runs in obtaining justice for the
oppressed is in Lu Chai Lang,
family.
Lu comes from a courtly
He robs whatever takes his fancy from the
ordinary folk - money, treasures, wives, daughters, and
so on,
Pao knows that it is most unlikely that the
Emperor would give official sanction to have Lu executed.
Therefore Pao submits the name of 6?,
as an
oppressor of women and the poor, and obtains a written
royal permission to take this man's life.
Then Pao takes
a brush and adds a few strokes to each of the characters
of the name so that it now reads ^
(Lu Chai Lang).
He executes Lu 'legally',
A similar problem confronts Pao in the case of The
Magic Music Box.
The villain, p'ang, is an influencial
officer of the local government.
Instead of sending men
to arrest him, which might give him a chance to resist and
take more lives, Pao invites him to dinner. During the
oourse of the meal, Pao asks for some music to entertain
- 50 -
his guest, and summons the ghost of the murdered man to
testify publicly against P'ang.
As a result p'ang does
not have the chance to finish his dinner or to leave
Pao's court alive.
In the above examples, it is clear that though the
Emperor trusts and respects Pao as Judge, the political
necessity of ensuring the survival of the ruling circle
often places the Crown in a hostile position to Pao's
actions*
Thus in protecting the poor, Pao has to defeat
not only the wishes of the nobility, but of the Emperor
himself*
This is by no means a light task for a single
man in feudal China*
The Yttan plays featuring Pao are written by men who
understand the social pressure against his just measures.
The dramatists realise that it would be false to present
justice as if it could be ottained through straight-forward
means in a corrupt society.. Their experience under Moiqgol
rule must confirm their belief that thejcourts of justice
are only instruments of the rulers, and that 'justice1
depends on the interests of those in power.
As Chief
Justice, Pao is also a 'tool' of the Establishment.
himself part of the ruling circle.
He is
But ironically,jhe
uses his position as an emissary of the law against the
power behind the law.
If Pao were not the Chief Justice
he would not have been able to work for the welfare of his
countrymen to the same extent.
Similarly, if Brecht's
village clerk Azdak (Der Kaukasische Kreidekreis) were not
pushed onto the throne of justice in a chaotic situation
by rebel soldiers, he would not have been able to protect
the interest of the people of his class.
In the eyes of
the ruling circle, both men are 'traitors'.
They were
meant to acquiese in protecting the interests of the rulers.
- 51 -
Instead they are on the people ' s side.
an 'Armeleuterichter'.
Like Azdak, Pao is
He too finds it necessary to depart
from the normally accepted conception of the law in order
to benefit, not thejlaw-makers, but the people.
Like
Azdak, he finds that if he wdntfe to bring justice to the
poor he nefeds to be well-armed with 'false measures'
("falschen Ma^en" (63)).
The depiction of how Pao wields
these 'false measures' against the dominating class is
the most positive feature of the group of Yttan plays
discussed here.
Pao's popularity in the YtJan plays reflect
the defiant spirit and the hope of a people under
suppression.
Pao.
The Hans project their ideas of justice in
In Pao, they find an answer to their social need.
(63) Stuecke 10, p.266
- 52 -
'Gut Versehn mit falschen Maffen'
In Der Kaukasische Kreidekreis Azdak, the village
clerk, is enthroned as judge by the soldiers and hailed
with the following words
1
Immer war der Richter ein Lump, so soli jetzt ein
Lump der Richter sein.' (64)
In the Yffan plays there are numerous ekamples of Judges and
Governors who are rascals.
A number of the court-trial
plays discussed here include a scene in the local courtroom where the innocent victim implicated in a conspiracy
is brought to trial.
The magistrate is usually drawn as
an illiterate, avaricious drunkard.
do anything.
He can be bribed to
He passes a sentence without a proper hearing
or with a staged hearing.- At the end of the play, when
Pao Ch£ng unmasks the villains, he also gives due
punishment to the magistrate.
These unsavory sketches of
local governments are drawn deliberately to satirize the
Yffan ruling class who are illiterate, brutal and corrupt.
They are often given ridiculous names which speak for their
character.
Such an example we can find in Selling Rice in
the Ch'£n Region.
The Governor of Ch'£n introduces
himself thus :-
* &
'
*
, .
/ t f c t f . - 1 1 *3 Ifi I; i t
%-%-k
us)
(The Governor recitesj) It's not bad at all to be
a Governor.. .Duties are easily dispersed with.
What I am most fond of are those fish and crabs
cooked in wine. My surname is Liao, and ray name
is Hua. I certainly enjoy my position as
Governor of Ch' £n.
(64) Ibid.T p.258
(65) Y.CrH. p.50 (Act 4)
- 53 -
Governor Laio Hua, which literally means Weed Flower, has
a new Secretary who is illiterate.
In Young Sh&n-Nu, the
local governor confesses that he and his Secretary are
like water and flour - they make a murky combination.(66)
The Prefect in The Chalk Circle. <frk M
, 'Su-with-the-
flexible-hand' , is capable of doing anything for the one
who offers him silver.
He prides himself on not knowing
the law and on saving the lives of many (who bribe him):t f
M
i f « K f f m i & •of ? i H
ai i r
Tit.#.-m-sliM
L
..
fit*
m
m
m
w M A x L
jfi i %
®1 fi
~
'X,.. ... (67) w .
.
(I am the Prefect of ChengChow, Su ShunTF( re cites)
Though I am in such a prestigous position, I
know nothing about the law. As long as the silver
pieces arrive, any suits or complaints can be settled.
These detestable commoners in ChengChow have no
respect for me. They know my weak nature, and they've
nicknamed me 'Su-with-the-flexible-hand', So now
everybody, far or near, knows me as 1 Su-with-theflexible-hand' . In my opinion, these so-called
'intelligent and siarp* guys in the government have
ruined many families with their judgement. But I,
this 'Su-with-the-flexible-hand', I have quietly
protected the lives of countless men.....
)
Su 4 s Secretary, Ch'ao, Mrs. Ma's lover, is her accomplice
in the murder of Ma and the condemnation of Hai-T'ang.
This is his self-introduction:-
($*]$ m
.
^ v.
st?. iS fit-" $ f o
.
f
jfc 1*t • —
m
t
t. -iti'VtiM &&• - f f l ' i f t u i < £ . .
(66) Ibid., p.568 (Act 2)
(67) Ibid., p.1116 (Act 2)
# S h u n - tame, obliging
(68) Ibid., p.1109 (Act 1)
« V
- 54 -
(Recites)My -chief amusement as Secretary is to
get drunk. I also love to sleep with other
people's wives. If you ask me whomI love most,
well..*., I just want to have a good time. My
surename is Ch'ao. I am Secretary of the
ChengChow Government Office. The people here
notice that I've some special abilities, and
they've given me two nicknames. One is 'Ch'aothe-leather-shoes', and the other fCh*ao-theKhitan-Tartar1.
Ch'ao's nicknames refer most probably to his attire.
Leather shoes are worn by the Mongolian nomads.
Khitan
is another name for Liao which occupied part of China
and co-existed with North Sung for a period.
Since there
is no definite mention whether Ch'ao is a Mongolian or a
descendant of the Liao Kingdom, the nicknames could just
refer to the fact that he is a Han who likes to emulate
the fashion of the invaders.
The reference to 'leather
shoes' probable denotes that he puts them to good use on
the bodies of his underlings.
Indirectly, the Ytfan
to
dramatists are able^attack and reveal the corruption in
the government.
In these plays, the rascally judge, for instance
'Su-with-the-flexible-hand', and the good judge Pao Ch&ng,
belong to two entirely different categories of people.
The former is presented on stage as a clownish figure,
with a painted-face which accentuates his despicable
character.
Pao, on the other hand, is presented as sedate,
austere, and commanding respect with his black painted-face
symbolising impeccable honesty.
Pao deviates from the
official line of the law when he cannot get justice for
the poor the straight way.
But he does not deviate so far
as to lower his dignity or his official image among the
people or his colleagues.
He keeps his position as Chief
Justice precisely because he is able to go along with the
ruling circle, to play their game and yet persistantly
- 55 -
remains on the side of the helpless in his judgement.
Azdak has the unique combination of a retaoally judge who is
at the same time a good judge for his fellow men*
He is
unashamedly vulgar, lascivious, gluttonous, and avaricious.
He receives bribes publicly and yet Is incorruptable in
his judgement.
The corrupt judges in the Chinese plays
are more accurately described as 'bandits' in disguise.
Pao Ch&ng belongs to the 'hero' class in drama.
Azdak
is a 'bandit hero'.
However different Pao and Azdak are in temperament,
and in the actual style in which they administer justice,
they are essentially doing the same work.
They are trying
to obtain justice for the poor in a society which is
hostile to this idea.
Pao the 'hero' and Azdak the 'bandit
hero' are different embodiments of the same purpose though
they achieve their goal differently.
to its proper role in society.
of justice.
Pao restores justice
Azdak introduces a new kind
Both are determined that justice should not
depend on the power interests of the country.
The law
should not be ambiguous and hence easily distorted in the
hands of the judges.
But given an unequal society where
material wealth is power, good judges, like Pao and Azdak,
will often have to make flexible interpretations of the
law so as to help the powerless.
In the same way that Pao is close to Azdak in the
nature of their work, he is close to the 'bandit heroes'
in Chinese literature.
The most well-known and respected
'bandit heroes' are the one-hundred-and-eight brotherhood
of men in Shih Nai-An's The Water Margin.
late Ytfan novelist.
history.
The author is a
The story is based on late North Sung
Quite a number of these bandits were originally
loyal civil servants or captains in the army.
They were
driven to be outcasts or had to outcast themselves in order
- 56 -
to escape death by foul conspiracy.
This is usually the
result of their having saved some unknown men or women
from the clasp of an oppressor.
chose
lU
These courageous men
(Liang-Shan), a strategic hideout, as their
headquarters * As bandits, they are even more singleminded in their aim to protect the poor from exploitations
from thejrich. 'Liang-Shan' is since synonymous with
bravery and just actions.
breakers .
The Liang-Shan heroes are law-
But they do so to relieve the needy.
Pao
Ch&ng breaks the official conception of the law for the
same reason.
This cult of the 'bandit hero' which exists up to
the present day in the popular literature of Hong Kong
and Taiwan dates back much further than the Ytfan Dynasty
when it appears often in drama as well.
In the T'ang
Dynasty, though much overshadowed by the quality of
the poetry, there was a type of popular novel
J|-
(ch'uan-ch'I) (69) which features the heroic deeds of
outlaws alongside other subjects such as historical
stories, love and the occult.
Li Shiu-San offers this
explanation for the genesis of the heroic tales in
(69) The term fj| ^
, ch'uan-ch1 i, requires clarification
as it carries different connotations in different
Dynasties. In the T'ang Dynasty it is the term used
for novels of the time; in the Sung Dynasty, the
same words are used to describe the love stories
which exist as one of the few types of short stories
of the oral tradition, the hua-pin.
(For a fuller explanation, see T'an Ch%ng-Pi,
Hua-p£n and Classical Drama. p,3-4)
In the Ming and Ch'ing Dynasties, the same term
is used for lengthy plays of thirty to fifty scenes.
- 57
ch'uan-ch'i :i
tjSut
*•
£ s U k - £ . £ £ $ iLU-fift f a.
ft-:;f#
>_+. <5
;'f i H £ j | %
&sLf
%3 - ' ^ "
y f z, ; £ _ & . * t M
:
L
£. A h -L /_& t-1 it. 4 sfL X' rdt- >t
(Since the An-Shih risings in the T'ang Dynasty,
the power of the Regional generals rose. Pear
and instability rocked the society. The people
lived in an atmosphere of continuous- rebellion
and crises. Their minds tended to visualise a
type of outlaw who foiight for justice and
equality, and who were always ready to deliver
the helpless from poverty and danger. These
heroic tales reflected broadly the
dissatisfaction felt by the people.)
These outlaws were revered by the commoners no less than
they revered Pao Ch£ng because they offered the latter
protection and relief from oppression.
Brecht's robber, Irakli, (Der Kaukasische
Kreidekreis) is a clear equivalent of the Chinese LiangShan heroes.
To the Old Woman (Die Alte), he is indeed
'der wundertaetige Sankt Banditus' (71), for as she
explains to Azdak in the trial
"ich frage, Euer Gnaden: Warm hat je einer arm en
alten Menschen einen Schinken gebracht ohne ein
Wunder?" (72)
(70) £
||s g pi;# < M h % h f i
f.
ifaL.f & •
Li Shiu-San, The Relationship between the Romance of
the T'ang Dynasty and the Stories of the Plays of the
Yflan and Ming Dynasties, pp.1077-1078,[M.A. Thesis,
University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1966 J
(71) Stuecke 10, p.267
(72) Ibid., p.269
- 58 -
Azdak recognises in this simple utterance the sufferings
of an age of misrule.
He begs her to take the Judge's
Seat and to pass merciful sentence on the rest of them
who are the 'damned'.
He addresses her as 'Muetterchen'
and 'Mutter Grusinien, die Schmerzhafte', 'Die Beraubte '(73)
Irakli the bandit is doing a similar service to the people
as Azdak the judge.
The latter realises this at once,
and that is why he treats Irakli with understanding and
respect.
He even calls the robber ' fromrner Mann'(74).
The Ytian social conditions and the fictitious
Grusinian social conditions have many common points.
These similarities will be perpetuated in societies where
there is class disparity.
Where such conditions exist,
unless there is a revolution, the people are driven to
find their own ways of survival.
are illegal ways.
Very often, the only ways
Pao Ch£ng and Azdak are very much
involved in their socieites.
They understand the problem
of survival facing their countrymen.
In order to help
the people these two judges break the law on their
behalf.
If they had not been 'Gut versehn mit
falschen Ma^en' like Irakli and the Liang-Shan bandits,
they would not have been able to bring relief to so many
fellow men.
• >
Ibid., p.270
- 59 -
Chang Hai-T'ang and her problem of survival
I mentioned earlier that the two equally important
motifs in Li's play are described in the t'i-mu (subject)
and ch^ng-ming (main title)
Chang Hai-T'ang kneels, wrongly accused, in K'aiP&ng-Fu; Judge Pao solves the mystery of the chalk
circle through his great intelligence (75)
I now refer to the picture which illustrates the T'i-Mu(76).
It shows Hai-T'ang in the foreground, bent beneath the
misery of her dejection, staring blankly into the river.
The two guards behind her seem to be deliberating whether
to throw her into the river at that stage or to do her in
when they reach the mountain region in the background.
The cluster of trees and horses outside the village walls
suggest a tranquil, silent indifference.
At first glance
this drawing is graphically less effective compared to the
one which shows Pao Ch^ng clearly in a dominating, god-like
position.
When one looks at the two pictures side-by-side,
one's attention is easily drawn from the first to the
second which appears so much more lively.
Some eventful
drama seems to be unfolding itself in the court scene.
The
illustration of Hai-T'ang on her way to K'ai-F^ng-Fu looks
more like a simple scenic drawing.
In giving these
impressions, the artist has captured successfully the
essence of the play.
Hai-T'ang1s plight, however
unfortunate or tragic, is somehow overshadowed by Pao's
chalk circle judgement at the end of the drama.
But if
one looks at Hai-T'ang's picture by itslef, the formerly
simple scenic background takes on a new character.
Its
peaceful, quiet indifference looms over Hai-T'ang.
It
(75) see this thesis, p. 23
(76) see this thesis, p. 24
-
60 -
makes her look extremely isolated and helpless.
This is
indeed the impression v?e have of her from the time of Ma's
death in the middle of Act One to the time when she
reconcile with her brother Chang Lin towards the end of
Act Three.
Hai-T'ang's misfortune is underplayed but not
understated in Li*s text.
The drawing skilfully manages to
convey the same impression.
The problems which face her
are different in the four Acts and a Prologue.
Fundamentally they are the same.
That is: how she is to
survive under the given circumstances.
The basic problem
of survival is not a simple one for a woman of her time
and her class.
In reading the play* one constantly notices the
hardiness and practicality of Hai-T'ang.
Li Hsing-Tao
does not sentimentalize over her fate as Klabund does.(77)
Li is involved with her misfortunes as social problems, not
as material for a melodrama.
Out of a simple story, he
creates a drama which reflects the social conditions of the
day intimately.
The contents do not narrow down to the
confines of a small family drama.
It is a social drama.
It is a critical reaction to unjust rule in an unequal
society.
The stage is used as a platform for dissention
and social criticism.
In the introduction to his admirable translation of
The Chalk Circle, Forke wrongly attributed 'glorification
of motherly love' to the popularity of the play.
He writes:*
"Das Stueck gehoert zu der Klasse der
Kriminaldramen', unter denen es wegen seiner
Grundidee, der Verherrlichung der Mutterliebe, eine
(77) see this thesis, pp.91-96
- 61 -
hohe Stellung einnimmt." ( j S )
First, the term fKriminaldramen1 could either refer to
tlA (Kung-An
/v.,
m.>f\ or
— jgjj
l&t.
Chtf)
(Tuan-ytf Chtf). The
latter was coined by Aoki Masura and first appeared in his
An Introduction to Ytfan Tsa-Chtf. (79)
'Tuan-ytf means :
to judge criminal cases; !Kung-an' means : public cases.
(80)
Both are terms much used by literary critics who
are concerned with categorising Ytfan drama neatly in
columns under specific subjects such as: family, the
supernatural, court-trials, love (between scholars and
ladies), love (with prostitutes), heroic, courtly and so
on.
Apart from this infatuation with lists and labels,
the term 'Kriminaldramen' is too broad and vague to have
any significance.
Secondly, the 'theme' of Li's play is
not the glorification of motherly love.
Hai-T'ang's love
for her son no doubt plays a part in the drama.
a minor one.
But only
The full title (ti-mu and ch^ng-ming) of
the Ytfan plays usually describes the central ideas
concisely and accurately.
I refer to the discussion on
the title of Li's play at the beginning of this section.
(81)
The two equally important motifs are clearly stated.
Li wants to show the injustice Hai-T'ang suffers.
Her
misfortunes are many : her prostitution, death of her
husband and the destitution which follows.
Her love, and
hence her unwillingness in relinquishing her child brings
(78) Alfred Forke, Binleitung (to Li Ssing-tau, Der
Kreidekreis), p.4 (jOesterreicher Nationalbibliothek,
Wien, Photo M 125 72, 819329-A, TH HS]
(In the RECLAM edition of Forke's translation of the
same, Li's name is spelt - Li Ssing-Dau. Forke?s
introduction is not printed in this version.)
(79) see this thesis, p.io note (9)
(80) see this thesis, p. 41
note (53)
(81) see this thesis, p.23
-
62
-
sufferings in the local court,
glorification of motherly love.
This Is a fact, not a
She pleads the pains of
motherhood in front of Pao Ch£ng, but she is only repeating
what is normally associated with motherhood.
Her refusal
to pull the child out of the circle confirms in Pao's
mind the kind of person she is.
It is not just a
confirmation of her love for her son, it also indicates
that she would not be the woman to poison a husband for
ulterior motives.
If the play is written for the
glorification of motherly love, one would naturally
expect some reference to this in the last scene.
When
Pao pronounces that Hai-T'ang can have her child back, we
do not find her weeping tears of joy or enthusing over her
son eloquently.
The only speech she speaks constitutes
the rather formal summing-up (which is a convention in
Ytian plays) which repeats Pao's sentences on the guilty.
Her love for her child serves as a clue which leads Pao
to solve the question of Ma's murder and Mrs. Ma's desire
to appropriate the family fortune.
Pao does not round up
his judgement on the chalk circle test with a glorification
of motherly love.
In the important speech where he says
"The meaning of the law may be far and hard to comprehend,
but the feelings of man are not so difficult to grasp...."
(82), it is clear that he is concerned with solving this
rather involved case In the most just way.
It is not his
aim to uphold this as an example of the greatness of
parenthood.
To say that Li's theme is the glorification of
motherly love is to disregard all the social implications
which makes this a greater play than a family drama.
One of the ten plays I have summarised is written
e this thesis, p.151
- 63 -
in praise of motherly love.
What makes the motherly love
striking and moving in The Butterfly Dream(33) is that
Mrs. Wang, faced with the horrible dilemma of having to
consent to one of her three sons being executed, chooses
to sacrifice her own offspring in order to save the lives
of his two step-brothers.
If Brecht had come across this
play, he would probably have been greatly attracted by
the contents.
The full title of this play is twice as
long as a normal one.
The 'ch&ng-ming' (the second half
of the full title) reads?3 $ P{ i
iff tw)
(Old Mrs. Wang virtuously takes the side of her
stepsons.
Pao the Judge solves the riddle of the
Butterfly Drama after three careful
deliberations)
The Butterfly Dream itself is a way of crowning Mrs. Wang's
love for her stepsons.
It shows that the heavens are so
moved by this love that they inspire this dream in Pao
to help him do justice to this woman.
Hai-T'angfsmost outstanding quality is not motherly
love, but a hardy, practical approach to the daily
problems of survival which demand great courage from a
woman of her time and her situation.
In this respect,
Brecht's Grushe comes so much closer to the Chinese heroine
than the fragile creations of Klabund and 'von Guenther. (85)
In the feudal Chinese world, there were extremely
few professions open to women.
That is why parents placed
such importance on arranged marriages.
They hoped to
select a husband who would provide comfortably for their
daughter.
Society did not provide for women's welfare if
(83) see Appendix, p.*t°5
(84) Y.C.H., p.646
(85) see this thesis,pp. 91-96, 120-132.
- 64 the male bread-winners were incapacitated.
As a result,
many were pressured into selling themselves to brothels
or rich families as maids or concubines.
Hai-T'ang is one of the many victims of a feudal
and hierarchical community riddled with prejudices,
inequality and corruption.
She was a prostitute when she
met Lord Ma, a rich man in the same region.
Mrs. Chang,
her mother, explains in the Prologue that the Changs too
were a respectable family before ill-luck struck:#t.<.&/• a
*
& e fit. ,S
•s. <8
|
i,
'•*••&&&
% $ - . t jL
auy#.
J$
&#.
t & ff 1"f -"t t. (u )
(This old woman here is a native of the Ch&ng
Region. My name is Liu, my husband's name is
Chang. He is dead and gone for many years now.
We have only one son and one daughter. The son
is called Chang Lin. I have tried to have him
taught reading and writing. The girl is named
Hai-T'ang. I don't need to point out that she
is endowed with great beauty, she Is also
extremely intelligent. She has learnt the art
of chin ( 8 7 ) , chess, calligraphy and painting.
As for other musical instruments and dancing,
she has mastered them all. For seven
generations, our family has done well In the
Court Examinations. Unfortunately, when it
comes to my generation, the family fortunes
(86) Y.C.H.» p.1107 (Prologue)
( 8 7 ) chin - a musical instrument
- 65 -
declined, and I have no one tc support me.
I am left with no alternative but tc allow
my daughter to prostitute herself in order
to keep us alive.)
Hai-T'ang has to prostitute herself to support her family
which includes a brother who chides her for her low
profession but who is unable to shoulder the burden of
feeding the three.
over her fate.
Li Hsing-Tao does not sentimentalise
As Mrs. Changes words in the Prologue show,
Hai-T'ang1s prostitution is a necessity under the
circumstances if they are to survive•
They have no
alternative, and therefore it is pointless to indulge in
self-pity because of a profession which they have been
compelled to choose.
We do not hear Hai-T'ang complaining
about her life in the Prologue,
She has immediate and
practical problems to solve.
One persistent problem is her brother Chang Lin.
He has given the family no peace since Hai-T'ang became
a prostitute.
In the Prologue, he takes leave of his
mother because he says he cannot endure being ridiculed
anymore by others for his sister's shame:-
• & &-*-'*
t *11 %. -f! 4. $
i
nk
#
f1
\<u cm
(Mother, my grandfathers' families have
always distinguished themselves In the
Examinations. This has been so for seven
generations. But now this cheap little
baggage here got herself entangled with
such shameful and corrupting business*
Just you tell me how I can ever stand in
front of people now, and how I shall hope
to make a living!)
(88) Y.C.H.-P.1107
-
66 -
He demonstrates his anger to his sister in words and fists:l
-i•• 5"
?|j
TO
%
(gD
(You shameless tart! You involve yourself in
sudh dealings! Though you are not bothered by
others1 jedrs, I am. Oh, how I want to beat
you up, you cheap baggage!)
Chang Lin's resentment is probably a result of his being
conscious of living off a sister's prostitution as much as
it is a result of social pressure.
Hai-T'ang is not one to stand insults silently
from a man she works to support*
In fact her first words in
the play are angry words addressed to Chang Lin.
She hears
her brother insulting her in front of their mother.
She
bursts in saying:-
ti
i
fftt")
(Brother, you pride yourself on being a man
of honour, why don't you try and keep your
mother alive!)
• In Hai-T'ang's situation, the best thing she can
do to secure a means of support for herself and her mother
is to marry into a good family.
This is not as easy as it
sounds because of her profession.
She is fortunate in that
she is not forced into marrying anyone.
She marries Lord
Ma as his concubine of her own free will.
Prom the
Prologue, it seems that she was only deterred from doing so
for some time because her mother fears that her livelihood
would be jeopardized once Hai-T'ang got married.
But as
soon as Ma presents his betrothal gift of one-hundred taels
(89) Ibid., p.1107
Ibid., p.110?
- 67 -
of gold, Mrs. Chang feels happy to let her daughter go.
This does not appear as greed on the mother's part.
She
has to be cautious about money otherwise she will starve.
Li Hsing-Tao sees survival as a daily problem facing the
poor.
Brecht shares the same interest in writing about
the life of poverty with sympathetic realism.
Grushe had
to bargain with the Old Man over the price of a little milk
for Michel. (91) But Brecht wants to make absolutely
clear the reason for his behaviour.
In 'Widersprueche im
Kaukasischen Kreidekreis"', he writes
"Der Bauer, der seine Milch der Grusche teuer
verkauft, hilft ihr danach freundlich, das Kind
aufheben. Er ist nicht geizig, er ist arm. (9^)
In her notes to the photographic survey of Brecht's
production of Der kaukasische Kreidekreis (where she acted
the part of Grushe), Angelika Hurwicz points out that in
the scene where Grushe's marriage of convenience takes place,
the stage properties are so arranged as to stress the
smallness of the house.
Brecht wants to show that Jussup's
mother consents to the arrangement out of need.
to show the power money has over the poor.(93)
He wants
Jussup's
(9 1 ) Stuecke 10, pp. 177-178
(92) Materialien, p.24
(93) Brecht inszeneirt Der kaukasische Kreidekreis, Text
von Angelika Hurwicz, Fotos von Gerda Goedhart,
(Friedrich Yerlag, Velber bei Hannover 1964 }Hereafter
cited in the text as Brecht inszeniert (the pages
are unnumbered, each photograph is accompanied by
A. Hurwicz!s comments under a short caption in
italics, I shall refer to the photographs by the
words in the caption.)
- Das Kind bekommt einen Vater
- Das Wichtigste geschieht
- 68 -
small house is full of neighbours who have come partly
out of curiosity to see the bride who marries a dying man,
but mostly to feast on the funeral cakes.
This is an
indication of the poverty of the neighbourhood. (94)
Hai-T'ang confronts the problem of survival anew
when her husband, Ma, dies.
Her initial reaction is horror
and then fear for the future of herself and her young son:S *f\
ft
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(Oh, my lord, do open your eyes and recover
your senses I (sings) Why has this deathly
yellow surged up your face? Why do you stare
with such horrible blankness in your eyes? Ah I
how my courage suddenly leaves me and ray soul
seems to wither and die. I cannot control my
flood of tears. I see with my own eyes these
outstretched, lifeless limbs and this life
departing, never to return. You have left
behind you. many houses and fields, your two
wives, and your five-year-old son. From now
on we will have no-one to support us, no-one to
cherish us. I shall be a widow all my life,
and my son, an orphan. My son, who shall
you rely on in the future?)
Her reference to 'houses and fields' is not a sign that she
has become property-minded and avaricious.
The future
livelihood of herself as a widowed concubine with a child
is bleak indeed.
Ibid., "Das Fest schreitet fort"
.C.H., p.1114 (Act 1)
- 69 -
Li Hsing-Tao presents Hai-T'ang as a practical
person with a strong will to survive.
When she realises
that it is Mrs. Ma, the first wife, who has poisoned their
husband, she knows that it is not within her means to avenge
Ma there and then.
Her first problem is how to stay alive
and out of the reach of Mrs. Ma.
She asks to be allowed
to leave quietly:-
•9A.iL. I
f % • I I'J
fa
j& & £H
(n)
(Sister, since our lord is no longer around,
I have no wish to possess any of the properties
in this family, whether big or small. I only
ask to be allowed to leave with my child.)
But Mrs. Ma is a quick-thinking woman, and she at once
foresees the importance of claiming the heir in case
problems concerning inheritance should arise later.
She
insists that the child is her own offspring, and proposes
two alternatives to Hai-T'ang:
t.*?
jf- & $h
<1-&)%L & . K
is
(If you want a private settlement, then all the
money, houses, other properties and the child
are all mine. You just take your blesses self
as you are out of the door. If you vjantfa public
public settlement, ah, you have poisoned your'
husband, what a weeny little crime this isl
I shall drag you in front of the judge.)
(96) Ibid.T p.1114
(97) Ibid., p.1114
- 70 -
These two proposals leave Hai-T'ang with no choice but to
risk facing Mrs. Ma's accusations in front of the local
government.
She will not part with her child.
% M
%< if. t> f
She retorts:•
ijs)
(I honestly have not poisoned my husband, why
should I be afraid? I'd rather go with you to
court.)
Before they enter the court-room, Mrs. Ma tries to threaten
Hai-T'ang into consenting to her 'private settlement' by
reminding her of the severe tortures for criminals.
Hai-
T'ang does not deign to retreat at this stage;-
1f'Hi.il. f fi $r-L
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ft
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ij i
f
$
r a i l
l-fcl
- n
$j iJk'li_
r: ftj-lf..
$9 fi-f M
. (11)
(Since you say that you want this settled in
court, why do you now try to save me from
tortures. I think homicide should be
investigated thoroughly until the crime is
solved. I am not going to admit to poisoning
my husband when I have not done it. I am not
going to fall into someone's trap so blandly.
I have before me examples of chaste and heroic
women, and I shall not fear interrogations and
persuasions. They can cane and crush me to
death if they will.)
In the court-room Hai-T'ang answers questions about her past
and present life calmly.
She also points out that Mrs. Ma
had Ma's body cremated and buried immediately so as to wipe
Ibid,. p.1114
U> p.1116 (Act 2)
- 71 -
out any chance for an autopsy. (100) She repeatedly denies
the charges and the falfie witness the neighbours bear
against her.
It is only when she is tortured again and
again that she finally yields and pleads guilty.
As the
newly made nine-and-a-half-catty kang is lowered over her
head, she cries:-
\ $ If as 0 c$ fi_t\ o°>)
( •'Oh, you venomous lords and civil servants I
How often have you oppressed the likes of me.
In your muddle-headedness you made me admit to
this crime. I cry here unto the heavens, but
the heavens are high. When shall I look
forward to the time when an incorruptible judge
will come I)
To be tried before a fair-minded judge is a
rarety.
In the next Act, when the prison guards escorting
her ask her why she has poisoned her husband and
appropriated the first wife's child, she replies:I'i K
$
&
./it
L&ti
(When can I shed this heavy burden of crime on
me I With whom can I share my bellyful of
grievance? I have been robbed of my child, I
have been accused of poisoning my husband. I
could not stand the tortures, and I did not
chance to meet with an incorruptible government.)
She uses the verb
which means to cross someone's or some
object's path accidentally.
Ibid., p.1118
(
) Ibid., p.1120
(102) Ibid., p.1121 (Act 3}
101
This shows how little she
- 72 -
expects justice from the governing class. She pleads guilty
iU
because it seems that^best she can do then is to stay alive
as long as possible.
In the Third Act, Hai-T'ang is escorted to K'aiF%ng-Fu to have her sentence approved and executed.
She
meets her brother on the way and seizes the chance to explain
how and why she has been wrongly accused and begs for his
help.
Shortly after, when Chang Lin and the guards are
buying wine at an inn, she spots Mrs. Ma and her lover
Ch'ao coming their way.
She and Chang Lin pounce on them
in an attempt to catch the culprits together.
have been bribed by Ch'ao.
But the guards
They give the conspirators a
warning signal" and the pair escape.
When we compare the reactions of Klabund's and von
Guenther's Haitangs to their misfortunes with those of Li's
Hai-Trang, we see how distant the former writers are from
the real issues of the situation which they themselves have
created for their characters.
But we could put Grushe in
Hai-T'ang's place and know that she would be guided by the
same sense of survival and practicality.
The only difference
may be that Grushe would be much less articulate than
Chang Hai-T'ang.
- 73 The language of realism
Li Hsing-Tao sees Hai-T*ang's misfortunes as social
problems.
Therefore the language he uses cannot be divorced
from the vernacular.
Literary critics of drama very often
look down on the colloquialisms and the occasional
vulgarity in The Chalk Circle.
They seem to forget that
with the exception of Pao ChSng, none of the characters in
the play come from a class where the finess of language
matters.(103)
Colloquialism is rich in liveliness and vulgarity.
The most picturesque language in the play comes from those
in the lower strata of the social scale - the court
attendants, the wine-seller, the midwives.
If we compare
Li's and Klabund's treatment of the incident where the
midwives appear in court to testify against Hai-T'ang, we
will see how removed Klabund's presentation is from Li's
lively and critical realism.
Li's midwives and neighbours are quite at home in
their roles as false witnesses.
Prom the conversation among
themselves as they appear on stage, we sense that the
buying of false witnesses must be a common occurance:-'
'stL% 16)&1&. ffi ti ,ffi?*] f 4 , 4
(.-~>ta ;i5
t v « $
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ft 4.81 iifc .xt&ftVikW-L-if
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s
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w
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rm
% k L t- .5 i'Li
04 & "h
01 i-ttj-IS <j-°t
(103) seethis thesis, pp.13-14
- 74 -
tl_$% jLji-6 '$ti >i pj 4 <- A-#"- K
<ib H\ £
ii- "A ^ *?& t,
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ft
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An attendant (exits and calls)- You old women and
neighbours, the Court summons you.
(Two middle-aged men as neighbours enter with two
clown-like(105) old women) One of the men: We've
often heard: You who receive money from others
should ward off disaster for others. How the
court case of Mrs. Ma, the first wife of Lord Ma,
is being heard, and we are summoned as witnesses.
This child is not hers, but we have received her
silver pieces, and so we say It is hers. You've
no need to fear the beating, just sound muddled.
The second man and the old women: We know that.
(They follow the Attendant, and kneel): We are
present.
Secretary Ch'ao: Are you the neighbours? Whose
child is this?
The two men: Lord Ma was a rich man. The likes of
us of course had no dealings with him normally.
Five years' ago, his first Mrs, gave birth to a
son, so us neighbours each contributed three
silver cents as a gesture for congratulating him.
The Lord in return invited all of us to the
child's month-old celebration feast. We saw that
it was quite a handsome little fellow. After
that, every year on the child's birthday, the
Lord and the first Mrs. would take their son to
every temple for prayers. This is something that
the whole town witnessed, not just the few of us
here.
(104) Y.C.I., p.1118
(105) in the Chinese theatre, the part of old women are
often acted by men, hence it is easy to make the
"women" look clownish, if that is the desired effect.
- 75 Secretary Ch f ao: This surely indicates that the
first wife is the mother.
Hai-T'ang: My lord, the neighbours have been
bribed by her. You cannot rely on their words.
The two men: We are incorruptable. All that we'-ye
said are truths from the heart, if we've lied
in as much as half a statement, may there be a
vicious boil as large as a bowl on your mouth.
The two men do not go out of their way to defend Mrs. Ma.
They manage to sound like simple folk re-telling what they
saw happening.
They even swear honestly, they do not wish
themselves ill.
Li's skill in portraying the minds of the
poor people who are willing to sell their service and moral
principles for money is further shown in the midwives'
testimony:-
.
i ikiLL' - d
f • »r
11 •£.$
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(t& ipy-u.
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£ - m l v 6 - 5 - W i\ |
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i|-LttiLA-iiht-ifL
-
&
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Secretary Ch'ao: You, old woman, who is the mother
of this child?
Liu (a clownish woman): As a midwife I deliver at
least seven or eight a day, this happened such
a long while ago, how can I remember.
Secretary Ch'ao: This child is only five years
old. It's not very long ago. You just say
honestly who has borne it.
Y.C.H., p.1119
- 76 Liu: Let me try and remember* That day In the
delivery-room, it -was all shut up and as black as
a hole, it was difficult to recognise people's
faces. But I felt with my hand, and the vagina
seemed to be the first Mrs.'s.
Secretary Ch'ao: oh, godl You, old Mrs, Chang,
your turn.
Chang (a clownish woman): On that day, their
family fetched me to shave the hair of the
little one. It was held in the arms of the
first Mrs.. I saw her two big white breasts,
they looked as if they were full of milk. They
had to belong to somebody who'd just given birth,
otherwise there couldn't have been so much milk
for feeding. Of course the child was borne by
the first Mrs..
fhe two women have been bribed by Mrs. Ma..
They would not
dare to testify against her of course, but it is interesting
to see that they do not say they know for sure Mrs. Ma is
the physical mother.
They lie, but they do do defensively.
One excuses herself by saying that the room was too dark,
and the other says that she is only guessing from the
appearance of Mrs. Ma's breasts as she held the child.
Probably they are afraid of perjuring themselves too much.
They are clever enough to word their testimonies in such a
way that Mrs* Ma cannot accuse them of not fulfilling their
duties.
They are not card-board figures created to fill a
necessary but minor role.
either.
They do not appear to be servile
They are cunningly wise in their own way.
Klabund gives the same incident a completely
different flavour.
The Hebamme is drawn as a comic figure.
She is turned into a Buechner type character who confuses
words and delights in silly punning.
Klabund develops
this scene as comedy for the entertainment of the
bourgeoise audience.
The behaviour of the common people is
seen as clownish and comical.
This detracts from the
court-scene and the question of justice which are important
- 77 in the Chinese play and in Brecht's.
Li's play was written
for the middle-class of his time, but its contents and
style go beyond bourgeoise appeal.
Klabund's trivialization
of the scene is quite clearly done on purpose:(
Frau Ma erscheint. Frau Ma winkt einer
dicken Frau, der Hebamme; zieht sie in die Mitte
des Raumes.)
FRAU MA: Vorsicht, treten Sie nicht in den
Kreidekreis, sonst werden Sie selbst angeklagt,
Oder der Zauberkreis bannt Sie.
HEBAMME: 0 je, o je, wie habe ich's nur verdient,
aufs Gericht zu kommen. Die Schande, die
Schandei 0 je, o je, mein Herz schlaegt, als
sollte es mir die Brust zerschlagen. Was wird
mein Mann sagen? ich habe solche Angst, Frau
Ma. Was wird mit mir geschehen? Wird man mich
foltern?
FRAU MA: Reden Sie keinen Uhsinn, Frau Lien. Sie
sind nur hier als Zeugin geladen. Sie sollen
zeugen HEBAMME: 0 je, o je, ich glaubte immer, dass nur
die Maenner zeugen koennen, wovon ich ja in
meinem Berufe mich hinlaenglich ueberzeugen
konnte, und nun soil ich selbst zeugen?
FRAU MA: Sie sollen Zeugnis ablegen, Frau Lien,
dass der Knabe Li mein Kind ist und nicht das der
Haitang.
HEBAMME: Aber wie soli ich dieses Zeugnis ablegen,
da es doch nicht wahr ist?
FRAU MA: Pst!
HEBAMME: War ich doch selbst es, die die
Nabelschnur zwischen dem Kinde und der Frau
Haitang trennte.
FRAU MA: Frau Lien, Sie irren sich! Hier haben
Sie zwangzig Goldtaels, tun Ihrem Gedaechtnis auf
die richtige Spur zu helfen.
HEBAMME: Frau Ma sind zu guetig, zu gnaedig zu
einer arraen, alten Frau. Ja, ja, ja, ja, jetzt
daemmert es mir, mir ist da in der Daemmerung
eine Verwechslung unterlaufen - ich habe Sie und
Haitang verwechseltl Diese Haitang ist eine
stolze und hochmuetige Person, und obwohl aus
dera gleichen niedrigen Stande wie ich, hat sie
nie ein freundliches Wort fuer mich gehabt.
Immer von oben herabl
FRAU MA: Da ist es ja wohl kein Wunder, dass sie
H e r m Ma, (schluchzend)
meinen geliebten Mann, vergiftet hat.
- 78 -
HEBAMME: Was Sie nicht sageni Vergiftet? Ja, ja,
ja, ja, es gibt boese Menschen auf der Welt. Da
kann ja auch wohl das Kind nicht von ihr sein.
FRAU MA: Kommen Sie nach Schluss des Prozesses zu
mir nach Haus, ich habe noch einige abgelegte
Kleider, glaenzend erhalten, es wird sich
gewiss noch ein Staatskleid fuer Sie darunter
finden.
HEBAMME: Meinen innigsten lank, Frau Ma.
(Kuesst ihr die Hand.)
Frau Ma sind zu guetig zu mir, zu herablassend,
(107)
When Frau Lien is called to bear witness, Klabund's
lengthy and circumlocutory style cannot bear comparison
with Li's brusqueness, earthiness, and realism:TSCHU: Wir wollen zu diesem Punkt die Hebarame
vernehmen, die der Mutter bei der Geburt des
Knaben Li in ihren Wehen behilflich war. Treten
Sie vor, Frau Lieni
HEBAMME: ojje, o je, womit habe ich das verdient,
vor dem hohen Gerichtshof erscheinen zu muessen.
TSCHAO: Fuerchten Sie sich nicht, gute Frau! Sie
haben nur der bereits soeben erwaehnten vierten
Kardinaltugend, der Wahrheit, die Ehre zu geben.
HEBAMME: Ich werde mir die Ehre geben, der Ehre
die Ehre zu geben.
TSCHU: Also wie war der Hergang?
HEBAMME: Der Hergang war daraals ein grosser Hin und Hergang, als der Knabe Li geboren wurde.
TSCHAO (zu Tschu): Die gute Frau sfceht dem
gebildeten Idiom, das Eure Exzellenz zu sprechen
belieben, unverstaendlich gegenueber.
HEBAMME: Alles, was recht ist, oder alles, was
unrecht ist; beleidigen lassen brauch ich mich
auch von dem hohen Gerichtshof nicht. Wenn ich
auch eine einfache Frau aus dem Hefeteig des
Volkes bin, ein Idiom bin ich darum noch
laengst nicht.
HAITANG: Frau Lien, Sie waren es doch, die mir
bei der Geburt des Knaben die Schnur geloest
hat! Frau Lien, erkennen Sie mich denn nicht
wieder?
(lOy)Klabund - der himmlische Vagant, pp.497-498, ^
(Kiepenhauer & Witsch, 1968. j(Hereafter cited in the
text as Klabund)
- 79
HEBAMME (dicht herantretend); Ich bin ein wenig
kurzsichtig und muss Sie ~ir dsshalt a--;.s der
Naehe betrachten.
TSCHU: Frau Lien, erkennen Sie der Angeklagte?
HEBAMME: Ich kenne die Angeklagte schon. Es Ist
die Haitang, die Nebenfrau des verstorbenen
hochgeborenen H e r m Ma, Fo hab ihn seligl
TSCHU: Und Ist sie die Mutter des Knaben Li?
HEBAMME: Sie hat den Knaben wohl oft auf den
Armen getragen, gewartet und in den Schlaf
gewiegt, wie es die Pflicht der Nebenfrau ist;
aber die Mutter des Knaben ist .jene! (zeigt auf
Frau Ma.) Obwohl das Zimmer dertfoechnerinwie
ueblich verhaengt war und man in der Dunkelheit
kaum die Mutter vom Kinde unterscheiden konnte,
so ist doch kein Zweifel, dass Frau Ma den
Knaben geboren hat. (108)
Li excels
in capturing the essence of a way of life
through the characters' own words.
Act Three begins with
the Wine-seller's self-introduction:-
(This house sells its wine quickly. For
cleanliness and fast relief there is none to
rival me. Next to my thatched lavatory I embed
my huge urn of wine, I take off my trousers and
lo, they become my "wine-press".)
He is less confident and happy about his trade at the end of
of the scene.
The guards thwart Chang Lin's attempt to
arrest Mrs. Ma and Ch'ao. (110)
This results In a fight
between the men, and they leave without paying for the
wine.
The wine-seller then turns woefully towards the
audience and says that such incidents happen too often
and that it is more profitable for him to poach than to
run a small business.
His self-introduction reveals that
his wine is of doubtful quality, and that he is a bit of a
(108) ibid., pp.502-503
(I°9) Y.C.H., p.1121
(110) see this thesis, p.72
-
8o -
crook in his business.
But at the end of the scene, one is
more kindly disposed towards him as one sses that he runs
into bigger crooks so often that in order to survive he
cannot be honest.
Li Hsing-Tao employs social criticism
in his portrayal of the little man in a most entertaining
and yet sharply critical manner.
The same can be said about the episode of the fight
between Chang Lin and the guards.
When Chang Lin realises
that the guards have helped Ch'ao and Mrs.
to escape, he
wants to assert authority over them and beat them up:-
(ft # $ 4 - • J*- 3_||
rj
« k •
tr- # i f & & u - M i
4 ^4 • & t]ft--ti
fs f
£ i &
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£ * ) » ! * $ f f j i f|4c
Chang Lin: Hey, you guards, you mule, you beasts I
You and he work for the same government officer,
and you signalled to them to escape. I am a
captain from Kai-F&ng-Fu, what if I give you a
good beating, I am certainly not afraid of you
taking me to court for itl (he beats them)
Tung Ching: You are my superior oh yes, you can
beat me. But this woman happens to be a
r
prisoner under my charge, and I can beat her.
(he beats the heroine of the play.)
Most Ytfan plays feature the life of small urban areas
and often they are very frank about people's sexual parts
V''
which are taboo among the more refined classes.
In her
self-introduction at the beginning of Act One, Mrs. Ma
refers lewdly to Ch'ao*s private parts as being as huge
as that of a mule(/ft^j^_/|L ~'tu
IS
'"A ff
). (112) When angry, Chang Lin's appellations
(111) Y.C.H7, p.1124
E
-
81
-
for women (such as his sister and Mrs. Ha) are many and
varied.
And when Hai-T'ang Is pushed to the end of her
tether by Mrs. Ma, she has no qualms about calling her
names either.
In the middle of Act One, when Mrs. Ma
accuses her in front of their husband of having an
adulterous affair, Hai-T'ang has a very vivid way of
describing this maligning:(ff
i m i
tojuc
* U
-&4jt * I
a ji ,ff%{
j f u j6
%• &
jgjsj - us.
a jh-un)
Hai-T'ang (sings): She says that I carry on with
an adulterous lover in secret, she says that I
have a strong tongue for denial, she does not
hesitate to give me a debauched name. Ah,
sister, this is just as if you are tipping a
pot of shit over our husband's head.
Literary drama critics were not interested In the
lively realism and great simplicity of the language
because of their criteria.
They look for refinement in the
lyrics which would be totally out of place in The Chalk
Circle.
The chalk circle play-proper of Brecht comprises
very different styles of language.
There is stark poetic
lyricism in the words of the Singer and the Chorus.
When
Grushe leaves Michel at the door of a farm-couple and
then watches him being picked up and taken indoors by the
wife, the Singer and Chorus tell her contradicting thoughts
in the following verses:DER SAENGER: Warum heiter, Heimkehrerin?
DIE MUSIKER: Weil der Hilflose sich
Neue Eltern angelacht hat, bin ich
heiter. Weil ich den Lieben
Los bin, freue ich mich.
DER SAENGER: Und warum traurig?
(H3)Ibid., p.1113
- 82
-
BIB MUSIKER: Weil ich frei und ledig gehe, bin
4.ch trfturig
Wie ein Beraubter
Wie ein Verarmter. (114)
This describes her conflicting interests simply and
precisely.
The stark syntax is characteristic of the
poetry in this play.
Brecht can write lyrically.
He can also write in
a vulgar, lifelike and entertaining way.
Azdak's first
speech in the play describes the pitiable and yet
despicable situation of the Grandduke at the ebb of his
power.
His description is most graphic:AZDAK: Schnaub nicht, du bist kein Gaul. Und es
hilft dir nicht bei der Polizei, wenn du
laeufst wie ein Rotz im April. Steh, sag
ich.
Setz dich
nieder und futtre, da ist ein Stueck
Kaese.
Lang nlchts gefressen?
Warum bist du so gerannt, du
Arschloch? Der Polizist haette dich
ueberhaupt nicht gesehen.
DER FLUECHTLING: Musste.
AZDAK: Bammel?
Schiss? Furcht?
Hm. Schmatz nicht wie ein Grossfuerst
oder eine Saul.......
(115)
Azdak's language is shockingly accurate in his crude and
pungent analysis of situations or people.
There are many
illustrations of this In his trials.
The speeches of the ruling circle - the Fat Prince,
the Governor and his wife - are a mockery of themselves
and what they say.
At the beginning of the play, the Fat
Prince talks about changes in the war situation as they
were trivial conversational topics like the weather
"......Was hoert man vom Krieg, Bruder Georgi?
(Auf die abwinkende Geste des Gouverneurs:) Ein
strategischer Rueckzug, hoere ich? Nun, das sind
kleine Rueckschlaege, die es immer glbt. Einmal
es besser, einmal schlechter.
pp.237 - 238
- 83 Kriegsglueck.
Es hat wenig Bedeutung, vie?"'116)
To those who direct the war from afar, war is of course
more of a strategic game than a catastrophe.
In Act Five,
while the Governor's wife is waiting for the judge to
preside over the trial, she explains to her First Lawyer
that she is really rather fond of the simple folk, it is
only their smell which repels her:"....Ich liebe das Volk mit seinem schlichten,
geraden Sinn, es ist nur der Geruch, der mir
Migraene macht." (117)
The Grusinian commoners are rich in their
proverbial sayings and colourful references to country life.
The Cook (Koechin) uses the phrase - "Und ein geborgter
Rock haelt auch warm, wie?" (118) - to describe Grushe's
affection for another's child.
In the same scene (Act
Five), when two soldiers come in looking for the judge, she
says that she hopes all is well with Azdak, for if it were
any other judge, the likes of Grushe would stand less
chance of a fair judgement 'than a chicken has teeth'
("als ein Huhn Zaehne im Mund hat"). (119)
Compared with the lively realism In Li's and
Brecht's works, the excessive sentimentality in Klabund's
and von Guenther's appear most artificial.
Affectation
and triviality pervade von Guenther's plot and language.
He sets his play in the Capital city, Peking.
The stage
directions in Act 1 tells us that Tschang-lin's house .
gives the impression of luxury in decline,
Von Guenther
seems anxious to invest his scenes with an oriental
atmosphere.
He often takes great pains to allude to the
(116)
149
(117) Ibid., pp.
(118) Ibid., E
(119) Ibid., p.279
- 84 -
oriental decor or to punctuate his characters' words with
oriental terms.
than Chinese.
But the setting of Act 1 is more Japanese
Mats and cushions decorate the floor.
Tschang-lin sits on a cushion and Munglan kneels on one
while she does her hair. (120)
in Act 2, the Weinschenk
reassures Ma of a sumptuous dinner with the words: "Die
Haifisch-flossen roesten am Feuer" (121)
Roasted sharksfin
is a dish the Chinese have not yet discovered.
However, Chinoiserie is not von Guenther's worst
fault.
What mars the play most is that it is so obviously
tailored as a piece of light bourgeois entertainment.
The
language often expresses the worst in middle-class
mentality.
When Haitang hears that she is to marry Ma,
her first reaction is
"Mich, ein Maedchen aus gutem Hause, von Peking
nach Tscheng-tschou in die Provinz? Ich soli
die Gattin eines Pfandleihers werden? Aelterer
Bruder treibt den Scherz zu welt." (122)
A minute before this speech, Haitang tells Tschang-lin that
she and the scholar Liu-Po are willing to defer their
marriage until Liu-Po has achieved something in the
society.
When she is told that she is to marry someone
else, one would expect her to express anger or surprise at
her brother's insensitivity to her love for Liu-Po.
But
she seems much more surprised at the brotherfs
insensitivity to her high-born quality.
She considers it
beneath her to marry a pawnbroker (let alone be his
concubine) who lives in 'the Province' instead of the
Capital.
J. von Guenther, Der Kreidekreis (ein Spiel in sechs
Bildern nach dem Altchinesischen - Li Hsing-Tao),p.3
(l.Bild,l. Auftritt) (philipp Reclam Jun.,Stuttgart,
Ibid., p.21 (2. Bild, 4. Auftritt)
i., pp.? - 8 (l.Bild, 2. Auftritt)
- 35 -
A vast distance lies between the earthiness of Li
and Brecht, and the affectation of Klabund and von
Guenther.
The differences are so great and so absolute
that there are no grounds for comparisons.
One can only
point out that the language of these plays reflect their
authors' intentions and ways of thinking.
SECTION TWO
KLABUND AND VON GUENTHER
-
INADEQUATE ADAPTATIONS
subheadings:
- Klabund's chalk circle(s)
pp.90 - 99
- Tschang-Ling and his befuddled
'awakening'
pp.99 - 113
- von Guenther on Chinese drama
pp.113 - 120
- "Schuld und Suehne"
pp.120 - 126
- Love or justice?
pp.126
- A question of social commitment
pp.132 - 133
132
-
86 -
In their adaptations, Klabund and von Guenther shew
that they have not" understood the full sociological
implication of Li Hsing-Tao's play.
This chapter proposes
to show to what extent this lack of perception affects
their re-creations based on the original material.
A
comparative study of how Klabund, von Guenther, and Brecht
make use of the subject of the chalk circle will show three
distinctly and vastly different ways of thinking.
It is useful to the discussion to look back at the
impact Klabund's Der Kreidekreis made on the German stage
in the 1920's.
The premiere took place in Frankfurt and
Hannover on the same date - January 3 1925«
Sax
Reinhardt directed the performance at" the Deutsches Theater
Berlin on October 20 of the same year. (123)
performance which Brecht saw.
It was this
Monty Jacobs' review
appeared on October 21j he writes:"Bis gestern war Berlin die einzige deutsche
Theaterstadt geblieben, auf deren Buehnen
Klabunds Bearbeitung des alten chinesischen
Spiels vom Kreidekreis noch nicht erschienen
war."(124)
The extent of the play's popularity is evident in Guenther
Ruehle's report, in Bernhard Diebold's and in Alfred Kerr's
reviews'.(125) In the Epilogue to his adaption, von Guenther
also mentions that Klabund's 'charming' work "errang in
fuenf jahren sehr grosse Erfolge", and he claims similar
success for himself. (12$) Ruehle points out that there had
been early examples of success of the oriental appeal on
the German stage:(123) Guenther Ruehle, Theater fuer die Republik 1917-1933,
(Frankfurt, 19&7^ p. 602
(3.24) Ibid., p.607
(1.25) Ibid., pp.602-608
(126) J.V. Guenther, Der Kreidekreis, p»93
- 87 -
"Der Erfolg dieses Stuecks stand nicht allein.
Der Expressionismus -war selt langem vom einem
exotisehen Zug unterlaufen, der so mystische
Stuecke, wie Tagores,Das Postamt', iKoenig
der dunklen Kammer' und Bearbeitungen des
indischen Vasantasena-Stoffs, zu umjubelten
Erfolgen auf der Buehne gemacht hatte. Die
Zartheit des Klabundschen Stueckes war der lang
erwartete Kontrast zu den extremen Texten der
neuen Autoren."(127)
The last statement seems to be the only possible
explanation of Klabund's popularity in the Twenties.
Per
Kreidekreis must have offered most timely change in setting
and in the general atmosphere of the theatrical world
from the Expressionist plays.
Diebold's description of the
setting of the Frankfurt premier confirms the play's
romantic and quaint appeal as a fragile piece of
chinoiserie
"Die Auffuehrung der grazioesen Angelegenheit
erbrachte verdienten Beifall, Das erste
Kompliment gebuehrt Ludwig Sievert, dem
Inszenator, der seit iTurandot' und ,Vasantasena*
fuer oestlich Maerchenhaftes besonderes
Vertrauen geniesst. Vor sehwarzem Hintergrund
oder kargem Horizont ward die Szene bald mit
Paravents begrenzt, bald offen auf der
Buehnenscheibe umgedreht. Zum Schluss prangt in
Gold und Gelb der Kaisersaal. Papierlaternen
geben ein zaertliches Lichtj duennes Gestraeuch,
zerbrechliche Moebel, ein zierliches Haeuschen,
gestickte Drachen auf den Vorhaengen beweisen
das chinesische Milieu."(120)
The description betrays the writer's fascination with the
delicately decorative quality of things Chinese.
The enthusiasm over Klabund's play is probably more
accurately an indication of the theatre-goers' boredom with
(127) G. Ruehle, Theater fuer die Republik 1917-1933, p.602
(128) ibid., p.604
-
88 -
the rather violently vented frustrations of the lesser
talents of Expressionism than a genuine appreciation of
Der Kreidekreis.
The decline of a writer's popularity is
not always a sign of his lack of worth.
But Klabund's
short-lived fame has now completely vanished.
His
effusive, fragile decorativeness mixed with feverish outpourings of social protest no longer succeeds in
impressing an audience or a reader.
What is amazing about the three reviews and
Ruehle's report on Der Kreidekreis is that none of them
penetrates the shimmering oriental facade into the
substance of the play.
The productions must have had great
theatrical attraction to have distracted critics from
questioning what the playwright has to say.
The fact that
some of the best known actors and actresses of the day
(Eugen Kloepfer, and Elisabeth Bergner for whom Klabund
wrote the part of Haitang) played in the productions must
have added to the glamour and the magic.
Diebold makes a
brief sweeping comparison between the adaptation and the
translation as it appeared in the Reclam version:"Zu den mancherlei Verpflichtungen des
Theaterkritikers gehoert es gluecklicherweise
nicht: chinesisch zu koennen. Aus diesem Grunde
kann er auch nicht chinesisch. Und ist daher
auch nicht imstande, die allfaelligen lyrischen
Sprachwerte des altchinesischen Originals vom
jKalkzirkel1 gegenueber der Klabundschen
Neuschoepfung nachzupruefen. Wohl aber vermag
er die brave, aber von der Sonne orientalischer
Sprachtreue voellig ausgedoerrte Uebersetzung
des alten Reclamheftchens mit dem Klabundschen
Buechelchen in Vergleich zu setzenj und zu sagen:
Dort schlimmste Prosa - hier Poesie. Dort Fabel
mit stereotypen Masken und ohne Phantasie der
Uebergaenge - hier eine Atmosphaere, ein
Maerchen mit Menschen; Guten und Boesen."(129)
(129) Ibid., p.603
- 89 -
The old "Reclamheftchen" to which Dieboid refers is
probably W. da Fonseca's translation, as Alfred Forke1s
translation did not appear in the Leipzig Reclam editipn
until 1945.
Dieboid criticises Klabund's handling of TschangLing
"Klabund vereinfacht die Intrigenhandlung zweier
Nebenmaenner, deren einen, den Bruder TachangHaitangs, er allerdings mit proletarischen
Ueberzeugungspredigten allzusehr beschwert: denn
dieses soziale Pathos wiegt plump in demfeingesponnenen Netz des Stueckes." (130)
Tschang-Ling's characterisation is awkward not because of
his proletarian, or social convictions, but beoause of
Klabund's lack of direction and commitment in the portrayal
of Tschang-Ling's sense of 'mission'.
In Tschang-Ling,
Klabund reveals the weakest of the Expressionist xdeals»
(131)
(130) G. Ruehle, Theater,fuer die Republik 1917-1933, p.604
(131) see this chapter, "Tschang-Ling and his befuddled
1
awakening1", pp. 99-113 for detail discussion on this
point.
- 90 -
Klabund1s chalk circle(s)
In the introduction to his translation of Li HsingTao' s play, Forke makes the following criticism about
Klabund's adaptation:"Klabunds }Kreidekreis' gibt sich den Anschein
eines ernsten Dramas, wie es das Original ist.
Dem entspricht auch der Titel: Spiel in fuenf
Akten nach dem Chinesischen.' Die Fabel ist
echt chinesisch. Der Dichter weiss vieles
ueber China, und die meisten Zusaetze sind in
chinesischem Geiste. Sehr charackteristisch
ist, dass die Personen sich beim Auftreten
vorstellen, wie das chinesischer Brauch ist.
Indes eine treue Schilderung chinesischer
Verhaeltnisse erhalten wir nicht, denn der
Verfasser erlaubt sich bewusst oder unbewusst
zu viele Freiheiten." (132)
Forke then begins to list Klabund's faults.
He points out
in detail how 'unchinese' Klabund is in his naming of
places, people, gods and so on. Forke's criterion seems
to be accuracy in depicting things Chinese.
about Klabund's inaccuracies.
He is right
But accuracy is not what
one looks for in a free adaptation.
Whether Klabund or
von Guenther are 'Chinese enough' in their re-rendering of
the chalk circle story is the least important point In
their works.
It would be easy to list all the inaccuracies
in these two writers' recreations of Chinese atmosphere.
But I made it clear in the Introduction that it is not my
intention to evaluate proficiency in translation or the
ability to re-create the Chinese atmosphere of the original
work in another language.
I refrain from adding more to
Forke's list, or making one on von Guenther.
I shall consider the major innovations Klabund made
in his adaptation.
They are: the chalk circle symbol, and
the characterisation of Tschang Haitang and Tschang-Ling.
(133)
(132) A. Forke, Einleitung, p.8
(133) I shall discuss Tschang-Ling under the next subheadiig.
- 91 -
The protagonists in Li's and Klabund's plays bear
the same name - Chang Hai-T'ang (or in Klabund's, Tsehang
Haitang) - but Klabund^s is given a completely different
personality.
Both women come from a similar background.
For seven generations, their forefathers have distinguished
themselves in the State Examinations.
When it comes to
their fathers' time, the family fortune and honour decline,
and they are left with no choice but to sell their bodies
and talents for a living.
In the Chinese play, this family
history is briefly and factually recounted at the
beginning of the Prologue by the mother.(134)
is then already
House. (135)
Jj£.
Hai-T'ang
|j the First Prostitute of the
She makes her first appearance in the play in
the middle of a squabble between mother and brother about
her profession.
to
She bursts in and challenges Chang Lin
take up the burden of supporting their mother since he
prides himself on being an 'honourable' man.(136)
Li does
not sentimentalize over her life as a prostitute either
through her own or other characters' words.
Her
prostitution is seen as a necessary step taken in order to
keep her family alive.
It is a basic problem of survival.
Klabund's Haitang makes her first appearance in the play
in mourning for a father who has just hanged himself on the
doorpost of the oppressor Ma.
Her first words are full of
self-pity and are doom-laden.
Her demeanour lacks the
vitality of her Chinese counterpart.
She introduces
herself to the audience:(134) see this thesis, p.64
(135) The First Prostitute of the House is the most
beautiful, talented and popular one in the brothel#
(136) see this thesis, p.66
- 92 -
"Mein Name ist Haitang. ich bin die Tochter
dieser ehrwuerdigen Dem©,, Frau Tseh*ng
Ich bin sechzehn Jahre zil-t. Sechzehn Jahre
jung. Ich habe viel erlitten. Ich werde noch
mehr erleiden. Viel Schmerz. Ein wenig Glueck.
Rote Abendwolken nach einem duesteren
Gewittertag. Es ist das Leben." (137)
The family quarrel in both plays arises from the
same cause.
The brother Chang Lin accuses the sister of
shaming his name by taking on such a low profession.
In
the Chinese play, the quarrel is a rapid exchange of angry
and insulting words.(138)
In Klabund's, brother and
sister throw lengthy quotations from Chinese classical
works at each other,
his book-knowledge.
Therwriter seems keen to show off
He forgets the real issue which
gives rise to the quarrel,
The scene runs thus:-
HJtrSlNg: Hast du das Buch der Sitten und
Gebraeuche, das Liki, vergessen? Hast du
nicht in der Schule auswendig gelernt: Die T" i.
Pflicht des Sohnes ist es, dafuer Sorge zu
tragen, dass winters und sommers die Eltern
sich jeder Bequemlichkeit des Lebens erfreuen?
Jeden Abend soil der Sohn selbst das Lager
betten, auf dem sie ruhen, jeden Morgen beim
ersten Hahnenschrel sich auf das liebevollste
nach ihrem Befinden erkundigen. Er soil sie
oftmals im Laufe des Tages fragen, ob sie
Kaelte leiden, ob die Hitze sie quaele..,....
FRAU TSCHANG: Es ist die Pflicht des Sohnes, die
Mutter zu stuetzen und ihr Sehirm und Scfrutz
zu sein. Es ist s e m e Pflicht, die zu lieben,
die von ihr geliebt, die zu ehren, die von ihr
geehrt werden,
HAITANG: Sohn und Tochter sollen selbst die
Hunde, Voegel und Pferde lieben, die ihre
Eltern lieben.
(137) Klabund p.465
(138) see this thesis, p.66, and also Y,C.H., p.1107
- 93 -
FRATJ TSCHANGj Solange die Mutter I&bt, soli ohne
ihre Einwilligung dei*
sich
din
Hause entfernen.
TSCHANG-LING: Ich laechle - und lache eurer
Predigt. Ihr kennt die kleinen Pflichten des
Sohnes und habt sie auswendig gelernt, wie
Papageien die Stimme ihres Herrn. Aber es gibt
noch groessere Pflichten, die ein Sohn zu
erfuellen hat. Sagt nichtdas Buch Haiking:
Der hoechste Grad der kindlichen Liebe besteht
darin, nach hohen Wuerden zu trachten und mit
dem Ruhm seines Namens die kommenden
Jahrhunderte zu erschuettern, wie der Sturm
die Baeume erschuettert? (139)
Long quotations are bad dramatically.
They are mock-
Chinese and therefore even more false and unnatural.
Li's and Klabund's very different ways of handling
Hai-T'ang's reaction to the murder of Ma are also clear
illustrations of their vastly different approaches to a
similar situation.
This will also show how far
inferior Klabund's work is compared to Li's,
In Klabund's play, as Ma falls dead, Haitang crie$
"Mein lieber Mann - mein lieber Mann - ich ' •
wollte dir noch das Maerchen von der
Lotosblume erzaehlen - hoerst du mich nicht?
Siehst du mich nicht? Bist du nicht mehr bei
mir?"
(Sie kniet hin vor Ma, legt seinen Kopf in
ihren Schoss.) (140)
Li's Hai-T'ang's initial fear and helplessness are
urgent and earnest. (l4l)
Haitang's (Klabundrs) reaction
appears feeble, insensitive, and absurdly inappropriate.
Hai-Tfang's reference to Ma's leaving 'houses arid fields*
behind him and her concern for the future of herself and
her son must not be mistaken for words coming from a
property-conscious and money-minded soul.
(•*•39) Klabund pp.469-470
(140) ibid., p.493
(141) see this thesis, p.68
Instead, these
- 94 -
are real and immediate problems which she now has to
confront alone*
She has no close relatives to rely on, and
her background as an ex-prostitute and concubine doeo not
help to strengthen her moral position in the feudal
community.
Li wants to show how a woman like her manages
to survive in a society ridden with inequalities and
corruption.
I mentioned earlier that Hai-T'ang prostitutes
herself so as to survive, and that she marries Ma partly
for the same reason*
She admits to the murder of Ma also
because that will at least ensure that she will be alive
for sometime.
This basic problem of survival is never
far from Li's (hence Hai-T'ang's)mind.
Klabund and von
Guenther do not show the same concern over this.
Klabund
probably did intend to present Haitang's prostitution
f
and her father's death as the result of injustice and
oppression.
In fact
first scene.
family.
he tries too hard to do so in the
He overdoes Ma's oppression of the Tschang
He loads it with too much melodramatic passion
and sorrow.
If he had intended to imply any social
criticism, it is smothered under the heavy dose of extreme
sentimentality and petty pathos.
Klabund too often allows his character to wallow
in exaggerated emotion.
In such cases, the importance
of the circumstances which give rise to the emotion is
neglected.
aside.
Consistency in characterisation is also cast
What is left is only this nebulous emotional state
which grows and eclipses everything else on stage.
Haitang*s reaction to Ma's death is a good example of
emotion and sentimentality (in the strict pejorative sense)
getting all out of porportion and control.
A comparison
with the Chinese text serves to underline this.
95 -
In Li's play, as &a©ri as Mrs. MA k&$r ffnislyeti
shedding a few false tears, she tont immediately to- ac<*ise
Hai-T'ang of murder.
Hai-T'ang at once retorts with
bitter sar-casm :r? '0
43-1&- S - % # ^ f jgjL'
li¥ 5 # £
I
.
(Sister, you have tasted this broth too. How
is it that you are not poisoned, but our lord
is?! (she weeps) Oh, heavens, I shall die of
grief and despair!)
Hai-T'ang also realises that she is not in a position to
dispute who the murderer is.
She lacks the social status
and also the financial means to raise legal-proceedings
against Mrs. Ma.
When Mrs. Ma gives orders to have Ma
buried without delay, Hai-T'ang senses the gravity of the
situation against herself and begs to leave quietlyi(143)
Klabund's Haitang, however, seems stupified by
grief and unable to react to wh&t is happening around her.
After crying over her "lieber Mann" (144) when he falls
dead, she does not speak again or respond to the commotion
around her until some policemen walk in and bind her at
the order of Mrs. Ma.
Even then, her first words are
irrelevant and inappropriate for the urgency of the event.
She knows her husband lies dead, but she seems to be still
enveloped in a fairy-tale situation.
Her reaction is most
unrealistic:"In der ersten Stunden, da ich dich kennen
lernte, muss ich dich verlieren, M*....."(145)
(142)
(143)
(144)
(145)
Y»C«H., p.1114
see this thesis, p.69 for quotation
see this thesis, p.93
Klabund p.494
- 96 -
Then all of a sudden, the thought of her child enters her
mind, and she cries
"Gebt mir mein Kindl
meinem Kindl" (146)
Reisst mich nicht von
The rest of this scene is incredibly ill-contrived.
After
Haitang's speech just quoted, this is what follows:FRAU MA: Von IHREM Kind? Ihr Geist is verwirrt
oder voll boeser Anschlaege. Sie hat kein
Kind. Das Kind im Hause ist MEIN Kind, das ich
von Herrn Ma empfangen, und das sie nur
gewartet hat.
POLIZIST: Fuehrt die Verbrecherin ab!
TSCHANG-LING: Ein Gott hat gerichtetl
HAITANG (vor Mas Leiche): Er wird abwischen alle
Traenen von meinem Augen. (147)
It seems impossible that the design of Mrs. Ma's speech
can be invisible to Haitang.
Yet the latter appears to be
totally unaware of the implications of the former's claim
to motherhood.
Haitang's line which ends the scene is
exasperatingly sentimental and utterly out of placei
Tschang-Ling's "Ein Gott hat gerichtetl" is an
amazingly ambiguous statement as he sees his sister
arrested for a crime which he knows she has not committed*.
He does not say that a certain god, or God, or the spirit
behind his "Bruderschaft vom weissen Lotos" has
pronounced judgement over Ma.
'a god'.
He just refers vaguely to
He shows a certain relief in that exclamation.
He is relieved, no doubt, because 'fate' has intervened,
and he is free of the onerous task of making a decision
about Ma's life.
Variations on the chalk circle motif is one of
Klabund's major innovations.
(146) IbidT, p.494
(147) Ibid., p.494
For him, the circle serves
- 97 -
seven different symbolic functions varying from the arch of
heaven (das Symbol des Himmelsgewoelbes), a marriage ring,
the wheel of fortune, a mirror, a portrait, an oracle, to
a circle on the ground in which the accused in court kneels^
(148) In addition, it is used once as a theatrical device.
In the middle of the courtship scene in Act One between
Haitang and Prinz Pao in the guise of a commoner, Haitang
draws a circle on the paperwall with a piece of chalk:
PAO: Der Kreis ist das Symbol des
Himmelsgewoelbes, der Kreis ist das Symbol des
Ringes, der Gatten aneinanderschmiedet,
Herzring an Herzring reiht.
HAITANG: Was ausserhalb dieses Kreises ist, ist
das Nichts. Was innerhalb dieses Kreises ist,
ist All. Wie verbinden sich Nichts und All?
Im Kreise, der sich drehend fortbewegt
(zeichnet Speichen in den Kreis), im Rad, das
Rollt. Ich bin an das Rad geschmiedet, das
Rad des Schicksalswagens, den die Sonnenrosse
durch die Aeonen mit sich reissen. Ein junger
Gott steht mit feuriger Peitsche im Wagen und
treibt die Rosse. Er achtet meines Jammers
und melner Traenen nicht.
PAO: Ich knie vor dir, Kwanyin, Goettin der
Reinheit*
HAITANG: Stehen Sie auf, was tun Sie?
(Wischt die Speichen aus dem Kreise,)
Sehen Sie den Kreis, ar ist schon wieder leer.
Jetzt umrundet er das Symbol des Spiegels, in
dem ich mich eitel drehe und wende*
(Dreht sich vor dem Kreis wie vor einem
Spiegel.) (149)
Within so brief a time and space, Klabund has made the
circle into four different symbols.
A little later in
the scene, Haitang draws a likeness of Pao in the circle,
which she now calls 'mirror', with a few strokes.
She
(148) Ibid., pp.475, 475, 476, 476, 477, £§° 4e £g v i Iy -.
(149) Ibid., pp.475-476
- 98 -
looks at this 'portrait' and says:"Ich wollte, dieser waere mein Freund
Immer, wenn ich morgens in den Spiegel sehe,
werde ich an Sie denken." (150)
Prinz Pao's answer to this is important because it leads
to the use of the circle as a dramatic device:PAO: Ich lasse mir jeden Spiegel gefallen, den
Sie mir vorhalten. Wie aber, wenn ein
anderer mein Bild irmerhalb des Kreidekreises
auswischt oder ausloescht und sich an seine
Stelle setzt?
(Ein dicker Kopf hat die Papierwand innerhalb
des Kreidekreises durchstossen. Es ist der
Kopf des Mandarin Ma» Haitang und Pao weichen
seitwaerts zurueck.)
MA: Mein Name ist Ma. Ganz einfach Ma. Wenn
ich den Namen Ma nennen, so sollte das
eigentlich genuegen, dass jedermann sich
ehrfurchtsvoll vor mir verneige
(151)
By the middle of Act One, the image of the circle is
already overused.
In Act Two, Haitang draws a chAlk
circle on the ground and consults it as "das Orakel des
Kreidekreises" about the fate of Ma.
I believe this
gesture will fail to impress even the most tolerant and
patient audience or readers.
By now, the circle has been
given so many meanings that it has ceased to mean
anything.
In Act Three, the overworked symbol appears as
another chalk circle, this time drawn on the ground in
front of the judge's seat in court.
kneel in it.
The accused is to
:
This excessive exploitation of the circle
image undermines any significance in the title of the play,
as well as the final judgement scene using the chalk circle
Ibid., p.'
(151) Ibid., p.477
- 99 -
as a graphic test of motherly love.
ridicules itself.
The circle image only
-Li Hsing-Tao's chalk circle device
stands out because it is such an unexpectedly simple, and
yet such a graphically stark and clear gesture.
defeats his own purpose by over-elaboration.
Klabund
He has no
fundamental structure for his play, therefore he works
the chalk circle into a little of everything.
Tschang-Ling and his befuddled 'awakening'
The characterisation of Tschang-Ling is the most
important and interesting creation in Klabund's
adaptation.
Li Hsing-Tao's Chang Lin, and von Guenther's
Tschang-Lin are, so to speak, supporting actors in their
plays.
role.
Klabund's Tschang-Ling has more than a supporting
Romantic love is one of the two motifs in the
adaptation.
Tschang-Ling carries the other dominant idea
in the play, that is, a Messianic Expressionist fervour
to transform the world, to re-mould it according to one's
ideal.
The fact that Tschang-Ling is endowed with too
weak a personality to realise his mission is obvious.
But
that does not preclude Klabund's interest in him, however
abortive, as a portrayal of the intellectual ferment and
the inner aspirations of 1920 German youth.
There are three phases in the characterisation of
Tschang-Ling.
young man.
In Act One, he is a dissident and dissolute
He comes on stage, full of self-righteous anger
at his mother's consent to selling Haitang to a brothel,
and he is also furious with the sister for her willingness
- 100 -
to be sold.
He has nothing about himself to be proud of,
but he hangs on to an illusion of grandeur and honour
because as he says:"Unsere Ahnen zurueck bis ins siebente Glied
sind durch literarische Erfolge bis zu den
hoechsten Aeratern emporgestiegen." (152)
He himself is only a poor copyist.
He gratifies his lust
with the little that he earns instead of helping his
family.. When he accuses Haitang of soiling his good name
and thus thwarting his lofty ambition to distinguish
himself first in the Examinations and then in the
governmental service, his mother rebukes him thus:"Verluderst du nicht die paar Kesch, die du
dir durch Abschreiben verdienst? Bringst du
sie nicht in niedern Teehaeusern unter die
Maedchen? Du verkehrst mit Teehausmaedchen und
wagst, wenn deine Schwester den gleichen Beruf
ergreift, Schmutz auf sie zu werfen?" (153)
Frau Tschang has not been too harsh with her son.
When
Tong the proprietor brings in the money for the
transaction, Tschang-Ling's eyes gleam at the sight, and
he foregoes all the principles and maxims which he utters
with great vehemence a moment ago.
The nature of the
transaction does not offend him anymore, it is more
important that he should have a share of the money involved.
He says:"Achtzig Taels? Zehn fuer mich, - Ihr seid mich
losJ Ich will in diesem Fall vermiahen,auch
meine moralisohen Anschauungen zu revidieren."
(154)
His kindly sister persuades the mother to give him
fifteen Taels.
to be persuaded.
Tschang-Ling does not wait for his mother
He deftly snatches twenty Taels and
(152) Klabund, p.469
(3.53) Ibid., p.470
(154) Ibid., p.471
- 101 -
disappears.
Phase two of Tschang-Ling's character spans Act
Two to the beginning of Act Five.
He comes on stage in
the middle of Act Two, completely in rags.
He seems to be
transformed from rebel without a cause to rebel with a
cause.
This "cause" produces a different type of jargon.
In Act One, he professes concern for his family honour as
well as his own good reputation.
He has a string of
pseudo-Chinese maxims at the tip of his tongue.
In Act
Two, such personal concerns and such respect for
"traditional Chinese" wise sayings vanish without a trace.
Instead, he adopts a different set of cliches - that of
the liberal bourgeois.
But, fundamentally, he remains the
same dissolute, uncertain, self-dramatizing man.
He is,
in truth, a rebel without a definite and worthwhile cause.
From his first words in Act Two, we learn that
he has been wandering from place to place, virtually
living the life of a tramp-beggar. What he obtains from
begging, he spends on drinking.
Then he meets "einen
alten Zauberer", and there begins his new awakening.
all sounds very simple.
It
Tschang-Ling recounts how it
happens:"ich traf einen alten Zauberer. Ich bat ihn
um Aufklaerung ueber das Wesen Himmels und der
Erde. Er sagte mir: Bruder, tritt der
Gesellschaft Himmels und der Erde bei, so wirst
du es erfahren. Die grossen Maechte sind:
Himmel, Erde, Mensch. Warum willst du, der
Mensch, dich deiner Macht begeben? Einsicht
und Nachdenken wird dich zu den Gestirnen
erheben. Du wirst neben der Weber in im goldenen
Kreise Ziehen, ich schwieg und dachte, und
nachdem ich nachgedacht, trat ich der
Gesellschaft bei, die das Los der armen
Menschen bessern will." (155)
(155) Ibid., p.487
- 102 -
Vagueness and magic shroud this conversion or enlightenment.
He approaches the Zauberer as he would an orakle in some
Holy Temple.
His first question is no less than "urn
Aufklaerung ueber das Wesen Himmels und der Erde".
The
Zauberer's answer is in short a romanticized miniature
version of the late 1920's German Expressionist ideal in
oriental guise.
"Warum willst du, der Mensch, dich deiner
Macht begeben?" - the sentiment underlying this rhetorical
question is typical=of Klabund's time.
to be potentially all-powerful.
It is within his
capability to root out social evils.
all problems.
Man's mind is seen
The mind can solve
This belief, added to the writer's own
impotence at its realisation, weighs on the Expressionist
intellectual's mind as a burden of guilt and frustration.
This frustration drives him towards greater exaggeration.
Therefore the question: "Warum willst du, der Mensch,
dich deiner Macht begeben?" - is a reproach, and
accusation on the waste of valuable potentials.
However, in the case of Tschang-Ling, this complex
Twentieth-Century problem (also a problem for the
Romantics) of the duality of the intellect as an endowment
and an affliction is left unprobed as soon as it is brought
in the play.
Any possible development or exposition of
this tragic and immediate conflict is crowded out by
Klabund*s over-decorated and symbol-laden language.
Hie
Zauberer's answer matches the questioner's words in its
vagueness.
Besides referring sweepingly to Heaven and
Earth as if they were man's (or Man's, as Klabund would
have it) comrades-in-arms, Klabund also uses words such
as "Gestirnen" and a "Weberin im goldenen Kreise" in an
attempt to orientalise.
Klabund had probably heard about
- 103 -
the Chinese legend of the "Weberin" in the moon who meets
her love, the Cowherd, only once a year via the Milky Way.
It is simply a love story.
I fail to see the connection
between it and what is supposed to be the "awakening" of
Tschang-Ling to political awareness and a desire to
redress social wrongs.
What is the nature of this political awareness
which gives Tschang-Ling a new focus in life?
As he
repeats himself so often, I will outline the main substance
from his outcries for the sake of clarity.
First, "Der
furchtbare Unterschied von arm und reich muss aufgehoben
werden", and all things should be "gemeinschaftliches Gut".
(156) Second, "Die Menschheit muss endlich einmal von ihrem
Jammer erloest werden". (157)
Such speeches could come
from any fairly liberal-minded person any where and at
any time.
Klabund evades the problem of how the process of levelling
should be carried out.- He does not say how the
"gemeinschaftliches Gut" should be organised and
distributed.
He does not point to a way through which man
may be spared from his misery.
If Tschang-Ling had been
intended as the caricature of a vociferous, leftish liberal
without the slightest likelihood of fulfilling his words,
his portraiture would have been perfect.
But I do not
think that this is Klabund1 s intention.
In fact, it is
impossible to conceive what sort of impression Tschang-Ling
is meant to have on the audience as he is drawn with such
confusion and inconsistency.
The second question regarding Tschang-Ling*s
(156) Ibid., p.487, 488
(157) Ibid., p.488
- 104 -
"political conversion" is: how does this party, this
"Bruderschaft vora weissen Lotos" function?
only one example.
We are given
Ma is condemned by the Brotherhood
"Der edle same des Menschentums darf nicht unter
dem Unkraut der Unmenschlichkeit erstickt
werden. Ein solch verruchtes Unkraut, das den
Blumen und nuetzlichen Pflanzen die Erde
wegnimmt, ist Herr Ma, der Besitzer dieses
Hauses. Er hat meinen Vater in den Tod, mich in
das Elend getrieben und meine Schwester
gezwungen, sich ihm zu verkaufen. Sein Name
ist in der Liste der Bruederschaft laengst
mit einem Kreidekreis umgeben. Das bedeutet
seine Trennung von dieser Welt- Sein Urteil ist
gesprochen. Und ich bin erkoren, es zu
vollstrecken." (158)
Prom the above, we learn about the evils Ma has committed
against Tschang-Ling5s family.
know from Act One.
This is something we already
This passage is designed to emphasise
the sentence - "Sein Name ist in der Liste der Bruederschaft
laengst mit einem Kreidekreis umgeben".
There is an air of
solemnity, mystery and finality about this sentence.
But
we do not know why there should be such importance attached
to this ceremonial encircling of a name to indicate
condemnation.
The only explanation is Klabund1 s love of
pseudo-oriental, symbol-ridden, ceremonial gestures.
Tschang-Ling is chosen to carry out Ma's execution.
How is it done then?
Later in the same scene, he explains
to his sister Haitang:Die Bruderschaft hat sein Todesurteil
gesprochen. Sein Haus soil angezuendet und in
der Verwirrung gepluendert werden. Der Verband
der Feuerwehr ist von der Bruderschaft
benachrichtigt. Er wird zum Loeschen zu spaet
kommen." (159)
Ibid., p.488
Ibid., p.-
- 105 -
Presumably in the confusion, Tschang-Ling will knife Ma.
It seems that the Bruderschaft has given no thoughts to the
innocent victims who might be caught in the fire and the
general plundering.
This plan is more in keeping with
opportunist adventurers than with an organised brotherhood
with socialist aims.
Tschang-Ling's "socialist" zeal is mixed with
superstition.
Haitang, in her attempt to dissuade her
brother from a bloody deed, consults the "Orakel des
Kreidekreises":"....(Sie zieht einen Kreis,)
Gib mir das Messer. Ich werfe mit dem Messer
nach dem Kreis. Der Kreis umschliesst sein
Leben. Trifft das Messer den Raum innerhalb
des Kreises, so h&ben die Goetter gerichtet, so
soil die Lotosbluete sich entfalten, so muss
er sterben,
(Sie schleudert das Messer; das Messer trifft .
genau die Kreislinie.)
Das Messer hat nicht innen, nicht aussen, es
hat genau die Linie des Kreises getroffen.
Bruder, nimm das Messer, und berichte der
Bruderschaft von dem wunderlichen Orakel. Lass
es die Weisesten der Bruderschaft deuten. Dies
eine versprich mir, das Urteil nicht eher zu
vollziehen, als bis der Sinn des Orakels
geklaert."(160)
Tschang-Ling seems aa awed as Haitang is by this
interpretation of the "Orakel".
his Brothers about this.
He rushes off to inform
When he returns, Ma lies dead
in the house, and he sees his sister arrested by the police.
The only words he seems to find to describe what he has
seen are - "Ein Gott hat gerichtetl". No doubt his
Brotherhood has been unable to understand what the Oracle
has shown, and the easiest way to dismiss the problem is to
(160) Ibid., p.490
- 106 -
thrust the responsibility to "a God".
The disparity between Tschang-Ling*s socialist
outpourings and his actions is further revealed in the
later Acts.
In Act Three, Haitang is brought before the
local judge.
She pleads guilty rather quickly compared to
the Chinese Hai-T'ang.
Tschang-Ling witnesses the trial
from the beginning, and he does not say a word until his
sister is condemned and led away from the court-room.
Then he says:"
Haitang ist unschuldig wie eine
Sonnenblume oder der Abendstern. Sie soli
nicht sterben. Die Unschuld ist unsterblich.
Mit meinen Faeusten will ich dem Henker das
Beil aus der Hand reissen und der
Ungerechtigkeit in den erhobenen Arm fallen."
(161)
These words said when the judgement is already passed
strike one as so empty that they almost sound comical.
In Act Four, this "Revolutionaer" enters escorted
by two soldiers.
They are on their way to the new Kaiser's
court in Peking.
He laments at great length; "in diesem
Land gilt gut als boese, und boese als gut", and : "Einer
ist die Bestie des andern". (162)
He ends his speech by
expressing his desire to kill the Kaiser
"Ach, dass ich Gott selbst das Messer mit der
Lotosbluete in den Bauch rerrnen Koenntel"(163)
The knife with the lotosflower is given to him by the
White-lotos Brotherhood to kill Ma.
His mentioning it now
shows he still has sentimental attachment to this party.
But he does not appear to place any hopes in a rescue by
(161) Ibid,, p.507
(3.62) ibid., p.512-513
Ibid., p.513
- 107 -
the Brotherhood.
Towards the end of the scene, he is so
broken-down spiritually and physically that Haitang has to
sell her coat to buy some wine to revive him.
At the beginning of Act Five, Tschang-Ling seems
to have picked up his spirits suddenly.
He refuses to kneel
before the Kaiser, for he says to him:"ich stehe vor dem Tod - vor dir Und soil ich mir den Kopf da noch beschweren
Mit all den Hiten, Du und Sie und Euch
Und Majestaet?
Doch wenn's dich schmeichelt, dass
Ein Mann aus niederer Kaste,
Niederer Gesinnung,
Dich "Majestaet" nennt, gut, es sei.
Ich beuge mich der Majestaet des Todes."(164)
His theatricality impresses the Kaiser.
Perhaps this is
really a logical conclusion, since the Kaiser himself, the
former Prinz Pao, is given to histrionics.
One will confirm this.
Ling weeps.
A glance at Act
A little later in Aot Five, Tschang-
The Kaiser asks why he weeps.
Tschang-Ling
makes this into a broad, embracing gesture, - "ich wein um
China".
The Kaiser is completely won over.
This
reconciliation between a former "rebel" and a monarch is
expressed with the grandeur of German classical drama.
Klabund uses the iambic pentametre.
The absurdity of the
situation is complete
"Nehmt ihm den Halsblock ab! Er sei befreit!
Wer solche Traenen weint, ist kein Verbrecher.
Sie netzen
Die Blume seines Herzens
Wie Tau.
Dass er mich laesterte, verzeih ich ihm.
Er laesterte aus einem edlen Willen,
Die schlechte Welt zu bessern,
Uns eint das gleiche hohe Ziel. Komm, sei mein
(164) Ibid., p.520
- ICS -
•Preund,
Und hilf mir, meinen Dornenweg zu s ehre i ten I"
(165)
These words satisfy Tschang-Ling entirely.
They have
pacified his former righteous anger against "Der
furchtbare Unterschied von arm und reich...." and all other
socialist aspirations towards the sharing of common
properties and equality in all aspects.
His reply to the
magnanimity of the Kaiser does not come as a shock, for by
Act Five, one has learnt to expect the most unexpected and
inconsequential from Klabund.
But even so, one is amazed
at the rapidity with which Tschang-Ling reverses from
being a man with progressive outcries to a man who readily
kisses the hem of the emperor's robe:"Du-'bist in Wahrheit aller Himmel Sohn.
Ich Kuesse deines Sternenmantels Saum." (166)
These words mark what I call "phase three" of Tschang-Ling's
character.
He seems at last to have found a position in
life which suits him, that is, to be a trusted friend of
the Kaiser.
Towards the end of the scene, when the Kaiser
offers him "den durch das Ausscheiden des Herrn Tschu
erledigten Richterstuhl von Tscheu-Kong"(167), he is
doubtless so overjoyed that he even gives the Kaiser the
blessings of the White-Lotos
"Leb wohli Des Lotos weisse Bluete wird
immer ueber dir leuchten!" (168)
One wonders if the Kaiser is aware of the White-Lotos
Brotherhood's high aims, and if he fully appreciates this
blessings from Tschang-Ling.
Tschang-Ling's ascent to and acceptance of a seat
of judgement appointed by the emperor is specially ironical
(165) Ibid., p.521
U , p.521
Ibid., p.526
Ibid., p.526
- 109 -
and incongruous•
J^s»t before his appointment, the Kaiser
gives Haitang "Den Stab des Re clots" and grants her the
right to pronounce judgement on the guilty.
She makes a
solemn and ceremnnial refusal of this right to judge:"ich halte ueber Euch den Stab des Rechts Und breche ihn, weil ich nicht richten will,
Dem Menschen steht das Richteramt nicht zu,
Der selber Unrecht denkt und Unrecht tut I"(169)
She does pronounce judgement on the guilty parties
afterwards.
Moreover she does so after saying
"Wie darf der Richter Recht von sich aus
sprechen? Das hoechste Wesen sprech aus
seinem MundJ« So sprech ich,
" (170)
Klabund so often sets up high ideals or principles
for his characters, and then inadvertently ridicules the
same by inconsistency in his presentation of ideas.
He
repeatedly destroys his point in writing because of
sentimentality and
inexactitude.
portraiture of Tschang-Ling,
This is true of his
This same fault mars
Klabund's social concern in his Offener Brief an Kaiser
Wilhelm 11, and in the "Legende" Der Letste Kaiser.
In
the Open Letter he urges the Kaiser to free the people from
the authoritarian rule of an Emperor and his Lords, and to
disrobe himself of all kingly trappings so as to appear as
a man among men.
The language he uses is that of a
subject admonishing the king.
The style of the letter
assumes that if Wilhelm 11 had wanted he could have solved
national and may be international problems.
flattering image of the king's power.
It gives a
The purpose of the
letter is completely lost in the over-rhetorical style and
emotive language,
(l69)lbid., p.525
1., p.526
A glance at the contents will confirm
- 110 -
this:"Mehr als Sie in Ihrer politischen und
menschlichen Vereinsamung und Einsamkeit ahnen:
flehend, werbend, fordernd sind die Blicke der
ganzen Welt auf Sie gerichtet.
Denn Sie, Majestaet, haben es in der Hand, der
Welt den baldigen Frieden zu geben,
Majestaet: erkennen Sie die Zeit! In ihr: die
Bluete der Ewigkeitl Erkennen Sie, dass alle,
gleichviel welche, Machtideen in diesem Kriege
Schiffbruch gelitten haben. Die Macht ist ein
toenerner Goetze, wenn Geist, Guete und
Gerechtigkeit nicht mit ihr verbunden.
Rechte, Majestaet, werden nicht verliehett
Sie
sind urspruenglich da, sind wesentlich und
existieren. Geben Sie auf den Glauben an ein
Gottesgnadentum und wandeln Sie menschlich
unter Menschen. Legen Sie ab den Purpur der
Einzigkeit und huellen Sie sich in den Mantel
der Vielheit: der Bruderliebe.
Jetst, Majestaet, sind Sie ein Schattenkaiser!
Denn Sie stehen im Schatten der autokratischen
Barone und plutokratischen Munitionsfabrikanten.
Seien Sie Sie selbst: offenbaren Sie sich als
erlauchter Christ, indem Sie dem Volk, dessen
Diener Sie sein wollen (vergessen sei Ihre
Inschrift in das Muenchner Goldene Buch: regis
voluntas suprema lex: Sie buessen sie willig...
...), aus einem uebervollen Herzen der Liebe
heraus die Freiheit seines Willens und seiner
Seele schenken. Frei-willig schenken, Als
Gnade nicht: als von einer mit dem Volke
gleichen Stufe der Rechtlichkeit und
Genossenschaft, Des wechselseitigen Vertrauens.
Der Bruederlichkeit,........"(171)
Klabund's preoccupation with "Bruderliebe",
"Bruederlichkeit", "Bruderschaft", and "Genossenschaft"
shown in the letter and also in Der Kreidekreis has a vague,
half socialist, half Christian flavour.
The Open Letter is
(171) Klabund, Offener Brief an Kaiser Wilhelm 11,
published in 3.6.1917 in the Neuen Zuercher
geitung.Ibid., p.593-595
(The underlined words are in italics in the text.)
- Ill -
another illustration (besides Der Kreidekreis) of Klabund's
approach to social problems.
The all-embracing Messianic
overtone in both reduces any social criticism he has to
a pathos-laden appeal, to empty rhetoric.
Der Letzte Kaiser (1923) is a fictitious short
story about one of the last Ch'ing emperors.
The young
emperor Kwahg-Sue shares certain similarities with TschangLing.
They both experience some sort of "re-awakening",
and aspire towards doing some outstanding deeds which will
leave their imprint in the world.
After Kwang-Sue's
wandering for a day in civilian disguise, he seems to
realise the futility and the absurdity of his position as i
the Son of Heaven.
He hears some vague mention of
"revolution" from a palace-guard, and returns to the
palace with no more understanding of what revolution means
thaa the soldier who has talked to him.
He feels
inadequate, and yet he does not know why or how he should
remedy this.
When his empress, Pey-yen, asks him why the
people want to rebel against him, he replies
"Aber vielleicht bin ich boese, vielleicht bin
ich fuer die Aufruehrer das boese Prinzip, und
das ist's, was sie vernichten wollen. Man hat
mich aufgezogen in dem Glauben, dass ich des
Himmels Sohn sei, der Stellvertreter Gottes auf
Erden: aus der Gnade des Geistes heraus. Habe
ich mir diese Gnade erworben, erkaempft? Wo
habe ich ein Opfer gebracht? Pey-yen: ich bin
ein armseliger Mensch, nichts weiter. Ich habe
nie etwas getan: weder Gutes noch Boeses.
Jetzt muesste ich eine Tat tun: aber welche?"
(172)
Unresolved, the emperor cuts his own throat at the altar of
the royal Temple the next dawn.
(172) Ibid., p.270-271
This is an easy and
- 112 -
melodramatic end to a problem.
Klabund favours such endings
because of his endemic sentimentality.
Also, such endings
provide a convenient cover for his confused and diffuse
thoughts.
Both Tschang-Ling and Kwang-Sue first appear to
have some hidden potential for being greater than what they
later turn out to be.
In both cases, the unsatisfactory
endings let them jump out of their dilemma too easily.
The outcome is that Der Kreidekreis and Der Letzte Kaiser
are symtomatic of a strange dichotomy.
Klabund wavers
evenly between a desire to project a reformist liberal
attitude and a desire to create a fairy-tale.
The result
is grotesque.
It is quite probable that Klabund5s Brotherhood
of the White-Lotos in Der Kreidekreis is inspired by the
Brotherhood of the White-Lily (die Brueder von der Weissen
Lilie) in Alfred Doeblin's Die Drei Spruenge des Wang-Lun
(1915).
The story is set in the Ch'ing Dynasty at the
time of Emperor Khien-Lung.
Wang-Lun, the son of a
fisherman from the province of Shan-tung is driven to cast
himself out into the mountains because he could not bear
to witness the injustice committed by the government
against innocent people.
He found the "Bund der Wahrhaft
Schwachen" whose motto is 'non-resistence' ("Nicht
widerstreben").
They believe in resignation to the course
of destiny.
But they are not left in peace by the
government.
They are pursued and massacred.
Klabund was
probably impressed by the idea of a Chinese brotherhood of
men who lead a Robin-Hood-like existence.
His own lack of
control over his material prevents him from developing
interesting ideas from various sources into something
coherent, new, and meaningful.
- 113 -
Li Hsing-Tao's play arises out of an actual, socially
conditioned world.
Brecht's Der Kaukasische Kreidekreis
shows how this socially conditioned world can function
to the benefit of those who labour for a living.
He
shows how flexible social reality and conditions are and
should be.
He believes that only material force can
change the world.
Klabund is preoccupied with ideals -
ideals of love, of social structure.
His ideals are
totally divorced from present reality.
Therefore his
world does not extend beyond the vague ideal however
much he tries to come down to earth and grapple with
social problems.
The 'happy ending' of Der Kreidekreis
denotes no fundamental change or progress in the society
he describes.
The same social structure remains.
Considering that Tschang-Ling embodies one of the two
major ideas in the play, the last scene is a most
feeble finale to the protest cries of reform he utters
in the middle of the play.
von Guenther on Chinese drama
In the "Nachwort" to his "Umdichtung" Per
Kreidekreis, von Guenther writes briefly on his
understanding of the characteristics of Chinese drama
"Der paedagogische Effekt, der moralische
Nutzen waren das Entscheidende fuer die
chinesische Buehne. Heinrich Alt
charakterisiert das in seinem immer noch
lesenswerten Werk „Theater und Kirche in ihrem
gegenseitigen
Verhaeltnis, historisch
dargestellt"(Berlin l846)sehr gut:„Es gibt kaum
ein chinesisches Drama in welchem nicht am Ende
die Unschuld den Sieg davontruege, und die
- 114 -
Schlechtigkeit der unteren Beamten durch den
Scharfsinn der hoeheren Behoerden oder durch die
Allwissenheit des Kaisers entdeckt und bestraft
wuerde
Hier sind wir schon bei einem
entscheidenden Merkmal des chinesischen
Theaters, soweit es sich nicht urn die
Possenspiele handelt:..... i.....
Sie (die
chinesischen Dramen) zeigen die Schwarz-WeissMalerei in der Anlage der handelnden Personen,
die keiner Entwicklung faehig sind, ja, die
auch keinerlei menschliche Nuancierung
zulassen, denn das chinesische Theater wird
vom Kriminalfall der Handlung getragen, der zur
Illustrierung gewisser ethischer Grundsaetze
zu dienen hat. Die hauptsaechlichsten
Wirkungen werden durch Effekte erzielt, dem
europaeischen Theater fremd:
Akrobatenstueckchen und regelrechte
Pruegelszenen bilden dabei stets den
Hoehepunkt.
Der heutige Leser wird mit dem Theater
der Chinesen wenig anfangen koennen und noch
weniger der heutige Theaterfreund, weil es in
una ppetitli chen Szenen geradezu schwelgt und -das
Abstossende keineswegs scheut, sondern es
pflegt. In diesem „Kreidekreis" wird, um nur
ein Beispiel zu nennen, fuenfzehnmal
gepruegelt, Geschwister schlagen aufeinander los
und selbstverstaendlich auch Ehegatten, vom
Gericht ganz zu schweigen, dessen System darauf
zu beruhen scheint. Ganz abgesehen davon aber
ist die chinesische Heldin des Stueckes eine
Prostituierte, die von ihrer Mutter zu diesem
Gewerbe angehalten wird und deren Bruder dadurch
das Studium ermoeglicht wir d. Dies wird in
aller Breite dargestellt und immer wieder ins
Gedaechtnis zurueckgerufen, nuechtern traktiert,
wie nur die nuechternen Chinesen das koennen,
dass es dem europaeischen Leser gruen vor Augen
wird.Trotzdem ist die ethische Pointe, auf die
das chinesische Stueck zugespitzt wird, so
unsterblich, dass dieses wahrhaft Salomonische
Urteil immer wieder Bewunderer finden wird,
vorausgesetzt, dass man die Legende selber
(oder den Kriminalfall) anders darzustellen
- 115 -
weiss, als die Chinesen dies vor rund 650
Jahren fuer richtig hielten." (173)
Judging from these passages, von Guenther seems to
appreciate the Chinese play a little*
The passages suggest,
however, that,the appreciation is superficial and
uncritical.
In effect, von Guenther shows no more
understanding of the original than Klabund*
I will
analyse in detail the above paragraphs, for one can better
judge the merits or faults of his Kreidekreis if one knows
why he departs from the source material.
First, von Guenther notes correctly the importance
of pedagogical elements in Chinese drama.
roots of Chinese drama are many.
The constituent
Alongside festival and
semi-religious rituals, songs, dances, marrionettes, and
variety shows, the royal court-jesters' function partly
explains the origin of pedagogy in drama.
They offer
admonition to the emperors through their light, satirical
songs and verses.
Von Guenther remarks on this moralistic
function only because later he wants to attribute to it
what he deems to be faults of the Chinese theatre.
Von Guenther seems to think that the Chinese
theatre is grim and humourless.
It is also flat and
simplistic: there is no possibility for character
development, no human nuances, there are only black-andwhite character traits.
He names the cause of such
crudity - ".... denn das chinesische Theater wird von
Kriminalfall der Handlung getragen, der zur Illustrierung
gewisser ethischer Grundsaetze zu dienen hat".
These
accusations are groundless, and are probably the result of
inaccurate second-hand information rather than the result
(173) J. von Guenther, Der Kreidekreis, p.91-92, (Nachwort)
- 116 -
of some knowledge of any form of Chinese drama.
Farce and
humour have their place even in the court-trial plays about
murder, prostitution and oppression,
the Ch'&n Region.
in Selling Rice in
the chance meeting between judge Pao
Ch£ng and a prostitute, Wang, who offers Pao a job at her
house as a man-servant and Pao's- subsequent experience with
her clients are entertaining episodes in Pao's career.
In
some of the court-trial plays, the appearance of ghosts of
the murdered victims is often a source of humour.
These
ghosts, summoned by Pao Ch&ng to testify in court against
the murderers, feel doubtless assured of a suitable
retribution for their enemies, and" are therefore very
relaxed.
The ghost in The Ghost
the Pot causes
consternation in the court-room for disappearing twice when
he is needed to give evidence.
When questioned as to why
he was not around, he confesses that he went out once to
buy a piece of cake, and once to have a drink of tea.(174)
The ghost in The Magic Music Box is slightly more restrained,
he disappears only once to get a piece of cake. (175)
Another source of comic relief is Pao's valet and follower,
(Chang Ch'ien), because of his impulsive, slightly
naive, and extremely loyal character.(176)
The Chinese
stage is far from grim and humourless.
As for his accusation that the Chinese plays
zeigen die Schwarz-Weiss-Malerei in der Anlage
der handelnden Personen, die keiner Entwicklung faehig sind,
ja, die auch keinerlei menschliche Nuancierung zulassen,..."
it can be refuted when one considers the characterisation of
(3.74) Y.C.H.,pp.1405-1406 (Act 4)
( x 75) Ibid., p.1732 (Act 4)
(176) For examples, see Ibid., a?.45-49 (Selling Rice in
Ch'fen Region)Act 4 , and p. 1729 (The Magic Music Box)
Act 3
- 117 -
pao Ch£ng in the ten court-trial plays.
The name, Pao
Ch£ng, to the Chinese people means complete honesty and
incorruptibility.
Pao is.
I have shown in Section One how human
The Yttan dramatists portray him with a subtle
understanding of his difficulties in administering justice
to the poor in a feudal world.
He is a completely good
man, but that does not necessarily mean he is^cardboardlike "white" character.
He is cunningly wise, and he
"cheats" in court in order to make sure that the man-inthe-street gets a chance to survive in a society not made
for their survival.
For another example, let us take
Li Hsing-Tao's Hai-T'ang.
She is not the personification
of an abstract quality - namely, feminine virtue.
would be if she were a "white" abstraction.(177)
villains are not all pure evil either.
She
The
Some of the
corrupt judges of the court-trial plays are drawn with
humour as well, such as the ones in Young Sh&n-Nu and
Selling Rice in Ch'£n Region.
They are avaricious,
irresponsible, but easily fooled.
The audience will not
shrink away in fear as if they were the equivalent of
"Satan".
The term "Schwarz-Weiss-Malerei" is too broadly-
disparaging and inadequate.
By using this term, von
Guenther shows he fails to understand the nuances of Yffan
drama.
In the same paragraph, von Guenther writes
"Die hauptsaechlichsten Wirkungen werden durch Effekte
erzielt, dem europaeischen Theater fremd;
Akrobatenstueckchen und regelrechte Pruegelszenen bilden
dabei stets den Hoehepunkt."
In this, he confuses Thirteenth
century Yffan drama with late Nineteenth and early Twentieth(177) see this thesis, p.64 and the following pages,
- 118 -
Century Chinese opera.
The introduction of acrobatic
feats into what is known .as Peking opera (the dominant
form of Chinese opera in North China) took place within
the last hundred years.
Acrobatics proved so popular in
the Shanghai school of opera that it was brought into the
Peking school as well.
Many Peking opera pieces bear the
same title as the Ytfan plays> but the libretto is much
altered.
The music of the Ming and Ch'ing drama is known,
but not that of the Ytfan Erynasty.
Therefore it is a
mistake to generalise about presentation on the Chinsse
stage spanning a period of seven hundred years.
In the third paragraph quoted, von Guenther makes
the Chinese theatre sound like a masochistic-and-sadistic
experience.
The beatings in the play are not as
horrifying as he imagines, as every gesture and movement
are so controlled and stylised on the Chinese stage.
On
the other hand, caning in court, beatings in the family,
and prostitution are social problems which existed in
feudal China.
Should not the theatre reflect such problems
and call attention to the fact that cruelty and inequality
exist along-side power and riches?
Von Guenther admits that there is an immortal
quality in the Chinese play.
He writes in the last
paragraph quoted:- "Trotzdem ist die ethische Pointe, auf
die das chinesische Stueck zugespitzt wird, so
unsterblich, dass dieses wahrhaft Salomonische Urteil immer
wieder Bewunderer finden wird, vorausgestzt, dass man die
Legende selber (oder den Kriminalfall) anders dazustellen
weiss, als die Chinesen dies vor rund 650 Jahren fuer
richtig hielten.".
I pointed out in the Introduction that
Pao Chang's judgement in The Chalk Circle differs
- 119 -
considerably from Solomon's between the two harlots,
in
the act of recognising Hai-T'ang as the true mother of the
child, Pao has to resolve first in himself the manifold
and ominous implications of carrying out a deed which goes
contrary to the power structure of the community.
no way as straightforward as Solomon's decision.
It is in
Von
Guenther's Nachwort and the whole direction of his
adaptation prove that he is quite unaware of the importance
of social context in Li's play.
Von Guenther quotes Heinrich Alt: "Es gibt kaum
ein chihesisches Drama in welchem nicht am Ende die
Unschuld den Sieg davontruege, und die Schlechtigkeit der
unteren Beamten durch den Scharfsinn der hoeheren
Behoerden oder durch die Allwissenheit des Kaisers entdeckt
und bestraft wuerde....(178)
This might account for
von Guenther's preoccupation with "Schuld und Suehne" in
Der Kreidekreis.
Erich Alvaro Klien points out rightly in
his Nachwort to Forke's translation of the Chinese text
that:"Es ist augenscheinlich, dass von Guenther
zwar die Kritik Li Ssing-dau's an den
herrschenen gesellschaftlichen Zustaenden
seiner Zeit im grossen und ganzen beibehaelt,
aber ihre klare Zielrichtung uebersieht.
Welche gesellschaftlichen Zustaende dafuer
verantwortlich sind, dass die Heldin und viele
andere sich verkaufen mussten, das sagt von
Guenther nicht. Eben die Saetze, in denen Li
Ssing-dau von Prostitution und Bestechung
spricht, gehen in ihrem wahren Gehalt verloren,
in ihrer Anklage gehen das herrschende feudale
System. Statt dessen spricht von Guenther von
„£>chuld und Suehne" seiner Heldin." (179)
i w
see this thesis, pp.113-114.
(179) Li Ssing-dau, Der Kreidekreis. Schauspiel, translated
by A. Forke, with a Nachwort from Erich Alvaro Klien,
p.69 {Verlag Philipp Reclam Jim. Leipzig, 1958}
- 120 -
Von Guenther emphasises his concern for guilt and atonement
in the Nachwort.
He writes if anyone asks him why he • •
worked on a "Umdichtung" of the Chinese play, he would
say:"pie Antwort fiele ihm leieht: das reizende
zaertliche Spiel Klabunds weicht - und hier
kehren wir wieder zu den raoralischen Chinesen
zurueck - der Frage nach Schuld und Suehne aus,
fuer den Verfasser aber gipfelt die
Entwicklung der Handlung darin, die Heldin ihre
Schuld suehnen zu lassen. Dies klingt
vielleicht primitiv, indes scheint uns, dass
jede dramatische Handlung an sich eine
' *
primitive Linienfuehrung erhalten muss,
Grundlinienfuehrung moechte man fast sagen, so
wie der salomonische Schluss des Stueckes
letzten Endes auch primitiv ist - und
vielleicht gerade deswegen unsterblich." ( l 8 o )
Guilt and atonement, or retribution, plays a major part
in the traditional Chinese concept of justice.
Von
Guenther claims that he makes this the central point of
development of his plot, that his heroine should atone for
her guilt.
the text.
This plan sounds feasible until one studies
He does not clarify his ideas in the play.
"Schuld und Suehne"
Von Guenther creates an implausible situation
in Der Kreidekreis.
A brief summary of the relevant events
connected with this guilt and atonement theme will be
helpful here.
The play opens with Tschang-lin and his
courtesan love Munglan discussing the future of the Tschang
(180) J. vonjGu en the r, Per Kreidekreis, p. 94
- 121 -
household.
He has sold all his valuable possessions and
even the house is mortgaged to Ma, the wealthy owner of
a pawnshop.
But Tschang-lin still cherishes the hope of
sitting for the State Examinations and therefore he needs
money.
He has already arranged a deal with Ma whereby
Ma gets his young and beautiful sister Haitang as concubine
in return for financial support for himself.
Haitang is
in love with Liu-Po, a brilliant scholar who is now
secretary to the State-Judge Pao.
Her father betrothed
her verbally to Liu-Po when they were children.
There
was no exchange of gifts, and Tschang-lin does not intend
to recognise the engagement.
With the help of Munglan's
lies about Liu-Po's unfaithfulness, they managed easily to
persuade Haitang to follow her brother's wish.
Haitang
seems very gullible and believes that she has been
deceived by her love.
carried off by Ma.
Passively she lets herself be
On the way to Ma's house, they chance
to meet Liu-Po and Pao in an inn.
When Liu-Po and Haitang
are left by themselves, the misunderstanding brought on
by Munglan is cleared.
Liu-Po suggests elopement, but
Haitang replies:"Soil ich tneinen Bruder in Schraach stuerzen,
meiner Vorfahren Haus mit dem Schandzettel
behaengen lassen?" (l8l)
This firmness and concern for her forefathers' good name
weaken as they are about to part.
She returns his kifis,
saying:"Dieser Kuss........zum Abschied nur. Dieser
Kuss - ein Kuss, wie Schwester sich vom Bruder
trennt........" (182)
(181) Ibid. , p.24 (2, Bild, 6. Auftritt)
U, P.30 (2. Bild, 8. Auftritt)
- 122 -
Liu-Po seizes the opportunity to arrange a rendezvous with
her as her virtue gives way
Liu Po. (ergreift has tig Haitangs Hand). Wenn
sie den Ingwer genossen haben, erhebe dich
vom Tisch, als wolltest du ein wenig
lustwandeln. Dort unter jener Laerche werde
ich deiner harren.
Haitang. Gleich einer Sternschnuppe kommst du
daher, ziehst stuerraisch deine Bahn und
vergehst. Gut denn, du sollst mir noch
einmal gluehen*.i.i^zum Abfechied auf immer."
(183)
Her words are sexually very suggestive, and they make her
earlier statements about "Schmach" and "Schand"
hypocritical.
Prom now on, we do not hear anymore about
this wedding-night rendezvous until the very end of the
play when Haitang reveals to Liu-Po that the child is
theirs.
Haitang guards this secret between her and Liu-Po
incredibly well.
Too well to be plausible.
The scene
following the wedding-feast takes place nearly two years
later.
We see Haitang at the door of her home.
Ma and
Ah Siu, the first wife, have just left with Haitang's child
to the temple,
in her soliloquy, Haitang expresses great
fondness for her child and also the wish that her brother
will soon arrive with wedding gifts for her so that she
can be properly married to Ma.
happy and contented.
wedding with Ma.
She seems to be completely
She looks forward to having a proper
There is no indication that she might
feel even more guilty towards Ma should it happen, since
it will deepen the level of deception in which Bhe is
Ibid., p.30 (2. Bild, 9- Auftritt)
- 123 -
involved.
There is no mention of the child1s real father.
Later, when Ma decides to have wedding-ceremony with her
in spite of the fact that Tschang-lin1 s gifts still have
not come, he bids her to bring him tea "wie es sich fuer
die Gattin gezierat".(184) Haitang answers
"Mein Gatte erlaube mir, den Tee zu bringen,
nicht als Gattin, sondern als Mutter deines
Erbeni"(185)
She is entirely at ease in her rftle of a deceiver.
There
is certainly no trace of remorse, shame, or discomfort.
Her behaviour is totally inconsistent with what she has
been in Act One.
At the end of Act Four> Haitang is condemned and
is to be escorted to Peking to be sentenced by the ChiefJudge Pao.
At this moment, she looks round the court-room
and questions:".....Gibt es niemand, der Mitleid fuehlt fuer
meine TJnschuld? Denn ich bin ohne Schuld an
diesen Verbrechen, um deretwillen man mich
angeklagt hat!......Freilich nicht ohne Schuld
vor Euch, Goetterl Aber straft Ihr so hart
jenen kurzen schoenen Traum auf dem Berge? War
die Suende so gross, dass ich Abschied nahm von
jenem, den mir der Himmel selbst in den Weg
gefuehrt? Wie er mich anflehte unter dem
immergruenen BaumI Wuesste er, was geschieht,
er wuerde den Balken von meinen Schultern
nehmen und mir mein Kind in die Arme
druecken..........."(186)
This is the first time that she sees her situation in terms
of 'guilt', and the first time that she alludes to Liu-Po
since her eventful wedding night.
vanished completely from her mind.
Ma seems to have
His murder and her
sin towards him do not have a place in her thoughts.
(184) l b i d ~ P . 4 5 (3. Bild, 8. Auftritt)
{ l 8 5 ) Ibid., p.45 (3 Bild, 8. Auftritt)
(186) Ibid., p.62-63 (4. Bild, 5. Auftritt)
For
- 124 -
some strange reason, she feels she has sinned against
heaven rather than against Ma.
Surely she is not such a
simple child as to be ignorant of the seriousness of what
she has done.
To call her passionate night with Liu-Po
a "kurzen schoenen Traum auf dem Berge" betrays a
sentimentality in the dramatist.
She repeats the notion
that she has sinned against heaven to an officer who guards
her on the way to Peking:Haitang(klagt)* Meine Kraft ist erschoepft.'
Ach, kaeme nur bald der Tag, der mich der
Schuld entrueckt, die atif mir lastetl
Beamter(stoesst sie vorwaerts). Jetzt spricht
du selber aus, dass du schuldig bist!
Haitang (stolpert ein paar Schritte), Ja, ich
bin schuldig, aber es ist eine andere Schuld,
eine Schuld vor dem Himmel. (187)
A little later in the same Act, Haitang and her
guards arrive at the same inn where Munglan and Tschanglin are waiting.
Haitang is so broken down physically that
she starts to wander in her speech.
One of the things she
says is:Muss ich deshalb mein Kind verlieren, well
ich Herrn Ma glauben liess...*(Bricht aus.)
Mein Kind ist esl meines! Goettin des Baumes,
war mein Verschweigen Luege, und ist Luege
eine Schuld, groesser denn alle Schuld auf
Erden und im Himmel?...." ( 1 8 8 )
It is hard to believe she can be so dumb or insensitive
as to be unaware of the hypocricy she has been living under
as the bearer of Ma's heir.
When she is rescued by her brother and Munglan,
stiH dilirious, she makes up two parables about her
(187) Ibid. / p.66 (5. Bild, 2. Auftritt)
Ibid., p.69 (5- Bild, 4. Auftritt)
- 125 -
situation:Haitang. Ein Mann kaufte einen Garten mit
schoenen Blumen darin. Aber als er hinkam,
sich der Blumen zu erfreuen, fand er das
Tor aufgebrochen. Die schoenste Blume war
abgepflueckt. Gebrochen von einem, der die
Blume begehrte, doch nicht Silber genug
hatte, den Garten zu kaufen.;...Was das
nicht schlimme Schuld?
Tschang-lin, Schwester, komm zu dirI lass
uns eilenl
Haitang. Eine Gaertnerin verkaufte einem
Mann Fruechte. Da aber ein anderer des
Weges kam, der ihr wohlgefiel, gab sie
diesem die schoenste Frucht. Als der Kaeufer
kam, die Frucht zu geniessen, die er
gekauft, fragte er: Sind alle Fruechte
vollzaehlig vorhanden? - Herr, antwortete
die Gaertnerin, auch nicht eine fehlt!
Toetete die Frau nicht des Besitzers
Freude? ( 1 8 9 )
In the first parable, she seems to suggest that Liu-Po
should bear a heavier share of their mutual guilt.
In
the second, she comes to the realisation that she is
guilty of deceiving Ma.
This is confirmed in her speech
to Munglan where she begs pardon for having thought so
little of her:"..«, •Verzeih, dass ich einst vermeinte,
besser zu sein als du. Du handeltest aus Not,
ich aber gab mich hin aus Lust. Und log und
trog zwei Jahre lang. Und fuehlte keine Reue.
Da sandten die Goetter schweres Schicksal ueber
mich, damit ich erkerme. Jetzt weiss ich, wie
schuldig ich bin. Die Goetter wollen selbst
das Urteil sprechen. Komme ich im Kang nach
Peking und finde dort gerechte Richter, so
kann ich froh mich meines Kindes freuen; dann
haben die Goetter mir verzeihen, dann gilt vor
den Himmeln die Liebe mehr denn alle Schuld vor
den Mens chen. 1st aber der Richter blind und
sieht er nur, was der Mens chen Augen zu sehen
(I89) ibid., p.73 (5. Bild, 6. Auftritt)
-
126 -
vermoegen, dann.
Himmel....dann darf
Mutter kennen, dann
nennen, damit nicht
werden, weil es die
dann zuernen mir die
mein Kind nicht seine
soil die andere es Mutter
seine Wangen schamrot
Frucht einer Luege ist...V.
(190)
Haitang admits" (ich) 'log und trog zwei Jahre lang.
fuehlte keine Reue".
Und
But in Act One, von Guenther
presents Haitang as the daughter of a noble Chinese family,
as an intelligent, gifted and cultured young woman.
He
strives to achieve a seriously Chinese atmosphere.
How
can we be persuaded to believe later that this same
bright and virtuous woman has deceived her hasband
intentionally and persistently for two years without
feeling the slightest remorse?
That she even looks forward
to marrying him in a proper ceremony, and then to letting
her child by another man inherit his wealth?
The
implausibility of her character ruins an originally
workable plan of the idea of guilt and atonement.
Love or justice?
Haitang says if she meets with a just judge in
Peking and her child is returned to her, that shows the
heavens have forgiven her sin, and "dann gilt vor den
Himmeln die Liebe mehr denn alle Schuld vor den Mens chen".
But if the judge perceives no more than an ordinary man,
and her child is lost to Ah-Siu, then that shows the
heavens are still angry with her.
Not only is this a
childish bet, it is also unreasonable to suggest that love
Ibid., p . ( 5 .
Bild, 6. Auftritt)
- 127 -
will redeem all guilt.
If love overrules justice, or if
love compenaates guilt, this will give man unlimited
liberty to do harm to a certain person all in the name of
love for another.
If justice is mysteriously linked so
closely with the degree of loving, then this form of
justice is completely at the mercy of emotion,
It
becomes subject to feeling.
It is unrewarding to try and analyse von
Guenther's view on justice through a study of the figure
of the Chief-Justice (Oberrichter) - Pao.- He overloads
Pao's words, gestures and deeds with a great deal of
outward ceremony.
Pao seems to instruct his student and
secretary Liu-Po more on when and where to bow, vow, and
"Kotau" rather than on the execution of justice. (191) It
is fortunate that the text of the Ytfan court-trial plays
still exist to show that the Chinese can administer justice
with the minimum of ceremony.
The language of von
Guenther's Pao abounds in quasi-oriental allusions to the
universe and its elements.
He sounds more like a
caricature of an ancient Chinese schools-master of the most
rigid sort than the Chief-Justice of the country.
His
opinion on what justice is can be summed up in the
following conversation with Liu-Po:Liu-Po (langsara und stark). Die Lehre von der
rechten Mitte sagt: Sonne, Mond, Sterne und
Sternenbilder, wie moegen sie am Himmel
aufgehangen sein? Was in der Welt geschieht,
laeuft im Kreis urn.
Pao. Recht gesprochen. Der Kreis ist die
Vollkommen-heit. Im Kreise grenzt der
Himmel die Erde ab. Im Kreise laeuft des
Schicksals urewige Vorausbestimmung. Der
Kreis grenzt das Innen ab nach dem Aussen;
der Kreis schuetzt den Menschen vor der Welt,
(191) Ibid., p.79-80 (6. Bild, 1. Auftritt)
-
128 -
er bannt die Daemonen, dass sie sich
nicht seiner Seele bemaechtigen. Der
Kreis ladet zur Sammlung ein; Sammlung,
vertieft durch Erkenntnis, bedeutet
Gerechtigkeit, allein der Kreis ist
auch das Sinnbild der hoechsten Liebe.
So wird hoechste Liebe zu hoechster
Gerechtigkeit. So wird der Kreis zur
wahrheit des Herzens» Wer in den Kreis
tritt,. tritt in sich selber und muss
der Wahrheit die Ehre geben. (192)
"Der Kreis" is seen to be the Beginning, the End, and the
All of everything in the cosmos.
Mysteriously the Circle
begets justice,- "Der Kreis ladet zur Sammlung ein;
Sammlung, vertieft durch Erkenntnis, bedeutet Gerechtigkeit.
Equally inexplicable is that ".....allein der
Kreis ist auch das Sinnbild der hoechsten Liebe", and that
this "highest form of love" will lead to, or change into
"the highest form of justice".
The actual process in
between is not mentioned, and is likely to be unimportant in
a society dominated by philosophical circle signs.
The
interdependence of love and justice can be justified,
broadly speaking, if one takes 'love' to mean strictly a
humanistic, socialistic brotherly love.
But such a form
of love is impracticable in a feudal or capitalist society.
The very structure of these societies precludes the
principle of brotherly love.
So von Guenther*s empty
philosophising about love and justice is completely futile
and meaningless.
Moreover, the love which triumphs at the
end of the play has nothing to do with brotherly love, it
is carnal love between man and woman.
This omnipotent circle also encourages people to
bear truth in their hearts.
Von Guenther creates two
(192)Ibid., p.27 (2. Bild, 7* Auftritt)
- 129 -
illustrations of this.
One is the test at the end of the
play to find out who is the true mother of the child; the
other takes place in Act Two when Pao, Liu-Po, Ma and
Haitang chance to meet at an inn on the evening Ma takes
Haitang homei
Pao creates consternation.amsng -the three
'
when he stages a scene similar to the chalk circle judgement
at the end.
He detects through the words and looks
between his pupil and Ma's new wife that a certain
relationship exists between them already.
So, to avert
any tragedy and future complication, Pao decides to correct
the young couple through the power of a circle test.
This
is what happens:Pao
..(Der Mond ist aufgeganen und hat
auf die naechtige Erde den Silberschatten
eines Kreises geworfen, in w^lchem, durch
einen Zweig ausgespart, das Yinyang
dargestellt ist.) Seht, die guten
Mondgeister zeichnen uns selber auf, wovon
wir sprechen. Seht hier den Kreis in
seiner edlen Vollkommenheit, darin
unloeslich verbunden das Yang und das Yin.
In den Buechern der alten Weisen las ich,
dass schon in Urzeiten vermittelst solcher
Kreise Liebe und Treue erprobt wurden.
(Er steht auf und nimmt Haitang bei der
Hand.) Die schoene Lotosbluete moege sich
auf die Scheidungslinie des Yinyang stellen.
Sie, mein aelterer Bruder (er verneigt sich
vor Ma, der die Verneigung mit einem tiefen
Kotau(193) erwidert), stellen sich auf die
noerdliche Seite des Kreises hierher; mein
Schueler Liu-Po dagegen wird auf der
suedlichen Seite Stellung nehmen.
(193) "Kotau" describes the motion of kneeling on both knees
and touching the ground with one's forehead. Von
Guenther uses "Kotau" much too frequently in the play.
Most probably he mistakes "Kotau" for bowing deeply
from the waist. It will be utterly ridiculous if his
characters do perform the motion of "Kotau" as often
as the script calls for.
- 13G -"
Haitang. Und wenn das geschehen ist?
Pao.
Die helle friedliche Welt scheidet
sich gaenzlich vom Dunkel, sie
stuetzt sich auf der Goetter Macht,
die das Dunkel in Fesseln schlaegt.
Wer von euch beiden vermag die Frau
aus dem Kreise zu Ziehen?
Ma (ploetzlich aengstlich). Erhabener Herr
Pao, es soil doch nur ein Spiel
sein?
Haitang. Nur ein Spiel? Ein Spiel muessiger
Gefuehle, ein fluechtiger Gedanke,
ein Nebelbild vom Windhauch s chon
zerstoert........(Ausbrechend.) Wer
zieht mich aus dem Kreise?
Liu-Po (zoegernd, dann fest). Mein weiser
Lehrer moege seinem wertlosen
Schueler verzeihen, allein man
sollte die alten ehrwuerdigen
Gebraeuche nicht zum Spiel machen.
Pao (hat Liu-Po die Hand fest auf die
Schulter gelegt). Du hast mich
verstanden. Ich danke dir. (Er
sieht Haitang guetig an.) Aus
diesem Spiel mag fuer die zarte
Blume zehntausendfaches Glueck
erwachsenl (19^)
Besides the fact that Pao's experiment is a most humiliating
and embarrassing one for Haitang, it also reveals the
relationship between her and Liu-Po too obviously. Ma can
only be a fool if he does not realise this. He does not
seem to in the play. This test is incredibly crude, coming
from the Chief-Justice of a country. It embarrasses all
concerned, including the audience, and it also further
burdens the circle symbol. It aims at educating Liu-Po
and Haitang. The point is certainly driven home bluntly,
but it does not prove to have any lasting effect. A few
hours afterwards, the two young people spend a loving night
together.
J. von Guenther, Der Kreidekreis, p.28-29 (2. Bild, 7*
Auftritt)
- 131 -
Von Guenther and Klabund share the fault of overelaboration.
For Li Hsing-Tao, the chalk circle is only a
dramatic means to reveal a truth.
the hand of justice.
It is a mere tool in
It has no meaning, no existence of
its own outside the chalk circle test at the end of the
play.
It is graphically effective precisely because it has
only that one function.
overworked symbols.
Von Guenther presents a pattern of
His circle sign is magically instilled
omnipotent, and omnipresent.
It controls all on earth.
It is a god in hieroglyph.
The Chief-Justice Pao acts like
a priest who reads the oracle of the circle and pronounces
judgement according to what the orakle ordains, as Haitang
says near the end of the play:"Ewig wird das Reich der Mitte gross sein
und der Liebling der Goetter, solange weise
Richter den Lehren der Alten folgen und aus
des Kreidekreises magischem Ring
herauszulesen verstehen, was gut und recht,
was falsch und schlecht." (195)
Haitang has the last words in the play and they
affirm the confusion of love and justice.
She speaks to
her child
Hoerst du, verstehst du, was der Kreis
uns offenbaren will? des Herzens Wahrheit!
Alles andere ist dann Spiell" (196)
If the chalk circle test shows that "des Herzens Wahrheit"
stands above all else, then Haitang certainly does not
deserve the happiness she attains at the end.
never been "true" in her heart to Ma.
been "true" to Liu-Po.
Nor has she really
If she had, she would not have
hoped for a proper marriage to Ma.
lacks clarity.
She has
Von Guenther*s work
He seems to have a very vague idea of what
(195) Ibid.,p39 (6. Bild, 3. Auftritt)
(196) Ibid,,p>90 (6. Bild, 3. Auftritt)
- 132 -
he calls the 'moralistic Chinese' ("den moralis chen
Chinesen").
A question of social commitment
In von Guenther's Nachwort to his adaptation, he
criticises Klabund's version for the "political thoughts"
in it:"Dieses charmante Stueck errang in fuenf
Jahren sehr grosse Erfolge, obwohl es
vielleicht in manchen Einzelzuegen zu
eingensinnig formuliert ist. Die
Durchsetzung des Stueckes mit politischen
Gedanken, die dem Wesen dieser Pabel
eigentlich fremd sind, gehoert dazu, denn die
Idee eines edelkommunistisch inspirierten
Wahlkaiserturns ist voellig unchinesisch,..*i.
"(197)
The merits of faults of Klabund's "Idee eines
edelkommunistisch inspirierten Wahlkaiserturns" should be
judged within the dramatic context of his play. Whether
such ideas are "genuinely Chinese", according to von
Guenther's own attitude to what is Chinese or not, is
irrelevant. I . showed in the discussion on Klabund earlier
in this chapter that M s major fault lies not in his
introduction of "political ideas" (as von Guenther calls
them), but in his not having formulated his ideas clearly
enough, and in his not having organised these loosely
linked, but potentially interesting and developable
thoughts into a workable pattern of ideas.
Contrary to von Guenther*s opinion, Li Hsing-Tao's
The Chalk Circle is not just a pretty or repulsive legend
(197) Ibid., p.93
- 133 -
with weak, romantic girls and unappetizingly cruel
punishment scenes. It is a drama grown out of a pressing
need for justice. Li's social commitment is apparent.
Von Guenther and Klabund both touch on the question of
justice in a manner which reveals their interest in the
melodrama they can make out of the subject rather than the
subject itself. Their concern for justice is distracted
by the many -pseudo-Chinese trappings.
In the Epilogue to Forke's translation, E<A. Klien
has this to say about Brecht's Der Kaukasische Kreidekreis;"Einer hat den richtigen Weg gefunden,
etwas voellig Neues zu schaffen und doch den
Grundgedanken aus dem chinesischen Stueck zu
verwenden : Bertolt Brecht.
Brecht hat in seinem ,Kaukasischen
Kreidekreis' wie auch in dem aehnlich
angelegten tAugsburger Kreidekreis' nur den
Kern des urspruenglichen chinesischen Dramas
uebernommen, er hat seine Grundidee noch
vertieft und erweitert." (198)
It is clear from Brecht's work that his interest in the
Chinese play is not oriental exoticism, as with Klabund
and von Guenther, but the social milieu which produces
such a problem, and such a play. Li Hsing-Tao's only work
strongly suggests social commitment on the author's partj
in this Brecht certainly resembles him. It is no coincidence that Brecht comes so much closer to the original
play in his approach to the question of what justice is,
and how justice can be obtained. No commitment, as in the
case of von Guenther, and a diffuse, and confused
commitment, as in the case of Klabund, contributes to their
failure. Their inability to understand the crux of the
problem in Li's play limits the degree to which they are
able to make creative use of the source material.
(198) A. Forke, Der Kreidekreis, p»70
SECTION THREE
A METAMORPHOSIS OF JUSTICE .. - FROM LI TO BRECHT
Subheadings:- The people and the artist
pp*134-136
- The old and the new artfulness
ppil37*-1^0
- The dawning of a new justice
pp.140-146
- "...the children to the motherly.«•"
pp.146-163
- "0 Wechsel der Zeitenl Du Hoffnung des pptl63-177
Volksi"
- 134 -
I wish to show how Brecht revitalises an old
dramatic device, that of the chalk circle test, fey giving
it a contemporary meaning,
steps.
The discussion involves two
Firstly, we need to understand the nature of this
contemporary meaning; secondly we want to know how Brecht
performs the metamorphosis of justice.. The first two
sections of this chapter attempt to explain the new meaning
which Brecht gives the old gesture of pulling the child
out of the circle.
The new meaning will become clear
when onfe studies how Brecht sees his own role as an
artist in soclety*
This will be further cl&rified as we
study how he uses past material.. The next threfe sections
show how the old coriciept of justice Undergoes an entire
change of form in Brecht's hand*
The people and the artist
Brecht's aim as a socialist artist is to be a
spokesman of the people and their intellectual leader.
Therefore he stresses the importance of interaction, and
interdependence between the people and the artist.
In Kunst oder Politik? (1938) he writes
"Wie soil Kunst die Menschen bewegen, wenn
sie selber nicht von den Schicksalen der
Menschen bewegt wird? Wenn ich selbst mich
verhaerte gegen die Leiden der Menschen, wie
soli ihnen das Herz aufgehen ueber meinem
Schreiben? Und wenn ich mich nicht bemuehe, einen Weg fuer sie zu finden aus ihren Leiden,
wie sollen sie den Weg zu meinem Schreiben
finden?" (199)
(199) Bertolt Brecht ueber Politik und Kunst, p.7 (guhrkamp,
Frankfurt-am-Main, 1971} (from now on referred to as
Ueber Politik und Kunst followed by page numbers.)
135 -
What he says here about pointing a way for the people out
of their misfortunes is realised years later in the last
of his major works. He sees art ultimately as a means to
improve life. It is easy to be cynical and argue that
art has no effect on politics, or life in general, it is
true to say that art has no direct and immediate effect
outside what is personally and internally felt. But then
art is not meant to produce a direct and instant change
on politics or life in society*
If such an immediate
effect is desired, the artist should abandon his studio
and become a revolutionary. Brecht is not a revolutionary.
He is a revolutionary artist. Art in its every particular
is political work to him. Art in the Twentieth-Century
needs to be revolutionary because art is fundamentally
humanitarian. Brecht's ultimate aim is to contribute as
an artist towards making the world inhabitable ("die Welt
endlich bewohnbar zu machen"). Manfred Wekwerth records
in Kunst and Politik the following conversation with him
in connection with Ei»nst Busch's performance in Rer
Kaukasische Kreidekreis* Brecht emphasises that Busch's
acting of Azdak is outstandingly effective because Busch
showed his consciousness of class-struggle in every detail.
Wekwerth recalls
",So meinen Sie also', warfen wir ein, ,die
Politik mach die Kunst vielfaeltiger und
reicher und nicht etwa, wie viele meinen,
enger?' - ,Nein', erwiderte Brecht, Kunst
IST in jedem Detail - bei der Darstellung der
Liebe ebenso wie bei der des unmittelbaren
Kampfes - politische Arbeit, wie anders soil
sie uns - die wir nur durch den politischen
Katnp existieren koennen - nuetzlich sein?
Kunst, die keinen Nutzen bringt, ist keine
Kunst.. Was, zum Teufel, sollte uns
- 136 -
veranlassen, mit vielem Aufwana, der Geld
kostet, Stuecke zu spielen, die uns politisch
keinen Nutzen bringen, das heisst keinen
Nutzen bringen in dem grossen Bemuehen, die
Welt endlich bewohnbar zu machen?'" (200)
The Ytfan dramatists are also the spokesmen and
intellectual leaders of their time.
For the social reasons
explained in Section One, their position is much more
precarious and vulnerable than Brecht's*
Neither the form
nor the contents of the Y&an plays dan be termed
revolutionary.
But that they are closely affected by the
political situation is undeniably revealed in the subjectmatter.
Art is a political tool as well as an aesthetic
expression for the socialist artist.
The same can be said
about the Ytfan artists who are part of a feudal system and
who probably have no desire to overthrow the system.
They
only want to replace the Mongol rulers with Hans* - "Like
Brecht, they also waht to improve the society they live in.
The interdependence between the artist and the people
cannot be over-stressed.
Brecht's words - "Wie soli Kunst
die Menschen bewegen, wenn sie selber nicht von den
Schicksalen der Menschen bewegt wird?
Wenn ich selbst mich
verhaerte gegen die Leiden der Menschen, wie soil ihnen
das Herz auf gehen ueber meinem Schreiben?" (201) - could
have been said by a Ytfan writer.
The Ytfan dramatists too
have found for the people a way out of their misfortunes.
In adverse conditions,if one wants to survive and yet be
useful to one's fellow men, one needs to disseminate the
truth artfully.
(200) Materialien. p.86 (Kunst and Politik)
(201) see this thesis, p. 134 for whole quotation.
- 13? -
The old and the new artfulness
:
Speaking of paintings in &is* ueber die
Notwendigkeit von Kunst in unserer Zeit (1930), Bx^csht
writes:"Wozu sind alte Kunstwerke brauchbar?
Vielleicht koennten sie, dem Studium unserer
Kuenstler ueberliefert, die technische
Grundlage fuer neue Werke abgeben, fuer 1
Werke, die wir brauchen? Aber eine neue
Kunst,wird endlich ihren Gebrauchswert nennen
und angeben muessen, wozu sie gebraucht
werden will."(202)
These words also express Brecht's attitude to the refashioning of old literary material for his new works,
The new must vindicate its use of the source material;
and the old must be judged by the extent to which it
contributes to the development of the new.
This poses the
question: how does Brecht vindicate his use of Li HsingTao's chalk circle motif?
In this chapter I shall discuss
how he developa • the central concern of the Chinese play justice - in Der Kaukasische Kreidekreis.
Li's and Brecht's chalk circle plays both point
to the necessity of disseminating truth skilfully under
conditions which are hostile to an exposure of the truth.
In his Fuenf Schwierigkeiten beim Schreiben der Wahrheit
(1935), Brecht names as the fifth difficulty - "Die List,
die Wahrheit unter vielen zu verbreiten" .He begins the
discussion on this fifth difficulty by pointing out that
it is a lack of in$igftt to ' /belittle the artfulness and
the necessity of disseminating the truth
"Viele, stolz darauf, dass sie den Mut zur
Wahrheit haben/ gluecklich, sie gefunden zu
haben, muede vielleicht von der Arbeit, die
es kostet, sie in eine handhabbare Form zu
(202) Ueber Politik und Kunst, p.l8
- 158 -
toringen, ungeduldig *>«irtend auf das
Zugreifen derer, deren Interessen sie
verteidigen, halten es nicht fuer noetig, nun
auch noch besondere List bei der Verbreitung
der Wahrheit anzuwenden. So kommen sie oft
um die ganze Wirkung ihrer Arbeit. Zu alien
Zeiten wurde zur Verbreitung der Wahrheit,
wenn sie unterdrueckt und verhuellt wurde,
List angewandt." (203)
He follows this by citing an example about how Confucius
corrects written history just by changing a few crucial
words
"Konfutse f&elschte einen alten,
;$3&triotischen Geschichtska 1 ender. Er
veraenderte nur gewisse Woerter. Wenn es
hiess: , Der Herrscher von Kun liess den
Philosophen Wan toeten, weil er das und das
gesagt hatte', setzte Konfutse statt toeten
Hiess es, der Tyrann Soundso
termorden'.
sie durch ein Attentat umgekommen, setzte er
Dadurch brach
thingerichtet worden',
Konfutse einer neuen Beurteilung der
Ges chi chte Bahn."(2 04)
A little later in the same context he writes:"Die List des Konfutse ist auch heute noch
verwendbar. Konfutse ersetzte
ungerechtfertigte Beurteilungen nationaler
Vorgaenge durch gerechtfertigte."(205)
Brecht does not point out, however, that it is of course
a much lighter task for Confucius to re-write, or reinterpret accepted, written history than for a writer to
present the truth of his own society under pressure.
In
literature, Pao Ch£ng and Azdak's artfulness in upholding
the truth are more courageous efforts than that of
Confucius.
(203) Ibid., p.42
(204)-Ibid., pp.42-43
(205) Ibid,, p.^3
- 139 -
In Der Steit um das Ta.1' ,Hans Bunge explains that
the new artfulness as expressed in Azdak is a continuation
of the old artfulness (Bunge calls it 'wisdom') as found
in Li's judge Pao. He.stresses the importance of the
parallel structure of the 'Prologue' ('Vorspiel') and the
play proper. The juxtaposition of the Prologue - 'Der
Streit urn das Tal' - and the chalk circle play raises the
work above the level of a mere re-working of the source
material. I quote Bungej"So alt Wie die Sehnsucht der Menschen aller
unterdrueckten Klassen nach einer gerechten
Art gesellschaftlichen Zusammenlebens ist,
so alt ist auch die Weisheit, mit der
Geschichten wie jene vom chinesischen
Kreidekreis erfunden werden. Und dadurch,
dass Brecht in seinem Stueck den
Urteilsspruch des Azdak so deutlich als eine
einmalige, durch so staunenswerte Umstaende
hervorgerufene, ganz und gar zufaellige, auf
kurze Zeit begrenzte Angelegenheit behandelt,
tut er alles fuer und nichts gegen die ALTE
Weisheit. Deshalb laesst er den Saenger
am Schluss des Stueckes auch sagen: ,Nehmt
zur Kenntnis die Meinung der Alten
'
Es ist die ALTE Weisheit, die in der neuen
Zeit produktiv wird und dadurch allgemeine
Gueltigkeit bekommt. Deutlich wird das
nicht durch die Veraenderung der
Kreidekreisgeschichte, sondern durch die
Verknuepfung der alten Legende mit dem
Anliegen des ,Vorspiels'. Denn ploetzlich
handelt es sich in Brechts Stueck gar nicht
mehr um die Frage des Muttertums im Sinne
der chinesischen Vorlage." (206)
The juxtaposition of the Prologue and the chalk circle play
also reveals that a metamorphosis of the central concern justice - has taken place. Justice as understood and
(206) Materialien, pp.148-149
- 140 -
practised by the commune workers in the Caucasus is no
longer the same kind of justice as understood and
administered in feudal Grusinia.
This entire change of the form of justice from
Li's play to Brecht's is achieved through a conscious,
materialist, Marxist remoulding of a society. . Brecht's
new justice is only possible in a socialist society.
'Der Streit um das Tal' is a scene where the nefa justice
is put to the test in a new social order. To Brtecht, this
hew justice is the fruitful offspring of long and painful
eras where the old Chinese artfulness and the new
Brechtian artfulness have to battle for survival.
The dawning of a new justice
I mentioned earlier that 'Der Streit um das Tal'
is a scene where the new justice is put to the test in a
new social order. I shall now consider the nature of this
new justice.
The Prologue opens with a hint as to the essential
quality of the type of justice which one might encounter
(with surprise, perhaps) in the play. After reading the
report from the Reconstruction Commission (der
Wiederaufbaukommission) on the nature of the day's debate,
the Sachverstaendige turns to the members of the two
communes, Galinsk and Rosa Luxemburg,
"Als Sachverstaendiger
Wiederaufbaukommission
beiden Kolchosdoerfer,
and says:der
ersuche ich die
sich selber darueber
- 141 -
zu einigen, ob der Kolehos ,Galinsk1 hierher
zurueckkehren soil oder nicht." (207)
Thus within the first ten sentences, Brecht sets the tone
for a new kind of administration to be expected.
Throughout this scene, the Specialist's role is that of a
guiding voice in the background.
One would scarcely know
that he is a specialist from the Reconstruction Commission
if he had not named his position;
We are used to the idea
that the visiting honoured guest is usually entertained
with some form of performances or meals by the host party.
But the chalk circle play is not acted to amuse the
Specialist from the State.
It is chosen because it is a
piece "das mit unserer Frage zu tun hat" as a member of the
Rosa Luxemburg commune explains. (208)
When the villagers
leave for the Klubhaus for a meal before the play commences,
the Specialist has a few confidential words with the
Singer, Arkadi Tscheidse:Der Sachverstaendige : Wie lange wird die
Geschichte dauern, Arkadi? Ich muss noch
heute nacht zurueck nach Tiflis.
Der Saenger (beilaeufig) : Es sind
eigentlich zwei Geschichten, Ein paar
Stunden.,
Der Sachverstaendige (sehr vertraulich) :
Koenntet ihr es nicht kuerzer machen?
Der Saenger : Nein. (209)
The Singer's flat and simple '-No' appeals to me.
The
audience smiles at the expense of the sympathetic, and
easy-going administrator of the new social order.
In the
first version (1944) of the play, the delegate from the
State does not express his wish to leave early directly
(2°7) Stuecke 10, p.136
(208) Ibid., p.143
(209) Ibid., pp.145-146
- 142 -
to the Singer.
Here is what happens:STIMMEN Gewiss. Kommt alle ins Klubhaus.
(Waehrend des Aufbruchs wendet sich der
Delegierte an das junge Maedchen. )
DER DELEGIERTE Hoffentlich wird es nicht zu
spaet, Ich muss nachts noch auf den
Heimweg, Genossin.
DAS JUNGE MAEDCHEN zum Saenger: Wie lang
wird es dauern, Arkadi? Der Genosse
Delegierte muss noch nachts zurueck nach
Tiflis.
DER SAENGER beilaeufxg: Ein paar Stunden.
DAS JUNGE MAEDCHEN sehr vertraulich:
Koenntet ihr es nicht kuerzer machen?
DER SAENGER ernst: Nein.
STIMME Der Yortrag Arkadi Tscheidses
findet nach dem Essen hier auf dem Platz
statt.
(Alle gehen zum Essen.) (210)
The delegate from the state in this version is closer to
our preconceived image of how a state delegate behaves*
He is a little more formal and a little more conscious of
his mission than the Specialist in the 1954 version.
In
this later version Brecht narrows the distinction between
the office-bearer and the people.
other on the same plane.
They speak to each
Moreover, Brecht must delight in
giving the commoner a chance to say a flat 'no' to a
representative of the government.
The Specialist does not impose himself or his
judgement on the debate about the use of the valley in
any way.
The decision of how the land should be utilised
rests not with the State authority in the form of the
Reconstruction Commission, but with the villagers, and the
workers who will themselves be the ones to work the'lf»Bd,
to own the land, and to be responsible for its
productiveness.
(210) Materialien, pp.52-53 (Erste Passung des Vorspiels,
1944)
- 143 -
The practice of this revolutionary conception of
administration is still new to the people under thelsocial
order in the Caucasus*
The older generation among the
villagers finds it harder to adapt themselves to the
-
new situation than the younger ones. The Old Man from the
Galinsk Kolchos (Der Alfee Rechts) is such a case* His
experience as a herder has taught him not to expect
arguments, and especially arguments about the ownership of
lands, to be settled ahd justice done in a short time, if
ever. His first words tell the audience that the members
of his Kolchos have travelled three days and nights back
to their old home for this debate^ and he is not prepared
to be satisfied With a discussion of just half a day»(2ll)
It is interesting to note that in the first version of the
play (1944) the time set for the discussion was fourteen
hours. The scene opens thus:DER DELEGIERTE versucht, sich Gehoer zu
verschaffen: Zum Protokoll, GenossenJ
EIN ALTER BAUER stehend: Das ist zu frueh,
ich stimme dagegen, die Frage ist nicht
genuegend durchgesprochen, ich
protestiere vom wissenschaftlichen
Standpunkt aus.
FRAUERSTIMME von rechts: Nicht genuegend
durchgesprochen? Die Diskussion dauert
jetzt schon zehn Stunden,
DER ALTE BAUER
Und was ist das, Tamara
Oboladze? Wir haben noch vier Stunden.
EIN SOLDAT Richtig. Schaem dich, Tamara,
Wer wird vom Essen aufstehen, wenn noch
ein viertel Kalb in der Schuessel liegt?
Wer begnuegt sich mit zehn Stunden
Diskussion, wenn er vierzehn Stunden
haben kann?
EIN JUNGES MAEDCHEN Mit Kain und Abel sind
wir durch, aber von Adam und Eva ist
(2ll) Stuecke 10. p.136
- 144 -
ueberhaupt noch nicht gesprochen wordenI
(Gelaechter.) (212)
The belligerent tone of the Old Parmer is jocundly and
kindly toned down by the younger participants in the
discussion*
Quite obviously Brecht thinks better of the
effectiveness of the new justice and the new way of
administration in the later version.
He shortens the
discussion from ten hours to within half a day.
Angelika Hurwicz's notes to the photographic
survey of Brecht's own production in 1954 describe Der
Alte Rechts as having a big bag of bread with him (213)
This shows he has come armed with provisions for a long
struggle for the old home.
Contrary to his expectations,
he finds himself face to face with a conception of law
and justice which is foreign to him.
His reason for
insisting on the right of their Kolchos to return to
the valley is that they have been there for generations,
and that according to the law, the land belongs to them.
To this the Junge Traktoristin replies
"Die Gesetze muessen auf jedem Pall
ueberprueft werden, ob sie noch stimmen."
(214)
The traditional conception of the law as something
unchanging by which man should abide is now revised.
law is not taken to be absolute.
The
It is looked upon as
any other temporary element, and therefore it must mould
and adapt Itself to different circumstance in order to
justify and preserve its own validity as a means of
executing justice.
(212) Materialien, p.48
(213) Brecht inszeniert, picture 1 - Der Streit um das Tal
(pages unnumbered)
(214) Stuecke 10, p.139
- 145 -
Besides this new theory of justice, Der Alte
Rechts also encounters a new atmosphere of adrntnisferafcion.
This discussion about land utilisation is conducted
amiably. Joking and teasing seem as much a part of it as
the serious decisive utterances. As A. Hurwicz also
points out in her notes:"Die GrUppierung aller und die Haltungen
der einselnen zeigen, dass der Streit eine
verbindende statt einer spaltenden Wirkung
ausuebti Dapstellung des Neuen in einer
neuen Gesellschaft." (2i5)
The new social orders the new concept of justice is put
into practice through a closer, warmer relationship
between man and man.
In their collective work - Bertolt Brecht - Sein
Leben und Werk - Werner Hecht, Hans-Joachim Bunge and
Kaethe Ruelicke-Weiler point out that in reality, both
the communes 'win' the argument in the debate about the
valley. This assertion can be felt to be true only in
a new social order which is condusive to a more humane
relationship between men. They write:"In der Legende vom ,Kreidekreis' verliert
die eine Partei, und die andere gewinnt.
Bei der Entscheidung der beiden Kolchosen
ist das nur scheinbar der Pall. In
Wirklichkeit gewinnen beide, weil beide die
Gesellschaftsordnung anerkennen, in der sie
leben. Hier ist die herrschende Klasse
nicht mehr die Minderheit, deren Gesetze
gemacht sind, um ihre Herrschaft zu
erhalten, sondern die herrschende Klasse
ist die gesamte arbeitende Bevoelkerung,
deren Gesetze - von alien aufgestellt fuer alle gut sein muessen. Oder sie
muessen geaendert werden. Es ist eine
Gesetzlichkeit mit neuen Rechtsbegriffen.
(215) Brecht inszeniert, picture 1
- 146 -
Brecht entwickelte eine Perspektive vom
vernunftgemaessen Zusammenleben der '
Menschen, wie sie - bewusst - nur ein
marxistischer Schriftsteller sehen kann.
Die materialistische Auffassung von der
Entwicklung der menschiichen Gesellschaft
und des Denkens haben hier eine poetische
Form gefunden. Diese neue
Gesellschaftsordnung ist aber noch zu
entdecken, selbst von denen, die sie
schaffen, Um den Sachverhalt beim ,Streit
um das Tal' wahrnehmbar zu machen,
verfremdet Brecht ihn. Er setzt ihn gegen
die ,Kreidekreis' - Geschichte und zeigt
dadurch, wie sehr die Welt schon
vet*aendert ist - dort, wo das Stueck
spielt, wo die neuen Gedanken auftreten
koennen, wo bereits eine neue soziale
Struktur bes teh-t."(2l6)
These two communes have done away with a whole social
strata.
The question of property relationship is entirely
changed.
They have no need of a trial in an established
law-court for a settlement of the question.
They are
able to solve their problem themselves rationally and
peacefully.
They arrive at a decision which merits the
support of both parties.
This is Brecht's ideal of
a new justice functioning in a new society.
the children to the motherly...." (217)
The chalk circle test is a bridging episode in
both Li's and Brecht's plays.
In Brecht's, the judgement
(216) Werner Hecht, Hans-Koachim Bunge, Kaethe RuelickeWeiler, Bertolt Brecht - sein Leben und Werk, p.187
Cvolkseigener Verlag, Berlin, 1969}
(217) "...also Die Kinder den Muetterlichen,..."Stuecke 10,
P. 501
- 147 -
arrived at through this test links the Grusinian tale to
the decision about land utilisation in the Prologue.
It
confirms that the play-within-a-play is an integral part
of the debate about the valley.
Kaukasische Kreidekreis» (2l8)
Hence the title Per
in Li's play, the chalk
circle test in the last scene brings together the two
themes which are: firstly, to show the injustice done to
Hai-T'ang, and secondly, to show the brilliance of Pao
Ch&ng as judge.
The difference between the two judgement scenes
is made clear by the way Pao Ch£ng and Azdak handle their
respective cases.
It is also made clear through the
different nature of Hai-T'ang and Grushe's claims,
in
this section, I shall consider mainly the nature of the
claims.
The Chinese chalk circle judgement recognises
the love the physical mother has for her child.
She is
awarded the child at the end of the test because she has
proved the love of a mother by her refusal to pull the
child out by force.
In Brecht's version, Azdak recognises
the love the woman, Grushe, has for the child in question.
She is awarded the child because she has proved herself
to be a more suitable person for the upbringing of the
child.
The situation in the ChineseAis reversed.
The
physical mother is the one with no love for the child,
and who only has her eye on the family fortunes.
But
Brecht does not reverse the situation for the sake of
merely being different.
In the Chinese judgement scene, Pao first hears
Chang Lin and Hai-T'ang's explanations privately.
(£18) Materialien, p.28
Later,
- 148 -
when all the witnesses summoned by Pao arrive, he
questions them very briefly. These short questions as
well as his later speeches confirm that he already
has a clear picture of what lies behind the claim for the
child. The chalk circle test is not staged to help
himself in his judgement. It is staged as a confirmation
of his judgement. It is also staged for the benefit of
the public so that they have a concrete illustration of
the love of a good woman and a mother. When the
witnesses arrive in court, the scene runs as follows:Mf&jL-rUktAifUk**
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- 150 -
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Pao: Woman, who has borne this child?
Mrs. Ma : I have borne it*
Pao: Neighbours and midwives, who has borne
this child?
All: Truly, the first wife has borne it.
Pao: Hm, I shall have to act accordingly.
Call Chang Lin. (He gives Chang Lin a
message. Chang Lin exits) Chang Ch'ien>
take a piece of chalk and draw a circle
in front of the tribune. Place the child
inside the circle. Tell the two women to
pull him out of it. She who has borne
the child will be able to pull him out,
she who has not will not be able to.
Chang Ch'ien: Yes, my Lord. (He draws
the circle and places the boy in it*
Mrs. Ma pulls the child out of the
circle.- Hai-T'ang fails.)
Pao: You now see that she who has not borne
him is unable to pull him out. Chang
Ch'ien, lead Chang Hai-T'artg away to be
beaten. (Chang Ch'ien beats her.) Now
tell the two women to pull at the child
again.
(Mrs. Ma pulls the child out. Hai-T'ang
fails)
Pao: Woman, I saw that twice you did not
use the least effort to try and pull the
child out. Chang Ch'ien, choose a big
rod and beat her for me.
Hai-T'ang: My Lord, please stay your
thundering anger, and pause in your
fearful show of power. From the time I
married Lord Ma to the time I gave birth
to this child, was ten long months of
pregnancy, (sic) For three years I
breast-fed him. I endured all toil and
pain for his sake. It was not easy to
have brought him up to five years old.
(219) Y.C.H^ pp.1127-1128 (Act 4)
- 151 -
I refuse to pull because of the child.
If the two of us were determined to
pull at him who is so young and tender,
most likely his shoulders would be
sprained or dislocated. My Lord, even
if you beat me to death, I would never
want to pull him out by force. Please
have pity on me. (sings) How can I, a
loving mother, do this to him? (speaks)
My Lord, please see for yourself,(sings)
the shoulders of this child is like
young, tender hemp. She is a heartless,
unscrupulous hag. Why should she care?
How can you fail to perceive what this
Implies? She is willing to take chances,
I ani in a disadvantageous position,
laden with their accusations, I refuse
to contest strength with her and harm
toy child.
Pao: The meaning of the law may be far and
hard to comprehend, but the feelings of
man are not so difficult to grasp.
There is a saying: observe a man's
action, look for the cause of this
action, and you will understand the aim
of his action. . Can a man conceal his
character? How can a man conceal his
character? Look at this chalk circle,
it has proved its discerning power.
This woman is interested in
appropriating the property of Ma ChtfnCh'ing, therefore she wants to possess
this child by force. . Little does she
know that the truth and the falsity of
the matter have long revealed itself
without any argument.
The main problem facing Pao, is to find out who the
biological mother of the child is.. .ISiis will help him
find a solution for the murder of Ma and the question of
property. Once the problem of motherhood is solved, the
child is alioted to the physical mother. This judgement
naturally assumes that the biological mother is the one
who loves the child most,, and that she is also the one
- 152 -
who, by simple reason of having borne it, is entitled to
its possession*, By such an assumption, it is also
understood that whoever robs the physical mother of her
child commits an ihhuman crime. Hai-T'ang pleads the
pains of motherhood in bearing and bringing up the child
when she explains her reluctance in pulling young ShouLang out of the circle. Her defence and the resultant
judgement convey nothing new. No-one would think of
questioning the love of parenthood. Brecht does.
In HaiwT'ang's case, it happens to be right that
she who is the physical mother is also the better woman
of the two, and therefore she is good for the upbringing
of the child. But it is not true that all physical
mothers are the best protectresses and educators for
their children. Brecht deliberately shows that this
might not be so.
To Brecht, just because h woman is the physical
mother does not mean that she is the mo^t suitable
guardian - the 'right mother' - for her child.
The
words of Natella Abaschwilli's First Lawyer on behalf
of his client are designed to appeal to the accepted
emotions and value attached to our image of motherhood :"
.Blut, heisst es im Yolksmund, ist
dicker als Wasser
Die Bande des
Blutes sind die staerksten aller Bande.
Mutter und Kind, gibt es ein innigeres
Verhaeltnis? Kann man einer Mutter ihr
Kind entreissen? Hoher Gerichtshof! Sie
hat es emfangen in den heiligen Ekstasen
der Liebe, sie trug es in ihrem Leibe,
speiste es mit ihrem Blute, gebar es mit
Schmerzen. Hoher Gerichtshof! Man hat
gesehen, wie selbst die rohe Tigerin,
beraubt ihrer Jungen, rastlos durch die
- 153 -
Gebirge streifte, abgemagert zu einem
Schatten...."(220)
The language parodies the idea that immediate kinship
is a strong and holy bond.
It reveals the emptiness and
falsity of such generalised claims.
Grushe does not claimed to be the real, that is
the physical, mother of Michel in the trial before Azdak.
It Seems clear to all that he is the child of the
Governor's wife.
Grushe openly accuses her of abandoning
her child.(221) The two women are striving for the
possession of Michel.
They are not debating who the
physical mother of Michel is.
Azdak's problem is to find
out who the 'wirkliche', the 'richtige', the 'wahre'
mother is. (222)
He is not concerned with which woman
has borne the child.
As in the Chinese play, before the
chalk circle test is staged, the audience already knows
that the judge will award the child to Grushe.
Azdak
provokes Grushe's hostility to himself deliberately.
enjoys watching Grushe's spontaneous reactions.
He
He seems
to find them interesting and challenging. (223) The
audience quickly senses that the 'poor people's judge'
will not fail Grushe.
No surprise or suspense is meant.
Like Pao Ch&ng, Azdak stages the tug-of-war as a
confirmation of his judgement and as a manifestation to
the public of the 'motherliness' of Grushe.
I shall now
consider what this 'motherliness' entails.
Before the First Lawyer has finished his speech
on the pain and the sanctity of motherhood, Azdak breaks
in with the following conversation with Grushe:(220)
(221)
(222>
(223)
Stuecke 10, pp.285-286
Ibid.> p.296
Ibid., pp.297,298
ibid., p.291-296
- 154 ~
Azdak untert>**icht., zu Oi'ijsohe : Was kannst
du dazu und zu allem, was der Horr Anwalt
noch zu sagen hat, erwidern?
Grushe: Es ist me ins .•
Azdak:' 1st das alles? Ich hoff, du
kannst's beweisen.- Jedenfalls rat ich
dir, dass du mir sagst, warum du glaubst,
ich soil dir das Kind zusprecheo,
Grushe: Ich hab's aufgezogen nacn eastern
Wissen und Gewissen, ihm immer Mas zum
Essen gefunden. Es hat meisteris ein
Dach ueberm Kopf gehabt, und ich hab
allerlei Ungemach auf mich genommen
seinetwegen, mir auch Ausgaben gemacht.
Ich hab nicht auf meine bequemlichkeit
gesdhaut. Das Kind hab ich angehalten
zur Freundlichkeit gegen jedermann und
von Aoiang an zur Arbeit, so gut es
gekonnt hat, es ist noch klein. (224)
When she is asked to explain why she has not tried to
pull the child out of the circle, she simply says:"Ich hab's aufgezogen! Soil ich's
zerreissen? Ich kann's nicht," (225)
Compared to the speeches of the physical mothers (the
Governor's wife and Hai-T'ang) Grushe's strikes one as
unsentimental, unexaggerated. She is modest and
practical in her claims.
Through the speeches quoted and through Grushe's
consistency in claiming the rightful possession of
Michel, we learn what her values are. It is these same
values which give her confidence and courage to claim the
child as hers. She feels she has done her besr
in
bringing up Michel. She has looked after the physical
well-being of the child often at her own expense. She has
taught him to be friendly to everyone and to recognise the
Ibid., p.286
Ibid., p.
- 155 -
necessity, the importance and the value of work even at
his tender age.
She comes from the working-class, and her
values are that of a worker.
In the trial she confronts
the values of the feudal ruling class, but she does not
waver from what she considers to be best for Michel.
does not demand to keep the child indefinitely;
She
She asks
Azdak if she could keep him until he has learnt to speak
properly. (826)
She is interested in bringing up Michel
until he can be fairly independent of a guardian.
She
wants to be of help to the child when it needs help*
In Angelika Hurwicz1s pictorial survey of
Brecht*s production, there is a photograph of Grushe and
the child sitting together and mending a blanket or a mat
in the new home that she marries into.
Hurwicz's
caption reads:"Grushes Ehe
Arbeit. Wiederum zeigen ,lebende Bilder*
Grushes Ehe. Man sieht sie eng verbunden
mit dem Kind, um das alles begonnen ist.
Auch ihre Erziehungsmethode sieht man.
Sie haelt das Kind zur Arbeit an." (227)
We can find another example of Grushe's method of
upbringing in the calming tender words she speaks to
Michel just after they have escaped the pursuing soldiers
at the Janga-Tau Glacier.
As they approach the Northern
Mountains, the wind strengthens :Grushe sich nach Michel umblickend: Yor
dem Wind musst du dich nie fuerchten, der
ist auch nur ein armer Hund» Der muss
nur die Wolkert schieben und friert selber
am meisten.
(Es beginnt zu schneien.)
(226) Ibid., p . 2 9 8
(227) Brecht inszeniert
- 156 -
Grushe: Und der Schnee, Michel, ist nicht
der schlimmste. Er muss nur die
kleinen Foehren zudecken, dass sie ihm
nicht umkommen in Winter
(228)
The strong wind and the snow are not seen as hostile to
man.
Grushe sees them as performing their functions in
Nature.
She teaches Michel to regard them as friendly
fellow workers, therefore he needs not fear them.
Grushe herself has experienced life under the
autocractic nobility.
She does not want Michel to grow
up to be one of the oppressor class.
When Azdak tempts
her with the question whether she wouldn't like the child>
if it were hers, to own a palace, horses, and soldiers,
she goes over the pros and cons of richness and poverty,
and chooses the latter:"Ginge es in goldnen Schuhn
Traete es mir auf die Schwachen
Und es muesste Boeses tun
Und koennte mir lachen.
Ach, zum Tragen, spaet und fruehe
1st zu schwer ein Herz aus Stein
Denn es macht zu grogse Muehe
Maechtig tun und boese sein.
Wird
Aber
Wird
Aber
es muessen den Hunger fuerchten
die Hungrigen nicht.
es muessen die Finsternis fuerchten
nicht das Licht." (229)
She would rather have Michel grow up in the hard way than
to let him be cradled in luxury and then make life hard
for others.
The nature of Grushers help to the child stems
from her sense of values.
It is wrong to seize on Brecht's
(228) Stuecke 10, pp.204-205
(229) ibid., pp.295-296
- 157 -
following words and make much of Grushe as the 'sucker1
and the motherly girl:"Es gibt im Englischen einen
amerikanischen Ausdruck ,sucker', der
genau sagt, was die Grushe ist, wenn sie
das Kind uebernimmt. Der oesterreichische
Ausdruck ,die Wurzen' bezeichnet etwas
Aehnliches, im Hochdeutschen wuerde man
zu sagen haben ,der Dumme' (in dem
Zusammenhang ,man hat einen Dummen
gefunden'). Ihr muetterlicher Instinkt
liefert die Grushe den Verfolgungen und
Muehen aus, die sie beinahe umbringen."
(230)'
The text of the play does not fully support these
statements.
In the confusion in the palace following the
overthrow of Governor Abaschwilli,. the Nurse thrusts the
baby in Grushe's arras and flees»
The kind-hearted Cook
warns Grushe of the danger of her being found with the
Governor's heir.
She says if the child had leprosy, it
could not have been worst.
Grushe stubbornly replies
"Es hat keinen Aussatz.
wie ein Mensch." (231)
Es schaut einen
There is no pity or sentimentality attached to her words.
Nor does she betray any motherly instinct.
child objectively as another human being.
She sees the
As her.
colleagues hurry to leave the burning city, she too lays
the boy down and prepares to leave.
When she re-enters
with her packed bundle, she sees the child again.
She
does not see him as a baby orphan in need of motherly
cuddling,
instead, he appears, to be using a distinctly
clear and reasoned argument to call for her help.
(230) Materialien, p.19
(231) Stuecke 10, p. 171
/
The
- 158 -
Singer narrates:'Als sie nun stand zwischen Tuer und Tor, hoerte
sie
Oder vermeinte zu hoerenteinleises Hufen: das
Kind
Rief ihr, vjimraerte nicht, sondern rief ganz
verstaendig
So jedenfalls war's ihr. „Frau", sagte es, „hilf
mir."
Und es fuhr fort, wimmerte nicht, sondern sprach
ganz verstaendig:
„Wisse, frau, wer einen Hilferuf nicht hoert
Sondern vorbeigehtj verstoerten Ohrs: nie mehr
Wird der hoeren den leisen Ruf des Liebsten noch
Im Morgengrauen die Amsel oder den wohligen
Seufzer der erschoepften Weinpfluecker beim
Angelus.' (232)
Brecht repeats the phfase - "wimmerte nicht, sondern rief/
sprach ganz verstaendig"*
Grttshe has just bid hei1
betrothed, Simon, farewell. The sight offi.needy fellow
creature must bring to her mind Simon, who might one day be
in a similar situation in the war. Because of her love
for Simon, she cannot harden her heart against Michel the
child.
I agree with Brecht that she is "einfaeltig......
stoerrisch....statt aufsaessig, willig statt gut,
ausdauernd statt unbestechlich..." (233).
But she is not
a "sucker" when she picks up the child and steals away
guiltily as if she was a thief.
She acts out of an
instinctive respect and love for survival. Life is hard, f v
and therefore she will not be the cause of a life wasted.
She is only a "sucker" in the eyes of a selfish person.
Angelika Hurwicz points out in her notes to
Brecht's production that throughout Grushe's miming to the
Singer's words from the time she re-enters with her packed
bundle to the time she leaves with the child, her
(232) ibid., pp.173-174
(233) Materialien, p.32
- 159 -
expression in no way shows tenderness or goodness, but
fear and disconcertion at the thought of the burden that
she is about to take on. Hurwicz adds: "Wichtig ist zu
sehen den Menschen, der trotzdem hilft".
(234)
Brecht unjustly describes Grushe as "ein
Tragtier". (235)
It is true that she is shown as a
conscientious kitchen-maid up to the time of the uprising
on the Easter Sunday. But she has no "Tragtier" mentality.
She holds Michel when he is thrust upon her by the Nurse
not because she feels it is her duty to hold the
Governor's son when she is alsked tt>. She rescues him not
because she feels obliged to do the house of Abaschwilli a
service. She takes him on and 'adopts' him because she
sees that he needs her help.
"Einer muss der Heifer sein"
(236) seems to be the simple philosophy of her life. She
helps because she happens to be around.
Grushe is not an uncomplaining, docile "packhorse". She is perfectly aware of the danger and the
sacrifice she runs in harbouring Michel, She realises
this from the moment she is left alone with him, otherwise
she would not act so furtively as she makes up her mind
to rescue him. The contradictions she has to fight within
herself over the rivalry of her own interest and that of
the child are evident in her actions up to her adoption
of Michel at the Janga-Tau Glacier. She bargains with
the Old Man (Der Alte) over the price of milk for the
child. Unlike Mother Courage, she does not bargain too
long. She sacrifises her half-a-week's pay for the milk.
(237)
(234) Brecht inszeniert, under the caption:
"Widerspruechiicher Ausdruck der Guete"i
(235) Materialien, p.32
(236) Stuecke 10, p.235
(237) ibid., pp.177-.178
- 160 -
Then she leaves Michel at the door of a fairly well-to-do
farm couple in the hope that he will be adequately lookedafter and also she Wants to free herself of the burden.
But when she realises that the child's life is endangered
by the pursuing soldiers, she risks hers to save his. (238)
"Einer muss der Heifer sein", but Grushe finds time and
again that she is the only one who will help Michel*
Brecht underlined the nature of Grushe's contradictions
when he writes:"Je mehr die Grushe das Leben des Kindes
foerdert, desto mehr bedroht sie ihr
eigenes; ihre Produktivitaet wirkt in der
Richtung ihrer eigenen Destruktion. Dies
ist so unter den Bedingungen des Krieges,
des bestehenden Rechts, ihrer
Vereinsaraung und Armut. Rechtlich ist
die Retterin die Diebin. Ihre Armut
gefaehrdet das Kind und wird durch das
Kind groesser. Fuer das Kind braeuchte
sie einen Mann, aber sie muss fuerchten,
einen zu verlieren wegen des Kindes. Und
so weiter." (239)
Grushe's adoption of Michel at the Janga-Tau
Glacier is not a sentimental gesture. It confirms that
now there is no more class distinctions between them.
There cannot be any because they have lived together
through hard times. They are fellow sufferer^. She now
feels they truly belong together*
She has become the
'mother' of Michel through their struggle for survival.
As she ladles some water for the child from the halffrozen stream, she says to him:"Da dich keiner nehmen will
Muss nun ich dich nehmen
Musst dich, da kein andrer war
Schwarzer Tag im magern Jahr
( 2 38) Ibid., pp.190-199
(239) Materialien, p.23
-
161 -
Halt mit mir bequemen.
Weil ich dich zu lang geschleppt
Und mit wunden Fuessen
Weil die Milch so teuer war
Wurdest du mir lieb.
(Wollt dich nicht mehr missen.)
Werf dein feines Hemdlein weg
Wickle dich in Lumpen
Wasche dich und taufe dich
Mit dem G1etscherwasser.
(Musst es ueberstehen. )'* (240)
So Grushe throws away the fine linen of the Abaschwilli
child, and wraps him, her 'son1, in the rags of her
class.
Her affection for and attachment to Michel is
developed slovily through the hardship they experienced
together.
It should not be mistaken as simple motherly
instinct.
Li Hsing-Tao1 s Hai^-T^ang experiences no inner
conflict in her straightforward claim to motherhood.
She
is simply contending for possession of that which society
deems her right to have.
Once the mystery of who's who
is solved, no one will dispute her right to bring up her
own son.
Grushe strives for the rightful possession of
a child which is at the same time also claimed by its
physical mother.
The word 'rightful' is stressed
because the crucial point of Grushe's case, which is also
the crucial point of the debate between the Kolchos
members in the Prologue, and hence the whole theme of Per
kaukasische Kreidekreis would be lost if we do not realise
that Grushe believes it is right for her, and also that
it has now become her right, to be 'mother* to the child.
This has been no easy decision for Grushe.
In fact it
is the way she overcomes her conflicts which has given her
(240) Stuecke 10, pp.199-200
-
162 -
confidence to assert her right. And it is the same which
gains her that right in the eyes of the audience.
Internally she struggles against the clashing interests of
her own safety and that of the child's. Externally she
battles against the harsh war-time conditions which hardly
allow room for the survival of one helpless creature, let
alone two. It is only when she has resolved her inner
contradictions by the adoption of Michel at the Janga-Tau
Glacier that she has the peace of mind and the courage to
claim custody of the child against the wishes of the former
Governor's wife*
become one*
the play:-
Her interests and that of Michel have
Brecht points out in an interview (1955) about
"Die ueblen Zeiten maehen
Menschlichkeit zu einer Gefaehrdung fuer die
Menschlichen* In der Magd Grushe gibt es das
Interesse fuer das Kind und ihr eigenes
Interesse im Widerstreit miteinander, Sie muss
beide Interessen erkennen und beiden zu folgen
versuchen. Diese Betrachtung fuehrt, denke ich,
zu einer reicheren und bewegteren Darstellung
der Rolle der Grushe* Sie ist wahr." (24l)
From Brecht's understanding of Grushe4s different and
opposing interests to her achievement of a fruitful fusion
of these interests, he draws his parallel with the
proceeding of the Prologue - the struggle for the valley.
Hence rightful in the Brechtian sense is summed up in the
final lines of the Singer:"Ihr aber, ihr Zuhoerer der Geschichte
vom Kreidekreis
Nehmt zur Kenntnis die Meinung der Alten;
Dass da gehoeren soil, was da ist, denen,
die fuer es gut sind, also
Die Kinder den Muetterlichen, damit sie
gedeihen
(241) Materialien, p.26 (Ein Umweg)
- 163 -
Die Wagen den guten Fahrern, damit gut
gefahren wird
Und das Tal den Bewaesserern, damit es
Frucht bringt," (242)
It is better for the child, as it is for the valley, to
be put under the care of the one (or ones) who is best
for it.
The members of the Kolchos Rosa Luxemburg have
a better plan for the utilisation of the valley than its
long-time owners from Galinsk.
Grushe fulfills the
function of a mother to Michel better than his physical
mother.
Motherhood should not pride itself narrowly on
its biological value, it should broaden out to embrace
Stecfii
social values too. This is what^implies in the
words: "...also Die Kinder den Muetterlichen, damit sie
gedeihen....".
"0 Wechsel der Zeiteni
Du Hoffnung des VolksI"(243)
The nature of Hai-T'ang's and Grushe's claims to
motherhood are vastly different.
The social conditions
under which these claims are made are similar in that the
fictitious Grusinia and China in the Sung Dynasty are
both feudal socieites.
The conditions are dissimilar
in that the Chinese tale is set in peacetime, the
Grusinian tale in a time of internal and external strife.
The changes of the times bring out the hope of a people
for alterations in social conditions.
(242) Stuecke 10, p.301
(243) Ibxd., p.158
The uncertainties
- 164 -
of a period of transition gives Azdak an anarchistic
freedom which is inconceivable in Pao Chang's time. The
rigidity of the Chinese social structure is one of the
many sociological causes which makes the nature of
justice embodied in Pao's judgement different from tjhat
in Azdak'Si-Pao Chang's judgement in The Chalk Circle Is a
re-affirmation of an accepted ideal of justice. For
political reasons, justice is a prominent theme in Yffan
drama. Most of the plays written from Ytfan to Ch'ing
times are written for the •consumption of the merchant
and small-traders class. They are sketches of their
urban life and the inevitable corruption and injustice
thereof. The dramatists themselves come from the
merchant or the elite scholar clasdi Their works are
steeped in the values of the priviledged educated strata,
Li Hsing-Tao's Work is not an exception.
Justice in Li's play is administered solemnly
in the traditional way with formal proceedings of which
tortures are accepted as an integral and necessary pafct.
From Pao's first introductory speech to the
audience at the beginning of Act Four, the gravity of
his words with regard to his responsibility and
character reflects the awed solemnity with which his
position as judge is viewed:M
£
i If *ei ifi
i ft
tJi 0
TO
5i ;t t nu..% i
L ~tA%& 1-%,^ U W
(244) Y.C.H. p.1125
fMJl
m 11H
- 165 -
(i hold my conscience clear and upright.
I do not waver in my decisions. I take
pride in doing my best for the good of
my country. I disdain working for one's
own profit. I befriend myself only with
the loyal and the filial, not with liars
and opportunists. Owing to the great
benevolence of His Majesty, I am made
Judge of the Dragon Design, and Fellow
of the School of Heavenly Decrees. I
now practise as Governor of K'ai-Ffeng-Fu
I have been granted the Golden Standard
and the Glaive. It is my duty to check
corruption among the civil servants
and to free the people from injustice.
His Majesty grants me the power to
execute criminals before I obtain
sanction from Him. Because of this
priviledged power, the mention of my
name is enough to stay the hand of the
evil-doer. The murderous oppressor and
the adulterer tremble as soon as they
see my shadow.)
Pao's description of the layout of his court is also proof
of the extent to which the Chinese court of justice is
backed up by an awe-inspiring atmosphere as well as other
formidable trappings:u. t f t ft j
- A
it
£ 0
c LIS)
(Beyond my Standard is a railing of
knotted rope.. Just outside the walls of
this court stands a prison. My officers
(245) Ibid., p.1125
- 166 -
are always austerely attired. Upon the
stone which bears the Statutory ±aws, the
words 'By Order of His Majesty' are
engraved. My guards form impressive ranks.
At the foot of the steps leading to the
tribune, the words 'speak softly' are
written* Along the acacias which line the
approach, twenty-four of the largest cangs
are set up. At the front of the court-room
stand several hundred bludgeons bristling
with the teeth of wolves.)
The awe and the mystery with which the Law and its
accessories are regarded is indicative of the distance
between the ruling circle and the people.
The nature of justice administered by Pao is moral
as well as social justice. An analysis of the Ytfan plays
and the hua-p£n short stories associated with Pao shows that
a deep moral sense pervades. There is an unshakable belief
that villainy will eventually be punished and that innocent
victims will always be avenged, in this life or in the
'after-life'. This concept of
pao-ying),
retribution, leads to the introduction of supernatural
elements in the plays for the purpose of solving a case. In
five of the ten court-trial plays, Pao is helped by the
supernatural. In The Ghost in the Pot, The Magic Music Box,
and Young Sh£n-Nu, the ghosts of the murdered victims appear
and disclose to Pao what has happened. In The Flower in
the Backyard, the ghost leaves a few lines of poetry to a
sympathetic outsider, a scholar, who happens to stay at the
same inn where the girl was murdered. This eventually leads
Pao to uncover the identity of the murderer. In The
Butterfly Dream, as the title suggests, Pao is aided in his
perception of the truth by a dream. In the collection of
short stories, Pao is allotted the extra role, a night-duty
in fact, of presiding in a court of justice in the
- 167 -
Underworld, from whence comes the saying H &]$ 7 .4
(Judges men by day, judges ghosts by night).
%
At the end
of a hearing session in the Underworld, Pao usually leaves
the suppliants with the promise of persecuting the living
villains still at large, and he also promises the restless
souls a good life in the Underworld, and a better one in
their next incarnation.
This simplistic moral belief that evil will be
punished accounts for the supernatural elements like dreams,
spirits, and quite often animals and birds joining in to
solve crimes.
It is supposed to be an encouraging sign
that even the non-human forces are concerned that evil deeds
should reap evil consequences, and that the supernatural
is on the side of the good.
f'
The irony lies in the fact that such a belief is
probably rooted in a deep sense of disillusionment with the
arbitrariness of fortune under a despotic feudal government.
It is a defensive and passive acceptance of consolation.
It
is also a safe and easy attitude to adopt as it does not
demand an active redress of social wrongs.
It does not
demand the strength, the energy and the suffering which
must necessarily accompany the will and the mind to
-\.
transform a society ridden with corruption and inequality
into one which is free from these evils.The Ytfan dramatists did not question the existence
of the class system and the dire consequences it breeds.
They place their hopes on reforms within the same system,
or they hope for some rare apparitions like Pao Ch£ng who,
because of his incorrputability and his steadfast aim to
help the poor, would be aided by the spiritual world as
well as his own cunning wisdom to champion justice for the
- 168 -
people. Brecht and some of the Ytfan dramatists share the
conviction that the only way to obtain justice for the
poor in a society which tolerated their exploitation was
to be for the judge to be 'well-provided with false
measures'.
It is obvious that Azdak has a very different role
as judge in Per Kaukasische Kreidekreis* But it is more
important to understand the value of Azdak's justice in
Brecht's conception of the play as an entity.
The value of Azdak's justice can only be usefully
discussed if we link it to the social conditions of his
time. In his Notes to Der Kaukasische Kreidekreis, Brecht
wrote that he had difficulties with the characterisation
of Azdak until he found a social reason for Azdak's
behaviour
"Die Schwierigkeiten in der Gestaltung des
Azdak hielten mich zwei Wochen auf, bis
ich den sozialen Grund seines Verhaltens
fand. Zunaechst hatte ich nur seine
miserable Rechtsfuehrung, bei der die Armen
gut wegkamen. Ich wusste, ich durfte nicht
etwa zeigen, dass man das uebliche Recht
biegen muss, damit Gerechtigkeit geuebt
wird, sondern ich hatte zu zeigen, wie bei
nachlaessiger, unwissender, eben schlechter
Richterei schon etwas herausspringt fuer
diejenigen, die wirklieh Recht benoetigen.
Darum hatte der Azdak die selbstsuechtigen,
amoralischen, parasitaeren Zuege zu haben,
der niedrigste, verkommenste aller Richter
zu sein. Aber es fehlte mir immer noch
eine elementare Causa gesellschaftlicher
Art. Ich fand sie in seiner Enttaeuschung
darueber, dassraitdem Sturz der alten
Herrn nicht eine neue Zeit kommt, sondern
eine Zeit neuer Herrn. So uebt er weiter
buergerliches Recht, nur verlumptes,
sabotiertes, dem absoluten Eigennutz des
Richtenden dienstbar gemachtes, Freilieh
- 169 -
darf diese Erklaerung nichts aendern an
dem, was ich vorher hatte, und den Azdak
nicht etwa rechtfertigen." (246)
It is evident from the above passage that Brecht found it
hard to explain Azdak as a social phenomenon in a few
sentences.
He tries again in his "Advice for the Casting
of Azdak"
"Es muss ein Schauspieler sien, der einen
voellig lauteren Mann darstellen kann.
Der Azdak ist ein voellig lauterer Mann,
ein enttaeuschter Revolutionaer, der einen
verlumpten Menschen spielt, so wie beim
Shakespeare die Weisen Narren spielen.
Anders wird dem Urteil mit dem Kreidekreis
alle Gueltigkeit entzogen." (247)
His description of Azdak here as "einen voellig lauteren
Mann" contradicts the earlier words: "der niedrigste,
verkommenste aller Richter zu sein".
Azdak is moulded by
his time, which he is more than eager to manipulate when
he gets a chance.
No single moral judgement is imposed on the
audience by Brecht's portrayal of Azdak.
At the beginning
of Act Five - "Die Geschichte des Richters" - the Singer
invites the audience to listen to the story of the judge,
of how he becomes judge, how he passes judgement, and what
sort of judge he is.
straightforward.
The answers to these are not
One cannot take Azdak out of the context
of his particular background and label him a good or bad
judge.
The paradoxical elements in his character and his
judgement can only function and serve the 'have-nots' of
his class amidst the chaos of the internal and external
(246) Materialien, pp.31-32 (May 1944)
(247) Ibid., pp.19-20
- l?o -
wars in Grusinia.
Brecht emphasises through the Singer,
especially in the latter half of Act Five when Azdak is
made judge, that the utter confusion of the time enables
Azdak to put his ideals and fantasies into practice. (248)
Thus Azdak's justice belongs to a transitional period in
the past, and is supported only by historical accident.
It is a time of partial class confusion.
The Grusinian
Princes are forced to defer to the soldiers so long as
the Grandduke's whereabouts is still unknown.
They also
use the soldiers to crush the Carpet-weavers' rebellion.
During this period of the play of power between the various
heads of Grunsinia, the soldiers seize power briefly and
create further chaos in the administration.
Against the
confusion of the time, the oppressed poor sees a hope of
better days to come as the Singer says: "0 Wechsel der
Zeiteni
Du Hoffnung des Volksl"
Li's judge Pao is an idealised figure who
reassuringly reinforces the solidity of justice in the
people's mind. Brecht's Azdak points to a possibility that
justice could be achieved in a time of chaos, a possibility
that order can be achieved in a time of disorder.
Paradoxically, Azdak accomplishes this, not by restoring
the order lost, but by being a revolutionary in the robes
of a judge who disrupts the existing court proceedings.
Through this same 'disorder' (in the eyes of the Grusinian
authority), he brings a fresh taste of 'order' to the
oppressed#
The words 'order' and 'disorder' here become
purely semantic terms which do not express accurately the
confusion and complications of this particular period in
fictitious Grusinie. Azdak embodies this complication
(248) Stuecke 10, pp.258, 266
- 171 -
and contradiction.
The concept of justice and the judiciary are put
on trial in this play.
Azdak's judgement scenes differ
from Pao Chang's in that they are not designed to show
off the judge's (Azdak's) shrewdness and wisdom as the
Chinese scenes are.
Their function is to put the accepted
image of the Law on trial.
This is made specially clear
in the mock-trial scene between Azdak and the Pat Prince's
(Der Pette Puerst's) nephew, Bizergan Kazbeki.(249)'Azdak
ridicules the proceedings of an established court of law as
mere ritual.
He shows up the fraudulent roles of the
executors of laws.
power politics.
They are unmasked as the instruments of
The true nature of this kind of judgement
is to ensure the security of those in power.
This aspect
of Azdak's function can be compared to that of the corrupt
local government officials in the Ytfan plays.
In Azdak
we find this curious and unique combira tion of the
qualities and the functions of the good and the bad
judges in the Ytian plays.
The changes of the times
accommodate the brief survival of this remarkable but
basically temporary phenomenon.
In the same mock-trial scene, when the soldiers
suggest using the two Abaschwilli family doctors as the
accused to test the candidate, Bizergan Kazbeki, for the
Seat of Judgement, Azdak advises against it.
He describes
the law as a substanceless hoax which cannot bear any
challenge
"Halt, das geht nicht. Ihr duerft nicht
richtige Verbrecher nehmen, wenn der
(249) Ibid., pp.250-258
- 172 -
Richter nicht bestallt ist. Er kann ein
Ochse sein, aber er muss bestallt sein,
sonst wird das Recht verletzt, das ein
sehr empfindliches Wesen ist, etwa wie die
Milz, die niemals mit Paeusten geschlagen
werden darf, sonst tritt der Tod ein. Ihr
koennt die beiden haenger, dadurch kann
niemals das Recht verletzt werden, weil
kein Richter dabei war. Recht muss immer
in vollkommenem Ernst gesprochen werden, es
ist feo bloed. Wenn zum Beispiel ein Richter
eine Frau verknackt, weil sie fuer ihr Kind ein
Maisbrot gestohlen hat, und er hat seine Robe
nicht an oder er kratzt sich beim Urteil, so
dass mehr als ein Drittel von ihm entbloesst ist,
das heisst, er muss sich dann am Oberschenkel
kratzen> dann ist das Urteil eine Schande und
das Recht ist verletzt. Eher noch koennte
eine Richterrobe und ein Richterhut ein Urteil
sprechen als ein Mensch ohne das alles. Das
Recht ist weg wie nix, wenn nicht aufgepasst
wird* Ihr wuerdet nicht eine Kanne Wein
ausprobieren, iridem ihr sie einem Hund zu
aaufen g$bt, warum, dann ist der Wein weg."(250)
Like Pao Ch£ng, Azdak understands the weakness and
ambiguity of the law.
He seizes these and turns them into
weapons against the law-makers.
Azdak's reign is seen by the people of Grusinia
as a short golden time which is very near their ideal of
justice.
At the end of the play, when he vanishes among
the crowd of dancing couples, the Singer tells how the
Grusinians:"......vergass ihn nicht und gedachte noch
Lange seiner Richterzeit als einer kurzen,
Goldenen Zeit beinah der Gerechtigkeit."(251)
( 2 5 0 ) Ibid., p.252
( 2 5 1 ) ibid., p.300
- 173 -
But the people of Grunsinia do not fully understand how and
why Azdak's strange style of administering justice is
curiously just. They could not have as it is only in
retrospect that one fully appreciates the cause and
sequence of an event. The commoner's opinion of the
unpredictable judge may be typified in the words of the
Cook (Die Koechin) to Grushe as the latter awaits the trial:"Du hast ein Glueck, es ist ueberhaupt kein
richtiger Richter, es ist der Azdak. Er ist
ein Saufaus und versteht nichts, und die
groessten Diebe sind schon bei ihm freigekommen.
Weil er alles verwechselt und die reichen Leut
ihm nie genug Bestechung zahlen, kommt
unsereiner manchmal gut bei ihm weg." (252)
Later she prays that Azdak may be drunk again.
To her,
Azdak's siding with the poor seems to be a result of
drunkenness in addition to coincidence. Simon's and
Grushe's angry reaction to Azdak's receiving bribe from the
Abaschwilli lawyers show that they do not trust Azdak's
reputation of working for the poor as the Cook tells them.
(253) Similarly, the Old Woman cannot understand why Azdak
invites her to take the judge's seat any more than she can
understand why "der heilige Banditus" works miracles for
her.
She sits wonder-struck on the Seat of Judgement as
Azdak sits at her feet and sirgs: "Little Mother, I nearly
call you Mother Grusinia, the pain-afflicted, the
deprived
"(254)
In Azdak's case, the sufferers of the earth have
not yet been elevated in practice to the position of giving
verdicts. This idea is only symbolically realised in the
(252) ibid., p.277
»
>
Ibid., p.270
- 174 -
scene where the Old Woman is "enthroned" momentarily.
After this scene, the period of Azdak's reign is seen to be
near its end.
The Singer tells us that "The Time of
Disorder is over"(255), the Grandduke and the Abaschwilli
widow are back in power.
Azdak tells Schauwa that he
(Schauwa) will soon be free to plant his thick boot on
people's faces again "Denn die Zeit der Verwirrung und
Unordnung ist vorueber und die grosse Zeit ist nicht
gekommen." (256) Once again Azdak the disillusioned
revolutionary finds that instead of the arrival of a new
era, what has arrived is only "eine Zeit neuer Herrn" (257),
He sings again the "Lied vom Chaos" about the 'golden time'
which has not come.
He sings it in remembrance of "this
wonderful time" (diese wunderbare Zeit") of his rule:"Schwester, verhuelle dein Haupt, Bruder,
hole dein Messer, die Zeit ist aus
den Fugen.
Die Vornehmen sind voll Klagen und die
Geringen voll Freude.
Die Stadt sagt: Lasst uns die Starken aus
unserer Mitte vertreiben.
In den Aemtern wird eingebrochen, die
Listen der Leibeigenen werden
zerstoert.
Die Herren hat man an die Muehlsteine
gesetzt. Die den Tag nie sahen,
sind herausgegangen
Die Opferkaesten aus Ebenholz werden
zerschlagen, das herrliche
Sesnemholz zerhackt man zu Betten.
Wer kein Brot hatte, der hat jetzt
Scheunen, wer sich Kornspenden
holt, laesst jetzt selber
austeilen.
1
Ibid., p.271
Ibid., p.272
This thesis, p. 168-
- 175 -
Wo bleibst du, General? Bitte, bitte,
bltte, schaff Ordnung.
Der Sohn des Angesehenen ist nicht mehr
zu erkennen; das Kind der Herrin
wird zum Sohn ihrer Sklavin.
Die Ratsherrn suchen schon Obdaeh im
Speicherj wer kaum auf den Mauern
naechtigen durfte, rekelt jetst
sich im Bett.
Der sonst das Boot ruderte, besitzt
Schiffe; schaut ihr Besitzer nach
ihnen, so sind sie nicht mehr sein,
Fuenf Maenner sind ausgeschickt von ihrem
Herren. Sie sagen: Geh jetzt selber den
Weg, wir sind angelangt.
Wo bleibst du, General? Bitte, bitte,
bitte, schaff OrdnungI" ( 2 5 8 )
This era of a total class reversal was very near them,
Azdak says, if only "die Ordnung noch laenger
vernachlaessigt worden waere"* (259)
This 'golden time' of class levelling does not
arise out of a pure myth*
Such myths are often nurtured
by historical circumstances.
The 'disorder' stirred up
by Azdak in the Grunsinian court becomes an important
landmark leading up to the 'order' which characterises the
Kolchos-dwellers in their debate for the use of the valley,.
In this regard, Helmut Jendreiek writes:"Es war nicht Brechts Absichts, im
Vorspiel ein idealisierend-verfaelschendes
Bild einer geschichtlichen Wirklichkeit zu
zeichnen. Entworfen wird das Modell eines
Gesellschaftszustandes, in dem die von
Azdak durch korrupte Beugung des
herrschenden Rechts geschaffene
Gerechtigkeit gesellschaftliche Realitaet
geworden ist: was in Azdak als legendaer(258) Stuecke 10, pp.273-274
(259) Ibid., p.274
- 176 -
utopisehe Ausnahme erscheint, ist in der
Welt des Vorspiels als allgemeine Norm des
Denkens und Handelns realisiert. Allein
durch diese Beziehung zwischen Azdakscher
Rechtsprechung und der Welt des Vorspiels
erzielt die Kreidekreisprobe ihren
verfremdungstechnischen Effekt. Azdaks
Auftreten und Handeln allein koennte nicht
zu revolutionaeren Einsichten fuehren und
keine weltveraendernde Aktivitaet weck&n,
und das eigentliche Ziel des Epischen
Theaters, die Erzeugung des V-Effekts als
der Erkenntnis, dass die Welt
veraenderungsbeduerftig ist, wuerde
verfehlt. Die Geschichte vom Kreidekreis
waere nichts anderes als eine mit mancherlei
sozialen Aspekten aufgefuellte Legende von
feiner kurzen goldenen Zeit beinah der
Gerechtigkeit'." (260)
In other words, the justice and order which Azdak imparts
in his own fashion, and which is incomprehensible and
completely out of keeping with the feudal, corrupt
Grusinian air, has materialised in the Kolchos as a
necessity, as a natural part of their life.
While the judgement of the chalk circle itself
reaffirms the decision made by the two communes "Dass da gehoeren soil, was da ist, denen,
die fuer es gut sind," (26l)
the actual form of justice in these two cases present two
very different way of life.
Azdak's justice is feasible
for temporary survival at a particular time, namely a time
©f partial class confusion.
His justice is still very far
from the independent, solid existence of the kind of
justice practised in the Prologue.
As a product and a
manipulator of a changing period in history, Azdak's role
is confined within this particular transitional time.
(260) Helmut Jendreiek, Bertolt Brecht - Drama der
Veraenderune. pp.299-300(August Bagel Verlag,
Duesseldorf, 1969)
(261) Stuecke 10. p.301
He
- 177 -
provides a temporary form of justice and order which
functions in the chaos created by the Old Order's death
throes.
His administration points towards a new
possibility - the possibility of a Hew Order, a more humane
and flexible way of co-existence.
Justice in Der Kaukasische Kreidekreis no longer
takes the same form as Pao Chang's justice in the Ytfan
play.
It has undergone a metamorphosis.
We are shown
the process of this metamorphosis through Azdak's deeds.
The Opinion of the Ancients (die Meinung der Alten) (262)
and the Old Wisdom have been 'updated' to their relevant
contemporary forms<
are not discarded.
The Old Opinion and the Old Wisdom
They are given a new lease of life
arid speak to our time.
(262) ibid., p.301
SECTION FOUR
DER KAUKASISCHE KREIDEKREIS - THE CUIKTHATINO POINT OF
BRECHT'S IDEAS ON JUSTICE AND BRECHT AS A REVOLUTIONARY
ARTIST
Subheadings
- Brecht - the revolutionary artist
pp.178-181
- Justice in Brecht's earlier plays
pp.181-194
- Der Kaukasische Kreidekreis - union
of dialectics and aesthetics
pp.194-199
- 178 -
Brecht - the revolutionary artist
Der Kaukasische Kreidekreis. is the apex of Brecht's
career as a revolutionary artist.
The term 'revolutionary art' used in our bourgeois
society conjures up two opposing images. One may visualize
the powerfully evocative murals of Diego Rivera and the
painfully sinuous yet sensual limbs of Neizvestny's
sculpturesi
On the other hand one may call to mind
romanticized and idealized paintings of workers with
exceptionally rosy cheeks and determined looks posing in
heroic stance, such as one would associate with Stalinist
art.
The latter are purely propagandistic. There is in
them plenty of romantic idealism, but there is nothing
revolutionary or artistic about them. They cannot be
called true revolutionary art because neither the 'message'
nor the technique is revolutionary. They are only
representations of crude and simplistic idealism. Romantic
idealism is not revolutionary. It serves as a model to be
emulated. It bears no relationship to present day reality
and does not point to a way of achieving that goal. It
encourages superficial imitation but it does not sharpen
one's perception for contradictions. It does not induce
one to be critical.
In Literature and Revolution (1924), Leon Trotsky
describes two other kinds of revolutionary art in Soviet
Russia
"When one speaks of revolutionary art, two
kinds of artistic phenomena are meant : the
works whose themes reflect the Revolution, and
the works which are not connected with the
Revolution in theme, but are thoroughly imbued
with it, and are colored by the new
consciousness arising out of the Revolution.
These are phenomena which quite evidently
belong, or could belong, in entirely different
- 179 -
planes. Alexey Tolstoi, in his 'The Road to
Calvary', describes the period of the War and
the Revolution. He belongs to the peaceful
Yasnaya Polyana school, only his scale is
infinitely smaller and his point of view
narrower. And When he applifes it to events of
the greatest magnitude> it serves only as a
cruel reminder that Yasnaya Polyana has been
and is no more. But when the young poet,
Tikhonov, without writing about the
Revolution, writes about a little grocery
store (he seems to be shy about writing of the
Revolution), he perceives and reproduces its
inertia and immobility with such fresh and
passionate power as only a poet created by the
dynamics of a new epoch can do. Thus if works
about the Revolution and works of revolutionary
art are not one and the same thing, they still
have a point in common. The artists that are
created by the Revolution cannot but want to
speak of the Revolution. And, on the other
hand, the art which will be filled with a great
desire to speak of the Revolution, will
inevitably reject the Yasnaya Polyana point
of view, whether it be the point of view of
the Count or of the peasant." (263)
The style and contents of Brecht's works are revolutionary
whether he writes directly, or much more often,
indirectly about revolutionary struggles. With the
exception of Der Kaukasische Kreidekreis, his major works
fall into Trotsky's two catagories: they are either works
'whose theme reflect the Revolution', or they are 'not
connected with the Revolution in theme, but are thoroughly
imbued with it, and are colored by the new consciousness
arising out of the Revolution'. Der Kaukasische
Kreidekreis is a perfect fusion of the two kinds.
(263) Leon Trotsky, Literature and Revolution, translated
by Rose Strunsky, pp.228-229,(university of
Michigan Press, I960]
- 180 -
True revolutionary art is humanitarian,
its ultimate
aim is to bring about a world fit for the survival and
well-being of every man.
I pointed out in Section One that
the Ytfan dramatists were not revolutionary in their
criticism of Ytian rule.(264) They hoped for reforms and a'
return to a just era in history*
artist.
Li Hsing-Tao was not.
Brecht was a revolutionary
But in their common
humanitarian concern they came close together.
In the introduction to Literature and Revolution,
Trotsky emphasises the truly human quality of a classless
future socialist culture:"The historic significance and the moral grandeur
of the proletarian revolution consist in the fact
that it is laying the foundations of a culture
which is above classes and which will be the first
culture that is truly human" (265)
Brecht has repeatedly referred to the 'great endeavour1
which is; "die Welt endlich bewohnbar zu machen".
In
"Die Dialektik auf dem Theater" (1951-1956), he once more
attempts to clarify his ideas on the interaction between
dramatic art and contemporary man.
His theoretical writings
clearly centre on the question; how can the theatre serve
the interests of contemporary man in the context of a
changing social reality?
Unlike Trotsky, Brecht as a
practical man of the theatre has a more definite sense of
what drama can do now for contemporary man.
One of the
last statements he writes in "Die Dialektik auf dem
Theater" reads
"Das Theater dieser Jahrsehnte soil die Massen
unterhalten, belehren und begeistern. Es soil
(264) see this thesis, pp.27-28
(265) L. Trotsky, Literature and Revolution, p.l4
- 181 -
Kunstwerke bieten, welche die Realitaet so zeigen,
dass der Sozialismus aufgebaut werden kann. Es
soil also der Wahrheit> der Mens chii chke i t und
der Schoenheit dienen*" (266)
The question of justice has been Brecht's major
concern.
Der Kaukasische Kriedekreis is his most successful
expression of the concept of justice.
It is fitting to study
how Brecht the revolutionary artist treats this subject in
his earlier plays in comparison with the achievement in the
later one.
Justice in Brecht's earlier plays
The previous Sections of this thesis show that in
marked contrast to Klabund's and von Guenther's
inconsequential handling of the idea of justice, Brecht in
Per Kaukasische Kreidekreis has come strangely close to the
original strong urge for justice in Li Hsing-Tao's play.
Moreover, he has totally revolutionarized the old image of
justice and given it a contemporary significance. In the
play, Brecht explores once more ideas which can be
discovered in the earlier works. The most notable of these
are the problems of law and justice, the place of humanity
in an inhuman world, and an attitude of critical enquiry to
one's environment. The culmination of these ideas in the
'chalk circle' play reveals a deep cynicism towards the
existing social order and a strong desire for a total change.
Brecht's preoccupation with justice accounts for the
occurance of court-room scenes in his plays. He
(266) G.W. 16, "Die Dialektik auf dem Theater", p.9^1
- 182
makes use of the device of the trial for different purposes.
In. Bertolt Brecht - Die Struktur seines Werkes, Reinhold
Grimm devotes an informative but brief section to this
topic - "Gerichtsszene".
He differentiates between the
many court-room scenes:"....Wo sie nicht, wie etwa in der tMassnahme',
dem ,Verhoer des Lukullus' oder dem ,Badener
Lehrstueck vom Einverstaendnis1> strukturbildend
wirken koennen, erscheinen sie wenigstens als
Teile der Fabeli Man denke etwa an den Prozess
gegen Galy Gay in ,Mann ist Mann', an die
Gerichtsverhandlung in ,Mahagonny', an die
iGesichte der Simone Machard', an den
,Kaukasischen Kreidekreis', an die tAusnahme und
die Regel', endlich an den Schluss des ,Guten
Menschen von Sezuan'. In den letzten beiden
Faellen wird zuerst der Hergang der fraglichen
Tat gezeigt, dann Gericht gehalten. Ebenso - und
das bestaetigt erneut die zentrale Bedeutuag
dieses Stilmittels fuer Brecht - verhaelt es sich
mit der grossen Gerichtsszene am Schluss des
fDreigroschenromans', wo Jesus angeklagt und
verurteilt wird." (267)
As for the 'central meaning of this stylistic device
for Brecht', Grimm traces it back to the 'Streetscene'
as the basic model, the root of Brecht's epic theatre,(268)
In "Die Strassenszene, Grundmodell eines epischen Theaters",
Brecht points out that an essential element in a
'Streetscene' reporting or enactment is that it should have
a social practical significance,(269)
The object is to
enable the spectators to criticize constructively from a
social point of view:"Wir kommen zu einem der eigentuemlichen Elemente
des epischen Theaters, dem sogenannten V-Effekt
(Verfremdungseffeckt). Es handelt sich hierbei,
(267) Reinhold Grimm, Bertolt Brecht - Die Struktur seines
Werkes. p.67,(Verlag Hans Carl Nuernberg, 1968.J
(268) Ibid., pp.67-68
(269) GiW. 16, p.548 ("...gesellschaftlich praktische
Bedeutung")
- 183 -
kurz gesagt, um eine Technik, mit der
darzustellenden Vorgaengen zwischen Menschen der
Stempel des Auffallenden, des der Erklaerung
Beduerftigen, nicht Selbstverstaendlichen, nicht
einfach Natuerlichen verliehen werden kann. Der
Zweck des Effekts ist, dem Zuschauer eine
fruchtbare Kritik vom gesellschaftlichen
Standpunkt zu ermoeglichen." (270)
A trial is a more sophisticated form of Streetscene reporting.
It recounts, dramatizes the issues, and brings them
together*
The significance of the social practical is
magnified many times in a court-room, and that is why
Brecht uses it so often as a dramatic medium.
Illustrations
of this in the earlier works are found in Die Ausnahme und
Die Re gel, Der Gute Mensch von Sezuan, Die Dreigroschenoper,
Die Gesichte der Simone Machard, Aufstieg und Fall der
Stadt Mahagonny, and Das Yorhoer des Lukullus.
In the first two plays mentioned, Brecht uses the
court-room structure to stimulate criticism from the
audience.
In Die Ausnahme und Die Re gel, there is one
centrally important court scene.(271) But the form of the
play is a re-enactment of an event before an audience which
is asked to observe and criticize.
The audience is asked
to view familiar happenings as if they are unfamiliar and
questionable, so that nothing might be taken for granted
as unalterable
"Wir berichten euch sogleich
Die Geschichte einer Reise. Ein Ausbeuter
Und zwei Ausgebeutete unternehmen sie,
Betrachtet genau das Verhalten dieser Leute:
Findet es befremdend, wenn auch nicht fremd
Unerklaerlich, wenn auch gewoehnlich
Unverstaendlich, wenn auch die Regel.
(270) Ibid., p.553
see this thesis, pp•189*190
- 184 -
Selbst die kleinste Handlung, seheinbar einfach
BetrachtetraitMisstrauenl Untersucht, ob es
noetig ist
Besonders das Ueblichel
Wir bitten euch ausdruecklich, findet
Das immerfort Vorkommende nicht natuerlichi
Denn nichts werde natuerlich genannt
In solcher Zeit blutiger Verwirrung
Verordneter Unordnung, planmaessiger Willkuer
Entmenschter Menschheit, damit nichts
Unveraenderlich gelte." (272)
The play ends with the actors gathering again. They once
more bid the audience to assess the familiar with critical
eyes, and to remedy a situation where there is abuse. The
court-room like structure helps the spectators to realize
the purpose of Brecht's concern for social critical inquiry.
The most thought-provoking idea in this play is that
humanity often proves most unrewarding and even dangerous
to oneself in an exploiters' world. During the trial of
the Merchant (Der Kaufmann), his Guide (Der Fuehrer) sings
to himself
"In dem System, das sie gemacht haben
Ist Menschlichkeit eine Ausnahme.
Wer sich also menschlich erzeigt
Der traegt den Schaden davon.
Fuerchtet fuer jeden, ihr
Der freundlich aussiehtI
Raltet ihn zurueck
Der da jemand helfen willI
Neben dir durstet einer; schliesse schnell deine
Augenl
Verstopf dein Ohr: neben dir stoehnt jemandI
Halte deinen Fuss zurueck; man ruft dich um Hilfel
Wehe dem, der sich da vergisst! Er
Gibt einem Menschen zu trinken, und
Ein Wolf trinkt." (273)
(2J2) stuecke 5* P»l87
( 2 7 3 ) ibid., p.226
- 185 -
In this context, the Singer's (Der Kaukasische Kreidekreis)
loud and distinct words - "Schrecklich ist die Verfuehrung
zur Guete!" - as Grushe hesitates between fleeing the
city and staying with the child for a little longer - takes
on a more ominous ofeaning.
There is no court-room scene in Der Neinsager. But
the same urge to question what is blindly accepted as
the 'custom1 or 'habit' as shown in Die Ausnahme also marks
this play. (274) In the story, the Teacher leads a party
of students on a research-expedition (Porschungsreise)
across the mountains. The Boy (Der Knabe) joins in because
he wants to get medicine for his sick mother from doctors
who live on the other side of the mountains. He falls ill
on the way. There is a law which requires whoever falls
ill on such journeys to be thrown down the mountains so as
not to hinder the expedition. But there is also a custom
which obliges the ill man to be asked if the party should
retrace their steps home for his sake. The same custom
also requires that the ill person should answer in the
negative and encourage the rest to throw him to his death.
Both 'law' and 'custom' betray a 'Stalinist' acquiecence
to the Party-line. The Boy refuses to comply with the
custom. It is not a simple refusal to die. The important
point is that he questions the necessity of such a
situation ever
"Die
aber
muss
arising. He says:Antwort, die ich gegeben habe, war falsch,
eure Frage war falscher. Wer a sagt, der
nicht b sagen. Er kann auch erkennen, dass
(274) After the Neinsager, Brecht wrote the second Per
jasager in which he changes the circumstances leading
up to the Boy's death and makes the Boy's request
to be thrown to his death more credible. (See
Stuecke 4)
- 186 -
a falsch war. Ich wollte meiner Mutter Medizin
holen, aber jetzt bin ich selber krank geworden,
es ist also nicht mehr moeglich. Und ich will
sofort umkehren, der neuen Lage entsprechend.
Auch euch bitte ich umzukehren und mich
heimzubringen. Euer Lernen kann durchaus warten.
Wenn es drueben etwas zu lernen gibt, was ich
hoffe, so koennte es nur das sein, dass man in
unserer Lage umkehren mussi Und was den alten
grossen Brauch betrifft, so sehe ich keine
Vernunft an ihm. Ich brauche vielmehr einen
neuen grossen Brauch, den wir sofort einfuehren
muessen, naemlich den Brauch, in jeder neuen
Lage neu nachzudenken." (275)
He convinces his young friends that there is a greater
need for a 'new great custorn': to think anew in each new
situation,
This idea is fully developed in "Der Streit
um das Tal" in Der Kaukasische Kreidekreis.
In Der Gute Mensch von Sezuan, the final scene takes
place in a court where Shen Te the 'good person' in the
guise of Shui Ta her exploiter-cousin is tried before the
three gods.
It is clear that it is not Shen Te who is
really being tried.
What is on trial is the society which
forces her to pose as Shui Ta in order for her to survive.
She finds it impossible to be good as the gods bid her,
and to live.
She explains in the last scene to the gods:-
"Euer einstiger Befehl
Gut zu sein und doch zu leben
Zerriss mich wie ein Blitz in zwei Haelften. Ich
Weiss nicht, wie es kam: gut sein zu andern
Und zu mir konnte ich nicht zugleich.
Andern und mir zu helfen, war mir zu schwer,
Ach eure Welt ist schwierig! Zu viel Not, zu
viel VerzweiflungI
Die Hand, die dem Elenden gereicht wird
Reisst er einem gleich ausI Wer den Verlorenen
hilft
(275) Stuecke 4, p.245
- 187 -
Ist selbst verlorenl Denn wer koennte
Lang sioh weigern, boese zu sein, wenn da stirbt,
wer kein Pleisch isst?
Aus was sollte ich nehmen, was alles gebraucht
wurde? Nur
Aus mirI Aber dann kam ich um! Die Last der
guten Vorsaetze
Drueckte mich in die Erde. Doch wenn ich Unrecht
tat
Ging ich maechtig herum und ass vom guten FleischI
Etwas muss falsch sein an eurer Welt...."(276)
The play ends with an epilogue spoken by an actor to the
audience.
He urges the audience to find a solution to
Shen Te's dilemma
"
.Was koennt die Loesung sein?
Wir konnten keine finden, nicht einmal fuer Geld.
Soli es ein andrer Mensch sein? Oder eine andre
Welt?
Vielleicht nur andere Goetter? Oder keine?
Wir sind zerschmettert und nicht nur zum Scheinel
Der einzige Ausweg waer aus diesem Ungemach:
Sie selber daechten auf der Stelle nach
Auf welche Weis dem guten Menschen man
Zu einem guten Ende helfen kann.
Verehrtes Publikura, los, such dir selbst den
Schluss:
Es muss ein guter da sein, muss, muss, mussi"
(277)
The question here is how goodness can survive xn a society
dominated by evil.
It is unanswerable.
In Der Kaukasische
Kreidekreis, instead of posing or exploring the same
problem, Brecht portrays how one can actually do good to
one's fellow men by subtly sabotaging the law.
Without
his roguish cunning wisdom, Azdak would have been caught in
Shen Te's dilemma.
He would have to choose between
exploiting and surviving, or succumbing while helping
others to survive.
Grushe's existence is a little less
(276) Stuecke 8, pp.401-402
(277) Ibid., pp.407-408
- 188 -
problematical than Shen Te's, partly because she is not
under obligation to any moral ideals, such as Shen Te's
gods, and partly because she is a much more practical and
less sensitive person compared to Shen Te.
-^n Die Dreigroschenoper, Die Gesichte der Simone
Machardj and Aufstieg und Fall der Sfcadt Mahagonny, Brecht
grotesquely exaggerates the corruption and absurdity
revealed by those who dispense justice. He caricatures
the unsound judicial system. He shows that the greater
injustice is the injustice practised in court under the
name of justice.
In Die Dreigroschenoper, the Police-chief Brown
works hand in glove with Macheath the murderer and robber.
In Act Three, when Brown comes to arrest the Beggarexploiter Peachum, the latter turns round to accuse Brown
of harbouring Macheath. He also says ironically that
exploiters must adhere strictly to the law for success
and that no amount of money could bribe the judges to
be just:-
•i
PEACHUM:
.Vertragen wir uns doch alle, Wir
halten uns doch alle an das GesetzI Das
Gesetz ist einzig und allein gemacht zur
Ausbeutung derer, die es nicht verstehen
oder es aus nackter Not nicht befolgen
koennen. Und wer von dieser Ausbeutung
seinen Brocken abbekommen will, muss
sich streng an das Gesetz halten.
' . BROWN :So, Sie halten also unsere Richter fuer
bestechlichl
PEACHUM:lm Gegenteil, Herr, im Gegenteill Unsere
Richter sind ganz und gar unbestechlich:
mit keiner Geldsumme koennen sie dazu
bestochen werden, Recht zu sprechenl,...
(278)
(278) Stuecke 3, p.109
- 189 -
The plays ends with Macheath's pardon from the Queen and
his being raised to the permanent ranks of nobility.
In Die Ausnahme und Die Regel there is another
example of Brecht's cynicism for law-courts.
While the
stage is set for the court scene (Scene 95# the actors
sing the "Lied von den Gerichten"
"im Tross der Raeuberhorden
Ziehen die Gerichte.
Wenn der Unschuldige erschlagen ist
Sammeln sich die Richter ueber ihm und verdammen
ihn.
Am Grab des Erschlagenen
Wird sein Recht erschlagen.
Die Sprueche des Gerichts
Fallen wie die Schatten der Schlachtmesser.
Ach, das Schlachtmesser ist doch stark genugl
Was braucht es
Als Begleitbrief das Urteil?
Sieh den Flugi Wohin fliegen die Aasgeier?
Die nahrungslose Wueste vertrieb sie:
Die Gerichtshoefe werden ihnen Nahrung geben.
Dorthin fliehen die Moerder. Die Verfolger
Sind dort in Sicherheit. Und dort
Verstecken die Diebe ihr Diebesgut, eingewickelt
In ein Papier, auf dem eine Gesetz steht."(279)
Here, as in The Threepenny Opera, Brecht points out that
the law is used as a cover for criminal activities.
In
the middle of the trial, the judge gives open assistance
to the Merchant who is accused of shooting his Coolie.
The Merchant denies that he has ever given cause for the
Coolie's resentment.
The Judge advises against such
denials
"Hoeren Sie, Sie duerfen sich nicht weisser
waschen wollen, als Sie sind. So kommen Sie ja
nicht durch, Mann. Wenn Sie Ihren Kuli so mit
angefasst haben, wie erklaeren Sie
(279) Stuecke 5, p.2l4
- 190 -
dann den Hass des Kulis gegen Sie? Doch nur,
wenn Sie den Hass glaubhaft machen koennen,
koennen Sie auch glaubhaft machen, dass Sie in
Notwehr- gehandelt haben. Immer denkeni(230)
The Judge and the Merchant belong to the same class - the
ruling class0
There is no proof in the play that the
Judge has been bribed by the Merchant.
The former's
advice to the latter is not prompted by greed.
It is
prompted by the need to defend a member of the same class.
The Judge needs the Merchant, and vice-versa, for the
maintenance of ruling-class power.
In a court which
serves the interests of those in power, the outcome of
the trial is fixed even before it begins.
One might as
well dispense with the formalities of having a trial.
This
is probably what Brecht has in mind when in Die Gesichte
der Simone Machard he writes about the "geistliches"
court in Simone's Fourth Dream.
Simone meets the
Standard-bearer (Standartentraeger)•SIMONE; Was ist das fuer ein Gericht?
STANDARTENTRAEGER: Kein gewoehnliches. Es ist
ein geistliches.
SIMONE: Ich bekenne nichts.
ST«
: Ganz gat, aber die Verhandlung scheint
schon zu Ende sein.
SIMONE: Wird man denn verurteilt, bevor man
verhoert wird?
ST.
: Ja. Nautuerlich. (28l)
In Aufstieg und Fall der Stadt Mahagonny, the
eighteenth scene title reads: "Die Gerichte in Mahagonny
waren nicht schlechter als andere Gerichte".
The contents
of the scene explain, the analogy. As the scene opens,
Dreieinigkeitsmoses as the public prosecutor advertises
(280) Ibid.,p.219
(281) stuecke 9, pp.460-461
- 191 -
the day's trials as 'excellent1 and tries to sell the
remaining seats in the courtroom as well.
He points out
that it only costs five dollars 'to hear justice spoken'.
(282) The first man to be tried is Tobby Higgins who is
accused of two murders.
He is proclaimed a free man almost
as soon as the trial begins because he gesticulates during
Dfeieinigkeitsmoses' speech as to how much he is willing
to pay the court.
Moreover, the victims are not present
to testify against him.
"they are dead. (283)
to be tried is Paul Ackermann.
The second
He begs his friend
Heinrich to lend him a hundred dollars "Damit mein Pall
hier menschiich durchgefuehrt wird", he hopes.
refuses.
Heinrich
Paul is accused of manslaughter, disturbing
the peace and harmony of the city of Mahagonny, rape,
singing a forbidden song, and of not having paid for
three bottles of whisky.
For the first four crimes, he
is sentenced to two days' detention, two years' loss of
civic rights, four years' probation and ten years'
imprisonment. For the crime of not having the money to
pay for his drinks he is sentenced to death
"Wegen Mangel an Geld
Was das groesste Verbrechen ist
Das auf dem Erdenrund vorkommt." (284)
The unconventionality of the Mahagonny trials
brings to mind those of Azdak.
But the unconventionality
of Azdak's procedures and sentences is marked by his
consideration for the oppressed, for those without the
means to bribe.
In this respect, his judgement is truly
unconventional and rare.
(282) Stuecke 3# p.236
(283) Ibid., pp.237-238
(284) ibid., pp.239-246
In the Mahagonny trials, Brecht
- 192 -
uses the device of a trial to parody cynically and
violently. Public trials too often resemble the Mahagonny
trials, they are corrupt, staged and arbitrary. The
Mahagonny court-room has an unconventional air about it
only because the corruption and the senselessness are so
blatantly undisguised. The public-prosecutor
Dreieinigkeitsmoses begins each trial with mock pompous
and moral words:"Niemals je
Wurde eine Tat veruebt
So voller Roheit.
Jedes menschiiche Empfinden
Haben schamlos Sie verletzt.
Aus dem Herzen der beleidigten Gerechtigkeit
Erhebt sich der Schrei nach Suehne.
Darum beantrage ich, der Staatsanwalt
Der Gerechtigkeit freien Lauf «u lassen,"(285}
These are in direct contrast to the personality of Azdak
and the justice he dispenses. Azdak does not need any
Widow Begbick to negotiate with his clients by
gesticulation behind his back. He receives money openly
in court from the accuser or the accused. At the
commencement of each trial, he stretches out a hand
and customarily says "ich nehme"i(286) Bribery does
affect his judgement, but not in the expected way. To
Azdak, the amount of money a party is willing to pay in
court is indicative of that party's guilty involvement
in the case. Unlike the Mahagonny court, Azdak's does
not indulge in any mock formality. He uses the Book of
Law (Gesetzbuch) all the time, but only to sit on. (28?)
And without affecting any pretence at morality, he orders
(285) Ibid,, pp.237, 240
(286) Stuecke 10, pp.259, 263, 284, 294.
(287) Ibid., p.274
- 193 -
the voluptuous Ludowika to accompany him to the bain
"damit sich der Gerichtshof den Tatort betrachten kann".
(288) Brecht's most pungent criticism of law and
justice is embodied in the characterisation of Azdak.
Its effectiveness lies in the fact that it is not just
negative criticism as in Die Dreigroschenoper and
Mahagonny. Brecht shows that the same law court which
is used for the suppression of those without the means
to bribe can in fact be used to benefit them. Azdak's
wily wisdom points the way. Revolutionary art should
embody constructive and not just negative criticism.
In this respect, Der Kaukasische Kreidekreis is certainly
an advance on the earlier works even when we take into
consideration the latter were written in different
circumstances.
In Das Verhoer des Lukullus, the jury for the
trial of this renowned warrior consists of:"Einer einst ein Bauer
Einer einst ein Sklave, der Lehrer war
Eine einst ein Fischweib
Einer einst ein Baecker
Ein einst eine Kurtisane.
Sie sitzen auf einem hohen Gestuehl
Ohne Haende, zu nehmen, und ohne Muender, zu
ess en
Unempfindlich fuer Glanz die lange erloschenen
Augen.
Unbesteehliche, sie, die Ahnen der Nachwelt,"
(289)
In the Afterworld, Lukullus is judged by those whom he
had probably considered as the scum of the earth.
However, this is cold comfort, for the damage done by
Lukullus on earth is irreparable. In Der Kaukasische
(288) Ibid*» p.265
(289) Stuecke 7, p. 2 35
- 194 -
Kreidekreis, a lowly, old farmer1s wife is enthroned
momentarily on the Seat of Judgement by Azdak.
' enthronement1 remains a symbolic gesture.
Her
It is a
symbol of the classless age towards which Azdak and his
deeds aspire.
Even within the limit of symbolic gestures,
the farmer's wife's enthronement denotes a more positive
attitude of the dramatist to the possibility of a better,
a more inhabitable world than he has depicted before.
Der Kaukasische Kreidekreis - union of dialectics and
aesthetics
Der Kaukasische Kreidekreis is Brecht's finest
work.
Truth and humanity there are expressed
aesthetically in the most pleasing way.
Its dialectics
are in complete harmony with the play as an aesthetic
expression.
The basic argument - "Dass da gehoeren soil,
was da ist, denen, die fuer es gut sind," {290) - is
reinforced in the very structure of the chalk circle test
as a play-within-a-play.
The slight idealization of a
socialist society in the Prologue is redeemed by the
combination of stark poetic beauty and at times vulgar
realistic language of the chalk circle play.
To enhance the eloquence and the beauty of the
dialectics, Brecht uses the "Verfremdung", or alienation,
technique.
The combination of the narrator-singer, chorus,
verse, songs, mime and lights minimize direct emotional
appeal.
This is not to say that there is an absence of
(290) Stuecke 10, p.301
- 195 -
emotions.
On the contrary, because of the distancing
effect, the emotions are stripped of their peripheral
sentiments and conventional appeal.
simple, basic human elements.
They appear as pure,
In the "Bemerkungen zu
den Proben", Angelika Hurwicz writes about Grushe and
Simon's meeting by the river:"Haeufig werden die Songs als ,V-Effekte'
interpretiert. Sie unterbrechen den Dialog,
folglich, so wird geschlossen, haben sie auch
das Spiel zu unterbrechen. Aber Brecht
wuenschte zum Beispiel bei der Wiederbegegnung
Grushes mit ihrem Verlobten, dass die
Schauspieler den Text der Saenger mit feinstem
mimischen Ausdruck begleiteten. Misstrauen,
Vorwurf, Enttaeuschung soliten sich auf den
Gesichtern spiegeln. Der Song als poetische
Auslegung des Schweigens. An der gleichen
Stelle sollte auch der Saenger, der die
vorwurfsvollen Gedanken Simon Chachawas
ausdrueckt, nicht unbeteiligt, erzaehlend
singen wie sonst, sondern zornig, anklagend.
Dieser Augenblick ist keinem Stilprinzip
unterzuordnen, er ist einfach ein poetischer,
auf sich selbst beruhender kuenstlerisch
schoener Augenblick." (291)
This scene by the river, acted as Brecht suggests,
enhances the effectiveness of the stylisation.
It is a
perfect illustration of the efficacy of the alienation
technique.
It brings out Grushe's dilemma as real.
Her
anguish is not dramatized in an outpouring of moving
words or of gestures of pain.
silent.
She stands tearful, but
Her problems are laid bare to the audience
through the narrator of the story.
Throughout the play,
where Grushe's finer feelings are concerned, she is
presented as inarticulate.
The audience learns about her
thoughts through the outsiders - the Singer and the
I291) Materialien, p.63
- 196 -
chorus. Examples are • her hesitation whether to rescue
the Governor's heir: her abandonment of Michel at the
door of a farm couple; her meeting with Simon by the
river; her silent reply to Azdak's question whether she
wants her 'son' to be rich.(292)
The inability to
express her deeper emotions makes her more of a real
person of her class - a blunt, stolid, good-hearted
kitchen-maid. The Singer and chorus as the external
means of revealing her feelings puts an objective
distance between her and the audience. It frees the
audience from the position of her confidant. It enables
them to view her difficulties from a more detached angle,
and to sympathize with her because of the distancing
effect placed between them. Ironical as it may seem,
great realism is achieved in the theatre of Brecht
through stylisation. The alienation technique breaks
the illusion of conventional performances and makes us
see the problems on stage as real problems thrust in
front of us. It alienates us from the characters on
stage, but it brings us closer to the crux of the matter
facing them. Brecht criticises the theatres of his
time as places where the audience go to indulge in
illusion: "Alles, worauf es den Zuschauern in diesen
Haeusern ankommt, ist, dass sie eine widerspruchsvolle
Welt mit einer harmonischen vertauschen koennen, eine
nicht besonders gekannte mit einer traeumbaren."(293)
Brecht's aim and achievement as a dramatist is to
prevent this.
sees realism in choreography as a form of
(292)stuecke 10, pp.173-175J 192J 234-235* 295-296
16, "Kleines Organon fuer das Theater"(1948),
p. 675
~ 197 -
stylisation.
He writes:-
"Auch die Choreographie bekommt wieder Aufgahen
realistischer Art. Es ist ein Irrtum
juengerer Zeit, dass sie bei der Abbildung von
,Menschen, wie sie wirklich sind', nicht zu tun
habe. Wenn die Kunst das Leben abspielgelt, tut
sie es rait besonderen Spiegeln. Die Kunst wird
nicht unrealistisch, wenn sie die Proportionen
aendert, sondern wenn sie diese so aendert, dass
das Publikum, die Abbildungen praktisch fuer
Sinblicke und Impulse verwendend, in der
Wirklichkeit s che i t e m wuerde. Es ist freilich
noetig, dass die Stilisierung das Natuerliche
nicht aufhebe, sondern steigere. Jedenfalls
kann ein Theater, das alles aus dem Gestus nimrnt,
der Choreographie nicht entraten. Schon die
Eleganz einer Bewegung und die Anmut einer
Aufstellung verfremdet, und die pantomimische
Erfindung hilft sehr der Fabel." (294)
Brecht stresses that it is essential that stylisation
should not remove what is natural, but should intensify
it.
Choreography plays a more important part in Der
Kaukasische Kreidekreis than in any other of his plays.
The fabel-like character of a play-within-a-play gives
ample opportunities for its use.
A glance at Angelika
Hurwicz's photographic survey will confirm this.
Notable
examples are : 1. Der Streit um das Tal; 2. Das hohe
Kind - Herrscher und Volk; Der Fall des Gouverneurs;
Hochzeits-
und Trauergaeste; Das Fest schreitet fort,
and finally, Ein lustiger Aufzug.(295)
The elegance and
compelling power of the grouping and the pantomimic
device are so well utilised that they are apparent even
in the photographs.
In the Appendices to Kleines Organon fuer das
Theater, Brecht points out that the theatre of the
Ibid., 73, p.
• 198 -
scientific age is in a position to make dialectics into
a source of enjoyment
"Das Theater des wissenschaftlichen
Zeitalters vertnag die Dialektik zum Genuss zu
machen. Die Ueberraschungen der logisch
fortsehreitenden oder springenden Entwicklung,
der Unstabilitaet aller Zustaende, der Witz der
Widerspruechlichkeiten und so weiter, das sind
Vergnuegungen an der Lebendigkeit sowie die
Lebensfreudigkeit.
Alle Kuenst tragen bei zur groessten aller
Kuenste, der Lebenskunst." (296)
The last sentence captures Brecht's attitude to theatrical
art particularly well. The centre of his concern is not
the theatre and poetry as such, but man in relation to
his society*
There is nothing laboratorial, and there
is no characteristic puritanical smell about his approach
to the theatre. The Alienation effect is not a creation
of the romantic machine-cult ,(297)
Brecht's writings
and his work as dramatist are directed towards a
humanitarian end. Like Azdak, he uses his mind and
energy to contribute towards a better, a more human age
to come. In Leben des Galilei, during Galilei's
conversation with the Little Monk (Der Kleine Moench),
the latter in his earnest, but naively stupid idealism
asks
"Und Sie meinen nicht, dass die Wahrheit, wenn
es Wahrheit ist, sich durchsetzt, auch ohne uns?"
Galilei replies emphatically:"Nein, nein, nein. Es setzt sich nur so viel
Wahrheit durch, als wir durchsetzen; der Sieg
der Vernunft kann nur der Sieg der
Vernuenftigen sein." (298)
(2g6) G . W ~ 6 , p.702
( 2 9 7 ) Bertolt Brecht Arbeits Journal (19^2-1955)> see pp.
718, 609 for Brecht's criticism of Max Gorelik's
approach to the theatre, (suhrkamp, Frankfurt, 1973
( 2 9 8 ) Stuecke 8 , p.ll6
- 199 -
Per Kaukasische Kreidekreis is Brecht1s testimony that
the victory of reason can only be the victory of reasonable
people.
In Die Dialektik auf dem Theater, he
differentiates between the relationship between reason
and feeling in a capitalist world and what he calls
misleadingly as 'the rising new Class'
"....Aber der Gegensatz zwischen Vernunft und
Gefuehl besteht nur in ihren unvernuenftigen
Koepfen und nur infolge ihres hoechst
zweifelhaften Gefuehlslebens. Sie verwechseln
die schoenen und maechtigen Gefuehle, welche
die Literaturen der grossen Zeiten wfederspiegeln,
mit ihren eigenen, imitierten, verschmutzten
und krampfigen, welche das Licht der Vernunft
allerdings zu scheuen haben, Und Vernunft
nennen sie etwas, was nicht wirklich Vernunft
ist, da es grossen Gefuehlen entgegensteht.
Beide, Vernunft und Gefuehl, sind im Zeitalter
des Kapitalismus, als dieses seinem Ende zuging,
entartet und in einen schlechten,
unproduktiven Widerspruch zueinander geraten.
Die aufsteigende neue Klasse hingegen und' jene,
die rait ihr zusammen kaempfen, haben es mit
Vernunft und Gefuehl im grossem produktivem
Widerspruch zu tun. Uns draengen die Gefuehle
zur aeussersten Anspannung der Vernunft, und die
Vernunft reinigt unsere Gefuehle." ( 2 9 9 )
The dialectical fruition of feeling urging reason to
the utmost exertion, and reason clarifying our feeling
is the characteristic of Brecht's theatre at its best.
In Der Kaukasische Kreidekreis I find a fulfillment of
this quality.
( 2 9 9 ) G.W. 16, "K1eines Gespraech in der Dramaturgie",
(1955),P«919
-
200
-
SUMMARY
I have shown that there are vast differences
between Li's and Brecht's approaches to the crucial
questions in the 'chalk circle' story: where is justice?
how should justice be dispensed? Their attitudes
reflect the vast differences in their times with
regard to social, political and cultural factors.
The 'chalk circle' tale has undergone considerable
changes from Li's version to Brecht's. The re-creations
of Klabund, von Guenther and Brecht provide interesting
material for a fruitful comparison of how a simple
dramatic device is passed from one culture to another
and is modified by the respective writers.
Li and Brecht come close together in their common
concern for justice. Despite the many dissimilarities
in their expression and presentation of the concept of
justice, they share a deeply humanitarian aim. To this
extent, the work of the Twentieth-century revolutionary
draaatist echoes that of the Thirteenth-century scholar.
- 201 ~
APPENDIX
SYNOPSES OP THE TEN YTTAN TSA CHCf WHICH PSA TUBE PAO CH2NG
AS JUDGE
i-
£ - 4 A.
Selling Rice in the Ch'£n Region
- Ancv IOUS (300)
There has been a draught for three years in the
Ch'£n Region. The Sung Emperor en thrusts Lord Fan to
dispatch two honest officials to Ch'&n to take charge
of a cheap sale of rice as relief work. Lord Liu heads
a powerful, wealthy family. He recommends that his son,
known as the 'Young Lord' and his son-in-law, Yang, be
appointed to carry out the duty. In order to ensure
that the sale of rice would be carried out smoothly,
Fan gives the two young men a royal Gold-and-Purple
Hammer which entitles its possessor to execute
punishment on unruly citizens before reporting it to the
Emperor. Lord Liu then gives his private advice to his
boys. He tells them to mix the rice with sand and earth,
to double the selling price, and to use a faulty scale
for measuring.
On arrival in Ch'&n, the 'Young Lord' and Yang
easily obtain the co-operation of the local people in
charge of the government granary. The commoners have to
accept paying for the expensive bad rice as there is no
other source of food. But old Chang-the-foul-temper
cannot curb his indignation. He accuses Yang and Liu's
son of corruption to their face. For this the 'Young
Lord* kills him with the royal Hammer. Before he dies,
he urges his son 'Young-foul-temper' to seek out Pao
Ch&ng the judge and to avenge his death.
Young-foul-temper manages to locate Pao when
the latter is on a visit to his friend Lord Fan. He
reveals the crimes of Lord Liu's kins. At Fan's home,
Pao is determined to go to the Ch'&n in spite of Liu's
threats. After Pao's departure, Liu succeeds in
making Fan write and hand a petition with him to the
Emperor asking pardon for his boys.
Pao travels incognito in his civilian clothes
to Ch'£n. He meets Wang, a prostitute in Ch'tn. From
their casual conversation, he discovers that Yang and
the 'Young Lord' are her frequent clients. Moreover,
instead of paying her money, they have given her the
Gold-and-Purple Hammer. Pao tells Wang that he is an
old wanderer looking for a job to keep himself alive.
Wang offers him the position of her doorkeeper. Pao
accepts and follows her home where he meets the two
villains coming for a feast. They offer him food.
Pao disdains the idea of eating with murderers. He
(300)
Ytian Ch'ti Hstian, pp.32 - 5 2
- 202 -
quietly feeds the donkey -with what he is given. The
two men discover this. They string him up on an Acacius
tree. It is only when they have left that Pao's
follower Chang Ch'ien manages to locate him and unbind
him.
Pao now appears in his full capacity as ChiefJustice and has the two evil-doers arrested. Yang is
executed in public for the capital crime of abusing the
Imperial Hammer by giving it to a prostitute. The
'Young Lord' is the murderer of Chang-the-foul-temper.
So Pao permits Young-foul-temper to avenge his father's
death by killing the 'Young Lord' with the same Hammer.
Then, as if expecting the arrival of some
representatives of the Liu family, Pao calmly orders
to have Young-foul-temper arrested and bound. Just as
this is done, Lord Liu hurries In with his royal pardon.
The pardon reads: Pardon the living, but not the dead.
The Emperor, as well as Liu and his friends, expects to
find Yang and the 'Young Lord' living, though under
arrest. They did not think Pao would have the courage
to kill the sons of such a powerful family. Pao has
seen through their thoughts and has gone one step ahead
of their thinking. Now the only living criminal is
Young-foul-temper who has killed Liu's son. Pao acts
according to the words in the pardon, and the young
man's crime is waived. Pao also orders Lord Liu himself
arrested.
2
*
A
M-Jz fcd
The Deed of Promise
-
Anonymous (301)
There are two brothers, Liu 1 and Liu 11 (for
convenience, I name them 1 and 11). Liu 11 decides to
try his luck elsewhere with his wife and child, Liu Jr..
So the brothers draw up their equal halves of the family
fortune and each retain a copy of this Deed of Promise.
The village head, Li, is called upon to witness this
title deed. Li's young daughter is betrothed to Liu
Jr..
On arrival at the new place, Liu 11 befriends
Chang and his wife - a well-to-do but childless couple.
The Lius are very affectionately taken care of by the
Changs. Soon afterwards, Liu 11 and his wife die of
illness, leaving their son in the Changs' care.
(301)
" Ibid., pp. 421-435
203 -
When Liu Jr. reaches eighteen years of age,
Chang discloses his real parentage and suggests that
he should return to his native village to see his
relatives and claim his half of the property.
Liu Jr. locates his uncle's house. He meets
the aunt and produces his copy of the title deeds.
Mrs. Liu snatches the paper and refuses to return it.
She says It Is a false copy. Just than, Liu 1 returns
home. His wife denies having taken the deeds and even
wounds Liu Jr. on the head with blows. The young man
begs to be allowed to re-bury his parents' remains in
the family graveyard, and he would willingly forego all
claims on the property. The aunt refuses. Liu Jr.
leaves. On the way he meets Li, the village head and
prospective father-in-law. Li finds out what has
happened and is most ready to help. Pao happens to
pass by. When he has heard the story from Li, he
summons all concerned to court.
In court, Liu 1 and his wife deny any
relationship with Liu Jr.. Pao says that since no
kinship is involved, the young man may beat Liu 1 in
return for Mrs. Liu's wounding blows. Liu Jr. refuses
to raise his hand against an uncle. Pao sends him to
jail for contempt of court. A little later, an
attendant reports that Liu Jr. has died of his wound
In jail. Pao turns to the aunt and says that if she
was the deceased's aunt, there would be no legal problem
as a mother or an aunt may accidentally kill a son or
nephew while admonishing him severely, and this would
not be a capital crime. But, since she is not his aunt,
she has to pay for his death with her life. Mrs. Liu
then hastily owns kinship, and produces the two halves
of the title deeds as proof. Pao orders to have Liu
Jr. led in - alive and well. As an award for Liu Jr.'s
filial attitude, Pao grants him the position of a State
Scholar. Mrs. Liu is to be expelled from the Liu clan.
Chang, the forster-parent of Liu Jr. is made governor
of the Province, and Li, the village head, receives a
monetary gift to help him towards preparing the
marriage ceremony between his daughter and Liu Jr..
-
3. f f
it jb
Young Sh&n-Nu
2CH
&JLht
-
Anonymous {302)
Two brother, Li 1 and Li 11 (for convenience,
I name them 1 and 11), share the sa-ne ancestral house
with their families. The Li family has always prided
itself on upholding the traditional family values. For
generations, the sons and their families have always
lived together as one big family in the same house. Now
Li 11's wife, Wang, grows tired of living with her
virtuous in-laws, and persuades her husband to force his
brother to divide the property or to divorce his wife.
Li 1 is caught in a most painful dilemma as both are
extremely ignominious gestures. He is totally unable to
resolve the situation. He just falls dead. Immediately,
his wife, Ch'&n, and his boy, Young ShSn-Nu, are driven
out of the house. The younger Li and his wife settle
down to enjoy the entire family fortune.
One day, when Li 11 is drunk as usual, he
meets his young nephew wandering alone on the street.
He takes him home. Wang strangles the child while her
husband is asleep, and buries him in a » sewage. She is
now rid of a constant fear for the other half of the
property which might be claimed back by Young Shfen-Nu
when he grows up.
Meanwhile, the spirit of the child appears in
a dream to the old manservant who looks after him, and
reveals what has happened. The manservant then goes with
the boy's mother, Ch'^n, to Li 11's house and demands
the return of the child. When they discover the body,
Wang accusses Ch'£n of murdering first Li 1, and now her
child, and of even daring to bury Young Sh^n-Nu in her
(Wang's) home. Wang offers to conceal Ch'&n's 'crime'
if she would agree to relinquishing all claims to the
family property. Ch'£n is determined to avenge her son's
death, and so all of them go to court.
The local magistrate, who is bribed by Wang,
has Ch'^n and the loyal servant thrashed to such an
extent that they are foread to plead guilty. Soon
afterwards, Pao passes through the town. Young Sh^n-Nu's
spirit appears before him. Pao summons him to appear in
court and voice his grievance. As a result, the aunt is
executed in public, the uncle punished corporally, and
the magistrate is stripped off of his office for life as
well as thrashed.
(302) ' Ibid. t pp.557 - 576
- 205
4.
£1f,
'-f
f i/fp
The Butterfly Dream - Kuan Han-Ch' Ing (303)
Captain Ko, who is related to the reigning
Emperor, has alwa;»-s had his way in town. He takes
whatever he fancies from the commoners, whether it is
money, treasures, wife or daughter. One day, a man,
Wang, happens to be in the way of his horse. Ko beats
him to death. Wang's eldest son then kills Ko in
revenge. The Wang family is summoned to court. All
three sons plead guilty to the murder, so all are
jailed by the local judge. This case is to be heard
by Pao Ch£ng again.
Before Pao re-opens the case, one day he falls
asleep on his desk but of fatigue and dreams. The
dream is set in a garden. First, a butterfly flies
into a cobweb and is caught there. Then a bigger
butterfly comes and rescues it. A small butterfly
comes by, and he too flies into the cobweb. The big
butterfly hovers for a long time round the small one,
and finally flies away. At this point, he wakes.
At the trial, again each son pleads guilty and begp
for the others to be set free. Pao suggests
executing the eldest and freeing the other two. The
mother, Mrs. Wang, objects strongly. Pao then proposes
to kill the second. Again, Mrs. Wang objects strongly.
When it comes to the youngest, the mother acquieced*
Pao accuses her of favouritism, and says that the third
son must be her stepson, Mrs. Wang is then forced bo
tell the truth - only the third son is her own child.
The others are the children of her husband's first
wife. Pao now realises what his butterfly dream means.
But he cannot just let all of them go, as Captain Ko's
family is powerful. So he sentences the youngest to
death, but has another condemned prisoner executed in
his place. The third son is not only set free but Is
later appointed to replace the corrupt local judge.
His brothers are accordingly awarded, and given
governmental positions for their filial-piety and
brotherly love. Mrs. Wang is given the title of
'Madame Virtuous'.
(303 ) Ibid., pp.632-646
-
5. f
f
206 -
tl
Lu Chai Lang - Kuan Han-Ch'ing (304)
Lu Chai Lang is a powerful local government
official. He claims as his own whatever he happens to
fancy, whether it is someone's wife or gold. One day,
he spots the lovely wife of Li, a silver-smith. He
takes her by force. Li pursues, and falls ill on the
way. He is rescued by Chang who takes him home and
looks after him. Soon, Chang himself is forced to
present his own wife to Lu. Lu is now tired of Li's
wife, so he gives her to Chang saying that she is
his (Lu's) sister. Chang accepts the deal out of fear
for his own and his wife's life.
Li revisits Chang one day, and is most astounded
to find his wife there as 'Mrs. Chang'. When Chang
returns and realises who his second wife is, he decides
to retire and live the life of a hermit. He gives
all his worldly goods to the Lis
Somehow, in this great confusion of wives and
mothers being robbed from husbands and children, Li's
two children and Chang's two (a boy and a girl each)
are found to have wandered off on their own in pursuit
of their distract fathers. Fifteen years later, Pao
Ch&ng relates how he came across these four lost
children. Since then, he has provided them with a
home and education.
In the meantime, Pao manages to execute Lu by
means of a word trick. He knows that he has little
hope of obtaining the Emperor's official sanction for
Lu's execution as Lu Is related to the Imperial
household. So Pao submits the name
fgjr /{"p
as an
oppressor of women and the poor, and obtains written
permission from the Emperor to have this man killed.
Now Pao takes a brush and adds a few strokes^Jso each
of the characters and the name then reads
j%\ g?
(Lu Chai Lang). Pao has him decapitated legally.
The four children under Pao's care are grown men
and women now. The judge thinks it is time for them
to search for their parents. He instructs them to go
and pray first at the Temple of Cloud-Terrace. There
they reunite with their respective parents who have
come to same Temple to offer prayers. After the
joyful reunion, marriages between the children take
( 304
) Ibid., pp,
-
6. i'L A
20? -
if
The Flower in the Backyard
-
Ch£ng T'ing Ytf( 305)
The Emperor sends his old courtier Lord
Ch'ao a lovely girl, Wang, as gift* She and her mother,
Mrs. Wang, are to wait on Ch'ao. Lady Ch'ao, out of
fear and jealousy, entrusts her fa' ourite manservant,
Wang Ch'ing, with the murder of the Wangs.
Wang Ch'ing consults his sweetheart Mrs. Li#
She designs a complicated scheme whereby she and Wang
will get all the money and jewellery of Miss Wang and
her mother, let them go free, and force the husband Li
to divorce her. When Li finally senses the conspiracy
between his wife and Wang Ch'ing, he threatens to
report them to court. Wang Ch'ing kills him.
Meanwhile, the girl and her mother flee from
the city, and in confusion, lose each other. Miss Wang
puts up at an inn for the night and is murdered by the
innkeeper who wants to sleep with her. Not long after,
Mrs. Wang arrives at the same inn at the same time as
a scholar, Liu. The girl's spirit appears to Liu, not
as a ghost, but as a lovely maiden. They exchange
verses. Mrs. Wang hears her daughterfs voice in the
scholar's room, and then sees the girl's handwriting
in Liu's hand. She accuses him of abduction and drags
him before Pao Chang's court.
Pao reads the verse written by Miss Wang. He
sends Liu back to sleep at the inn so as to obtain more
information from the spirit. The spirit obliges and
Pao follows the words of the verse which help him to
locate both the bodies of Miss Wang and Li. The
murderers are brought to justice.
7. £?$
It)
The Chalk Circle
-
Li Hsing-Tao ( 306)
The Chang family in Ch£ng Chow has produced
scholars for seven generations. But now, since the
untimely death of the father, the daughter, Hai-T'ang,
has to prostitute herself in order to support her mother
and an unemployed elder brother, Lin. Chang Lin always
finds opportunities to insult his sister for her
disreputable career.
(305)
(306)
Ibid., pp.929 - 9^9
Ibid., pp.1107 - 1129
-
'dOQ
One day Chang Lin leaves heme abruptly after
a quarrel with his mother and Hai-T'ang about the
girl's profession. Shortly after his departure, 4rs.
Chang consents to her daughter's marrying the xxCh
Lord Ma as his concubine. Ma has been courting HaiT*ang for some time, and she is very well disposed
towards him. The mother has been hesitant in granting
her approval because she needs the money Hai-T'ang
brings in from the clients. But when Ma comes with
gifts and promises to look after her for the rest of
her life, she is happy to let her daughter go. Ma
also assures Hai-T'ang that she will be well-treated
by his first wife. Hai-T'ang goes with Ma happily.
Mrs. Ma, the first wife, is sterile. Hai-T'ang
soon bears Ma a son, Shou Lang. Five years later, on
Shou Lang's birthday, Mrs. Ma and Lord Ma, as on such
previous occasions, take the child to the temple for
prayers. Before they leave home, Mrs. Ma has a secret
rendevous with her lover, Ch'ao, who is Secretary to
the local Governor. Both share the idea of doing away
with Ma. Ch'ao even carries some poison around with
him. Mrs. Ma receives the potent packet, and waits
for the most suitable moment to fulfil her wish. She
then leaves for the temple with Ma and the child.
While the party is still at the temple, Chang Lin
turns up to look for his sister. He has met with illluck all this while, and now hopes to get some
financial help from Hai-T'ang or from his wealthy
brother-in-law. Hai-T'ang chides from him for having
left an elderly mother hardkheartedly, and for
returning now as a beggar who is unable to make even a
small offering at the mother's grave. She also
confesses that all she possessssnow - her clothes,
jewellery, - are gifts from Ma and Mrs. Ma, and she
therefore has no right to transfer these to another
hand. She asks Chang Lin to leave, and retires into
the house. Just then, Mrs. Ma returns alone and meets
Chang Lin hovering at the door. She listens to his
story and assures him that she will help him. She goes
into the house and persuades Hai-T'ang to give the
jewellery and the dress she is wearing to the brother.
She promises to explain the situation to Ma on HaiT'ang' s behalf. She then presents the gifts to Chang
Lin as coming from her own wardrobe.
Ma returns and notcies that his favourite wife is
not wearing what he has given her. Mrs. Ma reports
that she has personally seen Hai-T'ang give away his
gifts to a lover. This works Ma up to such a rage that
he feels ill and asks for some soothing broth. When
- 209 -
Hai-T'ang brings in the broth, Mrs. Ma tastes it and
dispatches Hai-T'ang to fetch some seasoning. While
Hai-T'ang is away, she slips in the poison. Then she
asks Hai-T'ang to bring t^e soup to Ma. After drinking,
Ma falls dead instantly. The first wife orders her
servants to cremate and bury Ma at once. Now she turns
to accuse the concubine of murdering the husband. It
does not take the latter long to realise who the
murderer is and what she is after. So Hai-T'ang begs
to leave empty-handed with her child. Mrs. Ma insists
that Shou Lang is her own offspring. She offers to
shield Hai-T'ang's '-crime' if she leaves the boy with
her. The mother will not part with her child, and so
they decide to find a settlement In court. Mrs. Ma
immediately sets about bribing the local government
through Ch'ao. She also gives silver to neighbours
and many possible witnesses to Shou Lang's birth. He
Is Ma's only heir, therefore Mrs. Ma is not going to
release her grasp on this source of family fortune.
In the local court, the witnesses all testify
against Hai-T'ang. Moreover, she is beaten so brutally
that she knows she has to plead guilty if she wants to
live and preserve the chance to appeal. She is
sentenced and escorted to the Supreme Court K'ai-P^ngFu (307) to have the sentence confirmed and executed.
Hai-T'ang experiences a painful journey on
foot in the snow with her chains and a heavy kang. The
two soldiers guarding her are not exceptionally cruel,
but they are not kind either. On the way, she meets
Chang Lin who is then serving in K'ai-Ffeng-Fu and who
is on his way to meet Pao Ch&ng returning from the
western frontier. The brother treats the sister coldly
until he discovers that her present misfortune is the
complex outcome of her giving him the jewellery and
clothes. He then brings all in an inn for a rest and
some wine. Mrs. Ma and Ch'ao soon arrive at the same
place. They are there to check whether Hai-T'ang has
been murdered by the guards on the way as instructed.
Just as the brother and sister are about to pounce on
them in an attempt to have them arrested together, the
guards signal to them to leave and they escape.
In Pao's court, the case is heard again with
all the witnesses present. Again all testimonies except
that of Chang Lin are against Hai-T'ang. Pao then asks
for a circle to be drawn of chalk on the ground, and
the child to be placed in the centre. He orders the
(307) for explanation, see this thesis, p.2:3 note (28)
- 210 -
two women who claim to be the mother to stand on either
side of the circle and to pull the boy out of it. The
real mother will succeed in pulling the child to her
side, he adds. Hai-T'ar^ releases the child's hand as
soon as Mrs. Ma uses force* Pao orders the former to
be flogged for daring to claim another's offspring as
her own. This chalk circle test is staged for a second
time. Again Hai-T'ang lets go. Pao threatens to have
her thrashed again.' Hai-T'ang then tells him that she
will never use force to pull the child out for fear of
hurting his young limbs even if she should be beaten to
death for the refusal to pull. Pao is now perfectly
sure who the real mother of the boy is. He returns Shou
Lang together with all Ma's property to Hai-T'ang, and
entrusts Chang Lin to take care of mother and child.
The local governor of Ch&ng Chow, Su-with-the-flexiblehand is stripped off of his office; the two guards and
various witnesses are caned and exiled; Mrs. Ma and
Secretary Ch'ao are executed in public each with a
hundred-and-twenty knife strokes.
s.
g
a
j?,
The jghoe that is Left Behind
- Ts'eng Shui-Ch'ing(308)
A Wang family runs a small cosmetics shop
just in front of the house. Ytfeh-Ying, the daughter,
occasionally looks after the business. Kuo, a young unsuccessful scholar, frequents the shop in the hope of
catching a glimpse of and a word with the girl when her
mother is not around. Soon they are deeply in love, and
plan to get married secretly In a temple on the eve of
a festival.
On the appointed evening, when Ytfeh-Ying and
her maid arrive at the temple, they find Kuo deep asleep
because he has drunk too much. In despair, the girl
leaves her embroidered handkerchief and a shoe as token
and departs. Kuo wakes eventually. When he realises
what he has ruined, he commits suicide by swallowing
the handkerchief. His body is discovered by a monk.
The shoe which is left behind leads to the revelation of
the intended pledge between the two young people. As
the cause of Kuo's death is still unknown, Pao Ch£ng
summons all concerned for questioning. Ytfeh-Ying admits
she has left a handkerchief and a shoe with Kuo. The
handkerchief has not been found in the temple. Pao
sends the girl with an attendant to the temple to look
(308 )
Y.C.H. pp.1265 - 1279
- 211 -
for it. Ytfeh-Ying sees the body of her lover and
notices that a corner of her handkerchief protrudes
slightly from the man's mouth. As she pulls It out,
Kuo breathes again and thanks her for saving his life.
Pao is moved by the love between them, and recommends
to Mrs. Wang that the two be granted permission to
become man and wife.
9.
lK]
The Ghost in the Pot
-
Anonymous ( 309)
Yang, a merchant, is warned by a fortuneteller that he should leave home for a hundred days In
order to avoid a great calamnity* When these hundred
days are nearly over, Yang has a dream on his way home.
He dreams that he is nearly murdered by a bandit, but
just as the bandit raises his weapon, he is stopped by
an old man who appears suddenly. In a nearby inn, the
owner, Ch'ao, who is a pottery-maker by day, and a
robber by night, has a similar dream. He dreams that
he is about to kill a man lodging in his inn when he
is stopped by an old man.
On the evening of the ninety-nineth day,
Yang arrives at Ch'ao's inn. Ch'ao and his wife
discover that Yang is rich. They murder him. They
decide that the safest way of effacing any trace of
the body is to chop it up, blend clay with it, shape
it into a pot and put it in the kiln. However, even
after undergoing the above process, the spirit of the
victim will not rest. Yang's ghost, together with the
god of the kiln, who Is angered by the evil deed, are
constantly disturbing the Ch'aos.
The Ch'aos soon give the pot to an old
pensioner Chang for using as a chamber-pot. Yang's
spirit is most exasperated at being used as such a
recepticle. He finally finds an opportunity to talk
to Chang and asks him to avenge him.
Chang brings the case before his benefactor
and former employer Pao Ch£ng. The ghost testifies
in court in front of the murderers. The Ch'aos are then
executed in public. Ch'ao's property, which ha has
acquired by robbery and murder, is divided between
Chang and Yang's aged father.
(309) Ttaid^. pp.1389 - 1409
- 212
ic.
.'L A
kt
The Magic Music Box
-
Wu Han-Ch'^n (310)
Kuo and his wife take leave of their parents
to try their luck elsewhere as advised by a fortuneteller. As a parting gift, the parents give them a
magic music box which sings when there is a wind.
They suggest that if necessary, this box could be
offered as a gift to some influential man in exchange
for a good position with the government in their
children's new place of abode. Kuo does exactly that
on the first meeting with a powerful officer of a local
government, P'ang.. P'ang is more interested in getting
Mrs. Kuo. When Kuo refuses, P'ang beheads him. Kuo
picks up his own head, leaps over the wall and
disappears.
Pao Ch&ng happens to be passing through the
town. From a casual conversation with a man in an inn,
Pao learns about the appearance of Kuo's ghost. Soon
afterwards, he meets Kuo personally and hears the
complete story. Pao invites P'ang to dinner, during
which he summons Kuo's spirit to appear and testify
against the murderer. P'ang faces execution immediately.
Mrs. Kuo is given the title 'Lady Virtuous1 and part
of P'ang's property.
(310)
Ibid., pp.1716 - 1736
- 213 -
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
A. YtJAN DRAMji
-
Original plays, critical works and
related writings
Ch'i Ju-Shan
2<
3.
»•
% I 1 1 1 £^1;
The Art of Chinese Drama
i
Taiwan 1962
f j l s ^ j k l j y j y u ' l t e i } - ) m m i
A Collection of Critical Essays on Chinese Classical
Drama (10 vols.)
Peking 1959
#, f ffc
Kao M^ng-An
i
&
v
Cft
# 'zLk.
m e Sung Dynasty - its Heroes and its
Culture
Taiwan 1970
4
^
Lee Shiu San The neiatlonshifT'Tse tween the Romances of
the T'ang Dynasty and the Stories of the Plays of
the Yuen and Ming Dynasties M.A. Thesis
University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong 1 9 6 6
5.
6
-
t
Li Chieh
jut.
Ytfan history
Taiwan
;;:•?]
1964
u i i
LLUktfb
&
fe&fl
& * £ 5 %:ll
Aoki Masura An Introduction to Yflan Tsa Chtf
(translated by Sui Shu-Sh&n)
Hong Kong 1 9 5 9
4
t.
a &
4j
Pao Ch£ng (Sung Dynasty) Petitions of the Honourable
Pao Hsiao-Su
Taiwan 1950
8.
-fc-f f
Li. M . t 4 A
The Seventy-two Miraculous Court-cases of the Honourable
Pao
Hong Kong
9.
fcMjh
i - 4 J
Shih Nai-An (Ytian Dynasty) The Water Margin (2 vols.)
Shanghai 1957
io- ft £ 4 4
(-m)
Sui Shu-Sh&n K~ collection of Ytfan Drama not included
In "Ytfan Ch'tf Hstfan" (2vols.) Shanghai 1959
- 214 -
11*
v
23n6_ Chronicles
^-
12. t f i. i
fi $-2? ^
# i. '£ %
T'an Ch^ng-Pi Hua-p&n ar.d Classical Drama
Shanghai 1956
#L _h :Jj]
13. * t & m
L i t
• > <
ttL4#
Tsang Chin-Shu (editor, Ming Dynasty) Ytfan Ch'tf Hstfan
(A Collection of Ytfan Drama) 2 vols.
Shanghai 1936
w.
A-1| i t
ili £ #
A. 4
j f i # t l i $ & f i #"? ]
Wang Kuo-Wei - A Collection of Essays on Drama
Peking 1957
w.
H
I
u
M
M
S t
M f )
Yen Tun-I Problems in Ytfan Drama (2 vols.)
Shanghai i 9 6 0
16. n
- t ??
If
Kojiro Yoshikawa A Study of Ytfan Drama (translated
by Ch&ng Ch'ing-Mou) Taiwan 1950
B.
Bertolt Brecht
17. Gesammelte Werke Bd. 1-16 fsuhrkamp, Frankfurt-am-Main,
19^9}
18. Arbeits Journal Bd. 1-2 [suhrkamp, Frankfurt, 1973}
Ibid., Anmerkungen von Werner Hecht
19. Materialien zu Brechts DER KAUKASISCHE KREIDEKREIS
^Suhrkamp, Frankfurt, 1968 j
20. Ueber Politik und Kunst jsuhrkamp, Frankfurt, 1971J
21. Gesamtausgabe, Stuecke 3-lo{Stihrkamp, Frankfurt, 1965]
22
• Bertolt Brecht - sein Leben und Werk, a collected work
by Werner Hecht, Hans-Joachim Bunge, Kaethe RuelickeWeiler [Volkseigener Verlag, Berlin, 1969^
23. Reinhold Grimm (i) Bertolt Brecht (Metzlersch
Verlagsbuchhandlung, Stuttgart 1971]
(ii) Bertolt Brecht - Die Struktur seines Werkes
[Verlag Hans Carl Nuernberg, 1968 j
- 215 -
24. Angelika Hurwicz (Text;); Gerda Goedhurt (Fctos)
Brecht inszeniert PER KAUKASISCHE KRSZ
ikJriiii. 2
{Reihe Theater heute 14, Friedrich Verlag, I9c4j
25. Helmut JendreieX Drama der Veraenderung
[Duesseldorf August Bagel Verlag, I969J
C.
Versions of THE CHALK CIRCLE
26.
i n ±
% i tc- 6 u * jE. i;«-")
Li Hsing-Tao Hui-lan Chi from Ytfan Ch'tf Hstfan, vol. 2
(see Bibliography A13)
27. Stanislas Julien Hoel'-Lan-Ki, ou L'Histoire du cercle
de craie (London, printed for the Oriental
Translation Fund of Great Britain and Ireland,
sold by John Murray, London, M.DCCC. XXXIl]
28. Klabund (Henschke) Der Kreidekreis from Klabund - der
himmliche Vagant edited by Marianne Kesting
[Kiepenhauer & Witsch, 1968]
29. Alfred Forke Li Ssing-dau, DER KREIDEKREIS (verlag
Philipp Reclam Jun., Leipzig, 1958) and also
microfilm version from Osterreicher National
bibliothek, Wien, with Forke's Einleitung.
30. Johannes von Guenther Der Kreidekreis (etn Spiel in
sechs Bildern nach dem Altchlnesischen - Li HsingTao) (Philipp Reclam Jun., Stuttgart, 1953]
D. Others
31. Alfred Doeblin Die Drei Spruenge des Wang-Lun fwalterVerlag, Olten und Freiburg im Breisgau, I960]
32. Ernst Fischer
The Necessity of Art (Pelican 196^)
33. Leon Trotsky Literature and Revolution (translated by
Rose Strunsky) (University of Michigan Press,
I960]