29. Kosmosoteira


29. Kosmosoteira
This is an extract from:
Byzantine Monastic Foundation Documents:
A Complete Translation of the Surviving Founders’ Typika and Testaments
edited by John Thomas and Angela Constantinides Hero
with the assistance of Giles Constable
Published by
Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection
Washington, D.C.
in five volumes as number 35 in the series Dumbarton Oaks Studies
© 2000 Dumbarton Oaks
Trustees for Harvard University
Washington, D.C.
Printed in the United States of America
29. Kosmosoteira: Typikon of the Sebastokrator Isaac Komnenos for the
Monastery of the Mother of God Kosmosoteira near Bera
Translator: Nancy Patterson Sevcenko
Date: 1152
Edition employed: L. Petit, “Typikon du monastère de la Kosmosotira près d’Aenos (1152),” IRAIK
13 (1908), 17–75, with text at 19–75.1
Manuscript: Copy executed by Elias Tsitelis (before 1904) from a codex of the late sixteenth
Other translations: None
Institutional History
A. Career of the Founder2
Isaac Komnenos was born in 1093, the sixth child of Alexios I Komnenos and Irene Doukaina
Komnene. In 1118 he supported his eldest brother in securing the throne as John II Komnenos
(1118–43) against the opposition of their sister Anna Komnene. He became patron of the Chora
monastery in Constantinople and was responsible for a substantial reconstruction of the church.3
According to his account in (29) Kosmosoteira [89], he originally intended to be buried there, and
a suitably elaborate tomb was prepared for the purpose. He was also a patron of the arts at this
time, having commissioned a deluxe octateuch now in the library of the Seraglio in Istanbul.4
Isaac quarreled with the new emperor in 1122 or early 1123, and went into voluntary exile for the
next fourteen years.5 During this period he visited the Holy Land, where he paid for the construction of an aqueduct for the benefit of a monastery of St. John the Forerunner near the Jordan
River.6 Isaac’s repeated attempts to gain support from neighboring rulers for an alliance against
his brother met with no success. He was reconciled with John II in 1136.7
After a brief period of good relations, Isaac began to intrigue against John II again, and was
banished to Herakleia in Pontos, where he was to be found at the emperor’s sudden death in a
hunting accident in 1143.8 After John II’s son Manuel I Komnenos (1143–80) was able to secure
the throne, he recalled his uncle from exile. Isaac next appears at his patrimonial estate at Thracian
Bera when he began the composition of his typikon in 1152. As he indicates below in (29)
Kosmosoteira [5], it was Isaac’s intention to donate virtually his entire estate to the monastery.
According to the author, his role was as “restorer” of this foundation [5], implying that there was
once an earlier facility on the site, but the foundations of the monastery church that is preserved on
the site are of the twelfth century. At the time when the typikon was concluded, there were still
auxiliary facilities that had not yet been completed, including the burial chapel for the monks
[118] and possibly also the cistern [73], cf. [113]. The date of Isaac’s death is unknown, but a
large, broken marble slab, now in the Episcopal Museum in Alexandroupolis, preserves an epitaphial inscription that may have been composed for his tomb.9
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B. Subsequent History of the Foundation in Byzantine Times
Thirty years after the date of the typikon, Isaac’s son became emperor as Andronikos I (1183–85).
This talented but brutal ruler visited the monastery of Kosmosoteira in 1183 to pay his respects at
his father’s grave.10 The monastery may well have been confiscated by the government of Isaac II
Angelos (1185–95), who led a successful revolt against Andronikos I, but who was arrested and
blinded at the monastery in 1195 at the orders of his own brother Alexios III Angelos (1195–
After the conquest of Constantinople by the Fourth Crusade, the monastery was awarded to
Geoffrey Villehardouin, author of the famous history of that crusade.12 The locality did not long
remain in Latin hands, but was conquered by the Bulgarian ruler Kalojan (1197–1207) in 1205. It
was back under Greek rule by the time the Nicaean Emperor John III Vatatzes (1221–54) stopped
at the monastery in 1246.13
In the later Palaiologan era, the monastery had become a fortified site and, like many imperial
monasteries, an occasional place of imprisonment.14 In 1341, the then rebel and future emperor
John VI Kantakouzenos (1347–54) found the monastery defended by its monks and a group of
peasants.15 The monastery had been abandoned by its monks by the time of Kantakouzenos’s
abdication in 1354.16
C. Conversion of the Church to a Mosque in Ottoman Times
The Turks conquered Bera in the second half of the fourteenth century, either in 1357 or (more
likely) in 1371/72.17 The old monastery is mentioned again in 1433, when Bertrandon de la
Broquière visited the site.18 A Turkish town of some size had already grown up around the fortified citadel that stood on the site of the former religious foundation, the church of which had
already been converted into a mosque. Another traveler, Robert de Dreux, who visited Bera in
1699, was also aware of the mosque’s origins as a Christian church.19
D. Identification of the Site and Publication of the Typikon
Manuel Gedeon published the first excerpts from (29) Kosmosoteira in 1898.20 The Russian scholar
Theodore Uspensky’s study of Isaac Komnenos’ Seraglio Octateuch, published in 1907 for the
Russian Archaeological Institute in Constantinople, interested him in identifying the location of
Isaac’s monastery. He identified the large mosque at the Turkish village of Feredjik, evidently
once a Byzantine church, as the likely site of the foundation.
Feredjik was renamed Pherrai when this area of Thrace was assigned to Greece after the
Balkan Wars of 1912–13. Earlier, during a brief period of Bulgarian rule over this area, the mosque
was reconverted into a church, and the minaret was demolished along with most of the other
structures dating from the Turkish era.21 The Greek Archaeological Service undertook structural
repairs to keep the building from collapsing in 1926, and Anastasios Orlandos undertook a survey
published in 1933.22 An inscription over the main door records the reconsecration of the church
by Ioakeim, metropolitan of Alexandroupolis, in 1940.23 Aside from the monastery church, certain fortifications, likely of the Palaiologan era or later, and some aqueducts survive on the site.24
Gedeon left the production of the complete edition of (29) Kosmosoteira to Louis Petit, to
whom he sent his working manuscript, a recent copy made by a journalist, Elias Tsitselis of the
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island of Kephalenia, of an older manuscript, once thought to be of the fifteenth century, which
Tsitselis had found in the collection of Nicolas Pollanis, a local priest.25 Petit was unable to obtain
access to the older manuscript for his edition of (29) Kosmosoteira published by the Russian
Archaeological Institute in Constantinople in 1908.
This remarkable document takes its place among the reform typika of the Evergetian tradition
even though the author, like his mother Irene Doukaina Komnene, found some of the egalitarian
features of the reform movement not to his liking. Generally speaking, Isaac Komnenos assimilated the ideology and structure of the Byzantine reform monastery of the twelfth century to more
familiar norms of traditional private patronage, which provided far fewer constraints on a founder’s
patronal prerogatives.
A. Use of the Model Typikon
Like (27) Kecharitomene, this is an Evergetian typikon. While it is necessary to sort the chapters
of (27) Kecharitomene into entirely new analytic groups in order to appreciate the nature of its
relationship to other Evergetian texts, (29) Kosmosoteira lends itself to a more straightforward
division into five sections marked by differing degrees of originality and dependence on the model
1. Section One: Original Prefatory Materials
From the start, the author intended to employ the Evergetian model for his foundation. His identification [8] of his intended source, (22) Evergetis, is remarkably straightforward. His own regulations, chapters [1] through [12], in the first section of the typikon were intended only as a supplement to the Evergetian transcriptions that were to follow.
2. Section Two: Evergetian Transcriptions
The next section of the typikon, chapters [13] through [29], are, as the author himself declares,
essentially transcriptions from (22) Evergetis, meant to serve as a guide for his own foundation in
liturgical and dietary matters. These transcriptions are usually verbatim or nearly so; only at the
end of [27] is there a significant addition by the author.
3. Section Three: Mixed Original and Evergetian Materials
The author indicates the conclusion of his quotations in [30] and claims that “what follows now
are my own wishes.” In actual fact, the author continues to rely heavily on (22) Evergetis through
extensive quotations or paraphrases in this third section, chapters [30] through [61], which are
intermixed with some of his own materials and another Evergetian typikon as well. This is an
unusual technique; the authors of the two earlier documents dependent on (22) Evergetis, (30)
Phoberos and (27) Kecharitomene, were considerably more deferential to the actual text of the
model typikon, just as our author himself was in the previous section of his typikon. In this third
section Isaac also seems to echo (though he does not actually quote from) his mother’s typikon.26
Our author uses this typikon, or perhaps some other Evergetian document such as the lost typikon
of the Philanthropos monastery, to update the ideology of his own typikon. Thus we find a provision [45] for the emergency sale of movable property to other churches, an injunction [57] to
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preserve the cenobitic constitution even in extremis, a prohibition [58] of even profitable sales or
exchanges of property, and a description [60] of procedures for safeguarding the treasury that are
all to be found in (27) Kecharitomene but not in the earlier (22) Evergetis.
4. Section Four: Idiosyncratic Original Materials
This section, from chapters [62] through [116], contains a large number of often quite brief chapters, apparently of the author’s own composition. Only [81], in rejecting the right of monks to
question their superior, seems to owe inspiration to (22) Evergetis [18], yet there is a great deal of
repetition and clarification in this section, much of it resulting from the author’s rethinking of
certain provisions he copied out of or paraphrased from (22) Evergetis earlier in the document. In
a more smoothly edited document like (30) Phoberos or his mother’s (27) Kecharitomene, the
author’s personal preferences are folded into the appropriate places in the transcriptions from (22)
Evergetis. Perhaps it was the author’s illness [70] if not his approaching death that made a more
orderly, conventional approach to the composition of an Evergetian typikon impossible.
5. Section Five: Justifications of Earlier Provisions
This last section, chapters [117] through [119], was apparently composed in response to a critique
of the rest of the document, perhaps by the foundation’s superior or even the entire community of
monks. It has a noticeably defensive tone as the author defends his provision [117] of privileges
for certain of his lay associates and his plans [118] for the burial of deceased monks.
6. The Immediate Model for the Document
Like John, the author of (30) Phoberos, Isaac Komnenos was a close copier of (22) Evergetis,
certainly much more so than his mother in her (27) Kecharitomene, not to mention the authors of
later documents in the Evergetian tradition. (30) Phoberos and (29) Kosmosoteira are frequently
the only surviving typika to adopt some of (22) Evergetis’ more archaic institutions, such as the
latter’s three treasurers. They frequently break down (22) Evergetis’s long, unwieldy chapters in
the same way, they draw upon their model in the same order, and in a few cases they even share
the same chapter numeration (see Appendix C).
That (30) Phoberos, written either a little after or perhaps even before the final edition of (22)
Evergetis, should be such a close copy of its model is hardly remarkable. What is surprising is that
(29) Kosmosoteira should be such a close copy of (22) Evergetis too, and have so few detectable
links (except those few chapters in Section Three) to (27) Kecharitomene. This curious set of
relationships among these four documents suggests that there was a “vulgate” version of (22)
Evergetis circulating during the twelfth century that was somewhat different from our present text
of that important document. Hypothetically, it could be identified with either the “Lost Typikon”
postulated earlier as the source of the post-Evergetian content of (27) Kecharitomene or perhaps
some other link in the chain of reform typika stemming from the original (22) Evergetis.27 Whatever its precise identity, it appears to have been the most likely model first for (30) Phoberos, and
then later in a slightly updated version, for (29) Kosmosoteira.
B. Stages of Composition
Except perhaps for (19) Attaleiates, (29) Kosmosoteira claims honors for the worst job of editorship
by its medieval author. Therefore, there are more traces than usual of the document’s stages of
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composition. Repetitive treatments provide some important clues. There are at least twenty-five
multiple treatments of regulatory topics: twenty doublets, seven triplets, and a quintuplet.28
The chapters in Section One, the author’s original prefatory materials, surely were composed
first. These include a notice [8] of his intent to use (22) Evergetis and a chapter [10] that echoes
that source. The composition of the chapters in Section Two, the Evergetian transcriptions, likely
followed shortly thereafter. Much as the author promises in [8], there is little overlap of materials
in these two sections.29
The chapters in Section Three, those of mixed original and Evergetian derivation, were composed after some reflection on the provisions contained in the earlier sections. In this section the
author returns to five topics he had addressed earlier in Section One.30 A doublet of a topic addressed in this section for the first time31 indicates that the section was composed in at least two
sittings, with a break someplace between [45] and [58]. Most likely the author broke off work on
this section after the Evergetian quotation in [53] and resumed work on this section with [54], an
original chapter .
Section Four is home to the largest number of repetitive treatments. Most of these are reconsiderations or reiterations of positions on topics first discussed in the previous sections of the
typikon.32 Others show the author taking up new topics and then returning to them again in this
same section.33 These latter repetitions help to demonstrate that this section, like the previous one,
was not composed in one sitting either. Rather, it appears that the author added chapters as he saw
a need for them.
Three double treatments occurring in this section suggest a break in composition after [68]
but before [72].34 The wordings of the first sentences of [70] and [71] suggest that these chapters
were products of individual work sessions. A doublet confirms a break between [71] and [76].35
Perhaps the author resumed work with [72], with three more double treatments suggesting a break
again sometime after [86] but before [91].36 Judging from two later double treatments, there was
apparently a final compositional break in this section after [97] but before [113].37 The reading of
the text suggests [100] as the most likely place for the author to have resumed work. Lastly, the
author states in [115] that a regulation he provided in [113] was written “some time ago,” indicating another compositional break. Thus the Fourth Section may well have taken seven sessions or
more of writing to complete.
The Fifth Section of the typikon consists of three chapters, two of them justifications of earlier provisions.38 These suggest that before the author composed this section, an earlier version of
the typikon (or at least knowledge of its contents) had begun to circulate among the monastery’s
officials and perhaps also the monks, provoking the criticism that led to this response.
The evidence adduced above then indicates that Isaac Komnenos worked on (29) Kosmosoteira
in no less than twelve work sessions, which supports Nancy Sevcenko’s hypothesis of the incremental composition of this document.39
C. Lives of the Monks
1. Number of Monks
Isaac Komnenos evidently changed his mind several times on the number of monks who should
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be supported at the monastery. Originally, he sets the [3] the number at fifty; they were to be
assisted by another twenty-four servants. All were to be over thirty years of age, but later he
lowers [49] the minimum age to twenty-four or to twenty-six (so [50]) for relatives and acquaintances of monks previously admitted. Eunuchs were banned, except [55] for donors of valuable
property. The superior is told [3] to select monks “adorned with virtue, not ones vulgar and undisciplined and thoroughly without learning,” which may mean that the author expected that they be
of upper-class origins. Subsequently, the author declares [48] his anticipation of a future increase
in the number of monks, circumstances permitting; but under the influence of (22) Evergetis [23]
he also endorses the idea of not exceeding the number of pious monks that happened to be available. Towards the end of the typikon, the author simply urges [88] the superior to “make haste to
further increase” the number of monks in so far as the income of the foundation permits.
2. Liturgical Duties
All of the fifty monks were to be assigned [3] to the performance of hymnody in the church. The
treatment of the canonical offices [13], [14], [15] follows the pattern established in (22) Evergetis
[4], [5], [6] from which the author quotes with only minor changes. The author had heard reports
of monks in other monasteries who neglected their hymnody, and not wanting that to happen here,
provides [68] set hours for their awakening in winter and summer. Later, he makes [80] the superior responsible for seeing to it that the monks meet their responsibilities to the choir; only sickness could excuse an assigned monk from attendance.
There were processions on the most important feasts, at Easter [103] and on the patronal feast
day of the Dormition of the Mother of God [65], cf. [10]. The other feasts of the Mother of God
were also celebrated [9] with special solemnity.
3. Manual Labor
The servants’ performance of their duties was to be considered [81] “as a hymn to the Mother of
God,” that is to say, of equivalent worth to the choir duties of the monks. The only specific responsibility mentioned is the obligation of some to serve [61], [70] as orderlies in the hospital. Although the author instructs [97] the superior to establish craftsmen inside the enclosure of the
monastery to work on construction projects, these were likely a separate group of lay workers at
the disposal of the monastery.
4. Length of the Novitiate
Isaac Komnenos provides [55] that there should be a novitiate of six months’ duration. Unlike the
authors of other documents in the reform tradition, even (22) Evergetis [37], he chose not to make
any distinction between distinguished (i.e., noble) applicants and others in the term of probationary service required. Relatives and acquaintances of monks already at the foundation were especially welcome; the author instructs [50] the superior to admit them “without hesitation or hindrance” provided they were at least twenty-six years old.
5. Sacramental Life
The monks’ sacramental life was patterned closely on the provisions of (22) Evergetis [13], including a “first and great confession” [18] at tonsure, daily confession [16] to the superior thereafter, and reception of the eucharist [14] at the superior’s discretion.
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6. Cenobitic Lifestyle
The founder endorses [6] the cenobitic lifestyle, which he understood to mean in the first instance
a common partaking of meals. Later in the typikon, paraphrasing (22) Evergetis [25], he also
provides [52] for a communal supply of clothes (with specific items listed in [62]); an endorsement of the key provision of (22) Evergetis [26] providing for equality in food, drink and clothing
for all follows [53] immediately afterward, backed up as in the model typikon by monthly visitations by the superior to the monks’ cells to seize unauthorized belongings. In typical fashion for
this author, there is a repetition [57] of the exhortation to the common life, which paraphrases a
chapter of (22) Evergetis [42]. Substantial donors, however, may have been exempt (cf. [55])
from the requirement of communal residence.
7. Cohabitation of Older and Younger Monks
The author chooses [51] to revive the idea of (22) Evergetis [24] of placing monks two to a cell.
After having been advanced by his model typikon, this idea had fallen out of favor in the twelfth
century; (30) Phoberos [43], for example, suggested putting three monks in a cell. Perhaps the
pairing facilitated the author’s eagerness [50] to admit relatives and acquaintances of the monks
(as their servants?). To avoid problems, the author declares [49] that no young men less than
twenty-four years of age (twenty-six in [50]) should be admitted, even if they are relatives or
friends. Doing the opposite he notes has been the cause of “many scandals and physical harm,
antithetical to laws and canons.” This had also been the opinion of the author of (30) Phoberos
8. Servants
The author’s use of (22) Evergetis [24] for placement of two monks in a cell pointedly omits the
Evergetian ban on servants for the obvious reason that they are in fact permitted [3] in this foundation. Ten of the servants were assigned [61] to the foundation’s infirmary.
9. Diet
Although he incorporates ([24] through [29]) the dietary regulations of (22) Evergetis [9], [10],
[11], Isaac Komnenos also declares [6] that there will be a “bounteous supply” of food. Later in
the typikon, he returns [63] to the subject to discuss the ordinary diet during non-fast days, thereby
filling a gap in the model typikon, which was more concerned about special provisions for fasts
and feasts. The founder also urges the superior to make cheap seasonal purchases of bulk quantities of oil and wine for use throughout the year.
10. Bathing
Originally it seems that Isaac Komnenos intended that the monks should use [97] the same bathhouse as was placed at the disposal of the general public for the monthly baths he allowed them to
take. The superior could allow the sick unlimited access. Later, the founder evidently thought
better of this arrangement. Towards the end of the typikon he announces [113] that, after his death,
the monks should use another bathhouse that he had erected for his own “seasonal use and enjoyment.” But like his own private residence, the founder provides that it should be torn down “if it
should appear to be a liability to the monastery and [lead] to the monks being disturbed by powerful individuals” admitted to the monastery to worship the Mother of God.
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11. Care of Sick Monks
Isaac Komnenos provides [61] that a “competent and proven” doctor be given “appropriate recompense and a salary” for caring for sick monks and other “ailing brethren” he has arranged to be
hospitalized in the foundation’s old age infirmary (gerokomeion, for which see [70]). Eight [70] or
perhaps ten [61] of the monastery’s servants would help the doctor care for the patients.
12. Burial
When Isaac Komnenos began his typikon, he had not yet completed the cemetery in which he
proposes [54] to bury the foundation’s departed monks. There would be a funeral procession and
proper burial for each. The founder trusted to the superior to know how to perform the funerary
hymn (epitaphios). Except for certain favorites and a possible future benefactor willing to pay
handsomely for the privilege of an exception, the author wished [86] to keep all burials outside the
enclosure wall of the monastery. This proved to be an unpopular decision with the monks (they
had been promised burial within the enclosure), and subsequently the author thought he had to
explain [118] his change of plans. By that time, he had laid the foundations of a small chapel at his
own preferred site near the bathhouse, and of a stone wall meant to enclose it. The superior was to
finish the work if necessary, adding a mausoleum. Two monks would be stationed at the chapel for
performing commemorative services.
D. Constitutional Matters
1. Independent and Self-Governing Status
Isaac Komnenos declares [12] that Kosmosoteira should be an independent monastery, never “subject to imperial, private or patriarchal authority” nor to any of his own heirs. In a damaged part of
this text there appears to be an allusion to the charistike or perhaps some more recent scheme of
institutional exploitation; the founder instructs the superior to avoid “this sort of damaging administration conducive to destruction.”
Later in the typikon, the author returns to the subject in a more legalistic chapter [31] that
reflects some of the terminology in (22) Evergetis [12] but is actually closer to the longer, postEvergetian formulation (cf. (30) Phoberos [33], (27) Kecharitomene [1], (28) Pantokrator [69],
and (32) Mamas [4]) which explicitly bans future participation in the charistike, epidosis, and
ephoreia among other schemes for institutional exploitation.
Isaac also notes that he has obtained [108] by patriarchal grant the ruined church of St. Stephen
of the Aurelian at Constantinople, which, after having been restored by him, was now to serve as
Kosmosoteira’s dependency, to be used as a temporary residence by monks visiting the capital
2. Leadership
The author appeals [31] to the emperor to assist the monks should they find themselves in difficulty in the future, but he refrains from designating him as the institution’s protector. In this important respect then the author was truer to Evergetian reform principles than either his mother
Empress Irene Doukaina, the author of (27) Kecharitomene, or his brother, Emperor John II, the
author of (28) Pantokrator.
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Instead, in a pietistic gesture, Isaac designates [12] the Mother of God herself as protectress;
guardian and ally for the protection (ephoreia) and assistance (epikouria) of the monastery. This
meant in effect that the superior, in keeping with Evergetian principles, would be the real master
of the foundation: “he has free rein over the administration of the monastery in all things.” Later,
Isaac defines [31] this to include the enrollment and removal of monks in the foundation and the
control of income and expenditure. Moreover, the superior was to have the right (if in full possession of his faculties at his death) to choose [12], by convocation and consultation of all the monks,
his successor. Even if the superior were to resign, he would still have the right, with the help of the
rest of the monks, to designate his successor.
As he does with many other topics, the author returns [32] to this one to expand on his earlier
treatment. Here he takes his lead from (22) Evergetis [14], providing for a new superior to be
chosen “without the influence of bribery or any heated voting,” preferably unanimously or at least
by a vote of the “more important and eminent monks.” This second treatment of the issue represents the author’s attempt to reconcile the Evergetian tradition with his own ideas, which envisioned a more important role for the superior in choosing his own successor.
Later on in the typikon, Isaac Komnenos adds [78] the restriction that no outsider is to be
chosen superior, but should be selected instead from among the monks of the brotherhood.
The superior’s installation ceremony was designed to emphasize [33] that the superior derived
his authority ultimately from the typikon, which was placed with the pastoral staff on the altar.
3. Selection of Other Officials
The superior, in conjunction with “some distinguished” monks of the brotherhood, was to select
[34] the steward by vote. He would then be installed in a ceremony cribbed from (22) Evergetis
[13]. The monastery’s other officials were to be chosen [35] in the same way, then installed in
office as in (22) Evergetis [29]. In the description of the other officials of the monastery, Isaac
limits himself to those featured in the comparable chapters of (22) Evergetis, [30], [31], [34],
namely the three treasurers [36], the disciplinarian and the refectorian [37], and the property administrators [40]. He does not draw on the more developed list of officials and duties found in his
mother’s typikon, (27) Kecharitomene [19] through [29]. As in (22) Evergetis [38], the officials
were to have lifetime tenure [38] unless they proved to be unfit.
4. Consultative Rule by the Superior
By sticking so closely to the example of (22) Evergetis [13], [14], [19], the author deliberately or
otherwise revives the importance of the preeminent monks in such matters as the choice of the
steward [34] and, if necessary, his deposition [41], and the witnessing of permitted alienations
[45]. They were also to be responsible [78], along with the superior, for the security of the
foundation’s inventory. There is no provision for removal of the superior. Following the lead of
(22) Evergetis [18] which freed the superior from any financial accountability to his monks, Isaac
was unwilling to allow [81] the monks to question the superior about anything, with the notable
exceptions of his “desiring things that [could lead] to the ruin of the monastery” or if he should
“think or act in secret” (i.e., fail to govern consultatively).
5. Patronal Privileges
Patronal privileges made for a subject dear to the author’s heart. During his own lifetime, Isaac
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Komnenos reserves for himself the right to appoint the superior [12] and, apparently, the steward
[5]. Isaac lived at the foundation in his own residence, which he instructs [115] the superior to tear
down after his death if it should become a nuisance because of travelers camping inside of it. Isaac
also expected [89] to be buried in the monastery church, after his tomb had been packed up from
its original site at the Chora church in Constantinople and shipped to the foundation at Kosmosoteira.
The monks were to conduct [90] a daily service of propitiation at the tomb in the narthex. Isaac
reminds the superior and monks no less than five times of their responsibility not to neglect his
commemoration.40 After all, he declares [11], “I did assign my own possessions and properties to
the monastery and to them,” thereby reminding the superior and the monks of the essential patronal
quid pro quo of the twelfth century. He was unwilling to allow [77] the monks to create a portrait
of himself, however, since “to do so would be a condemnation of my wretched soul.” The icons at
his tomb, however, were to be maintained [109] and restored if necessary.
Even the monastery’s independence is made conditional [12] on its employment of the founder’s
secretary Michael and the retainer Leo Kastamonites. The former, said to have played an important role in the design of the foundation, was to be housed [107] by it within the enclosure of the
monastery “as [though he were] an internal monk41 and a ward (thremma) of the monastery.”
Both Michael and Leo Kastamonites were to be buried in the church [107] cf. [54] and receive posthumous commemoration. Leo was to be reckoned as “an integral part” of the monastery
which may mean that he too, like Michael, was to be considered as an internal monk.
The third special beneficiary was to be [107] the founder’s foster child Konstitzes. He too
was to be a ward of the monastery. The founder also provides [110] him and Michael with the
income from several villages for their maintenance. Like the latter, Konstitzes would eventually
be buried [107], cf. [86] “in a special place of honor” in the monastery.
The founder attempts to clarify [117] these privileges towards the end of the typikon. The tone
adopted suggests that the founder was trying to respond to objections raised (perhaps by the superior or some other representative of the foundation) to his indulgent provisions for his associates
in [107]. To this end, he emphasizes the reciprocal nature of the relationship between his associates Michael and Leo on the one hand and the monastery on the other. The former are to “be of
assistance and every support” to the latter “and look upon it and reckon it as something that lives
in place of me.” As far as Konstitzes was concerned, the monastery was to pay maintenance to him
until he reached the age of twenty-four and married.
So the answer to the question “Who would dare to send an imposed guest (katapemptos) to an
independent monastery?” posed by the authors of (27) Kecharitomene [53] and (32) Mamas [26],
is here “the founder” himself. Isaac Komnenos is careful, however, to exclude [107] Leo
Kastamonites’ relatives from claiming his associate’s properties and possessions after his death.
Presumably these were to be inherited by the monastery. Inheritance claims such as those foreclosed here may have been among the reasons founders more committed to reform principles than
our author were anxious to eradicate the use of “imposed guests” (cf. (27) Kecharitomene [79]).
The founder’s parents, Alexios Komnenos and Irene Doukaina, were to be commemorated on
the days of their deaths [54], cf. [95]. Two Jewish converts, Irene and an unnamed husband, were
to continue to receive [93] from the foundation the cash and in-kind annunities originally provided to them by the founder in a promissory note. He also instructs the superior to honor other
promissory notes that might be presented to him.
[ 791 ]
6. Reading of the Typikon and Security of Documents
Following (22) Evergetis [43], the founder provides [59] for a monthly reading of his typikon at
mealtimes. The physical security of the typikon and other important documents was also a concern
for the founder, as it was for other founders of the twelfth century. He clearly foresees [69] how an
institution might lose valuable property titles by surrendering them to officials making inquiries
into the monastery’s rights and privileges. The typikon, the inventory, and property titles were to
be kept [99] in a secure storehouse ([78] says in the sacristy); working copies authenticated by the
local archbishop were to be used for ordinary purposes in their stead. Officials conducting investigations were to be supplied [69] with transcriptions of the relevant passages. The documents
relating to the foundation’s dependency of St. Stephen at Constantinople were also to be kept
[108] in the sacristy at Kosmosoteira. Isaac Komnenos instructs [92] the superior to retrieve certain property titles from his counterpart at the Chora monastery, which suggests that the former
had originally intended to donate the properties represented by these deeds to that monastery. The
sacristy was also where Isaac expected to place [116] the sealed Gift and Grant Ordinance meant
to serve as the final conveyance of his personal properties to the monastery.
E. Financial Matters
1. Financial Administration
Isaac Komnenos borrows from (22) Evergetis [13], [30], [34] to set up the financial administration for his foundation. The officials are the steward [34], the three treasurers [36], and the property administrators [40]. After his own death, he expected the superior, along with “some of the
distinguished [monks] of the foundation,” to select [34] a steward. The preeminent monks could
join together to remove [41] an unfit steward, even one being protected by the superior. In keeping
with the sentiments of his age, Isaac orders [46], cf. [36] that officials keep accurate records of the
foundation’s income and expenditures. He declines [57] to follow (22) Evergetis [42] in the latter’s
assertion that losses to the monastery through the carelessness of its officials were morally equivalent
to outright theft or profiteering. His provisions [60] for a cash box jointly administered by the
superior and certain of his financial administrators are shared with other post-Evergetian institutions in the reform movement. He likewise adopts another practice of twelfth-century founders
(e.g., his mother the author of (27) Kecharitomene [24]) in providing [94] for a special reserve
treasury to be used in the event of some calamity befalling the monastery.
2. Inalienability of Property
Isaac Komnenos makes use of (22) Evergetis [19] in asserting [45] the inalienability of his
foundation’s properties except under the usual calamitous circumstances such as a fire, earthquake, or destruction resulting from an enemy raid. He returns to this topic later in the typikon in
order to prohibit [58] alienations again, even if “the price or equivalent value offered should be
double, triple, or even ten times as much” as the property offered for sale or exchange (cf. (27)
Kecharitomene [9]). The books donated by the founder and listed in the inventory were also to be
included [106] in this ban on the alienation of property. Evidently a certain vineyard, then in
dispute with a monastery dedicated to the Pantokrator, was considered a special case, for he provides [106] that the superior was to agree to a cash settlement and use the money to buy another
useful property if Kosmosoteira’s claim to the vineyard could not be vindicated.
[ 792 ]
3. Entrance Gifts Not Mandatory
As in other reform monasteries, applicants for admission to Kosmosoteira were not to be obliged
to make [55] a contribution (apotage) or offering (prosenexis) to secure entrance. As elsewere,
however, free-will gifts were acceptable, and such gifts, once made, could not be reclaimed by
donors who subsequently chose to leave the monastery.
4. Other Sources of Income
The typikon contains [69] a list of consecrated immovable properties, including some atypical
ones such as rights over annual fairs, a marketplace, and twelve ships exempt from cargo tax.
Isaac Komnenos shows himself keenly alert to other possible sources of income for his foundation. He was willing to bend [86] his rule against burials within the monastery’s enclosure to allow
the burial of someone “who is very rich” in exchange for a sizable donation of movable and
immovable property. Likewise, a very wealthy individual seeking tonsure was to receive [55]
preferential admission and “dwellings suitable for his own habitation” in exchange for substantial
donations. Isaac Komnenos foresees [103] the possibility of adding to the foundation’s endowment of landed properties through subsequent purchases of neighboring villages. The public bathhouse [97] and the fisheries on the river Maritza [66] were certainly additional sources of income
for the monastery; the bridges [67] the founder built for the convenience of travelers may have
been too.
5. Provisions for Building Maintenance
Isaac Komnenos shared the concern of his mother, Irene Doukaina, the author of (27) Kecharitomene
[73], for building maintenance. His foremost concern in this regard was the structural integrity of
the monastery’s church. The roof was to be retiled [79] as needed to avoid water damage to the
adornment of the church. The monks were also to clean [82] the marble floor of the church daily.
Should the building be destroyed by an earthquake or other calamity, the superior was to rebuild
[102] it without delay, preserving the existing quality in color and material. The founder also
provides for the maintenance or repair of the monks’ dormitory and the old age infirmary [70], the
cistern [73], cf. [113], the bridges [67], the peasants’ church of St. Prokopios [104], and the dependency of St. Stephen [108] in Constantinople.
F. Overall Philosophy
1. Moral Integrity of the Foundation’s Assets
The founder declares [2] that he has built this foundation in order to seek pardon for “innumerable
sins,” and that this was done “not out of the profits of injustice,” but “at private expense.” He also
asserts [5] that the resources he has donated to the foundation are the result of lifetime labors and
his “patrimonial inheritance, not “some unjust way of life.” Later, he repeats this assertion, asserting [70] that “not one stone did I bring to the church without paying for it.”
2. Acceptance of Privileges
To be sure, the author reproduces some of the egalitarian sentiments of his model, (22) Evergetis
[9], [17], that can properly be seen as hostile to aristocratic privilege within the monastery. Among
these are the condemnation [22] of quarrels about seating at meals which includes the violent
language of its Evergetian equivalent, and the disclaimer [42] of noble birth or largess as qualifi[ 793 ]
cations for the superiorship. These bows to the rhetoric of the Evergetian tradition must be discounted in view of the founder’s willingness to make [55] disciplinary concessions in return for
substantial donations of landed or movable property. The extensive special privileges conceded
by the founder to his lay associates Michael and Leo Kastamonites as well as to his foster-son
Konstitzes (see especially [107]), while not necessarily compromising the cenobitic life of the
monastery, still must be seen as counter-Evergetian revivals of the mores of traditional private
patronage before the monastic reform.
G. External Relations
1. Canon Law and Relations with the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy
Isaac Komnenos continues the trend observable among founders of the twelfth century of showing increasing knowledge of and a certain amount of respect for the requirements of canon law.
For example, he justifies [49] his exclusion of youths from the monastery by claiming that their
admission is “antithetical to the laws and canons.” Our author’s willingness to establish cooperative relations with the ecclesiastical hierarchy was where the claims of canon law evidently had
the greatest impact on him. As noted above, he recognizes [4], [32] the right of the archbishop of
Traianoupolis to install the monastery’s superior. This official is also charged [4] with preparing
an official report on disputes between the superior and the monks that cannot be resolved internally. This was to serve to frame the dispute for resolution by the patriarch of Constantinople “in
accordance with the canons.” The same metropolitan was also to assist [41] the preeminent monks
in counseling the superior to dismiss an unfit steward.
After some further reflection, the founder returns [111] to this subject late in the typikon. By
then he thought it prudent to limit patriarchal authority explicitly to the mediation of disputes, “for
I have not given to the patriarch any other authority or supervision over the monastery.” Evidently
Isaac had become worried that even partial recognitions of the perquisites of the ecclesiastical
hierarchy might compromise his foundation’s independence.
2. Institutional Philanthropy
Isaac Komnenos, claiming that he would “happily throw thrift to the wind when it comes to distributing to those in need,” warns [87] the monks not to cite a lack of income as an excuse for not
practicing almsgiving. Indeed, this document may be the first of our typika to take almsgiving so
seriously as an institutional obligation, going considerably beyond the perfunctory charity found
in earlier documents, even those in the reform tradition. Edible leftovers from the monks’ “bounteous supply” of food were to be distributed [6] daily at the gate. Additional charitable distributions at the gate were to take place [9] on all feasts of the Mother of God; on the feast of the
Dormition, some one hundred “brothers” were to be invited [10] into the monastery to partake in
a special feast for which the founder provides detailed prescriptions. As usual in the Evergetian
tradition, women were excluded [56] from the regular distributions but not from those on feast
days. They were allowed [84] access to the church to worship and pray for the founder’s soul three
times a year.
There was also to be an old age home (gerokomeion) established [70] at the monastery, located inside the outer periphery wall. Isaac Komnenos provides [61] that a “competent and proven”
[ 794 ]
doctor paid by the monastery was to be stationed there here to care not only for sick monks but
also lay people, up to the institution’s capacity of thirty-six patients. Ten ([70] says eight) of the
monastery’s servants would assist the doctor; an ordained monk assigned to a church established
there would provide [70] religious services. Those patients who died at the infirmary would receive proper funerals and burials.
Isaac Komnenos also was proud of his abolition [114] of highway tolls along a road running
near the monastery that belonged to him as a “paternal inheritance.”
More than most of his contemporaries, Isaac Komnenos realized the necessary link between
the financial resources dedicated to his foundation and the performance of the prescribed philanthropic activities. He asserts [96], however, that the former are “adequate for a reasonable reinforcement of my injunctions.”
3. Relations with the Peasantry and Other Dependents
Isaac Komnenos’ solicitude for the dependent peasantry, like his commitment to institutional philanthropy, goes considerably beyond the typical admonitions of his contemporaries that the
institution’s cultivators should not be treated unfairly. Claiming that the latter have “not been
accustomed to unjust collections,” he asserts [71] further that “it is senseless and unreasonable for
a holy monastery such as this to be awarded to the Mother of God yet have the inhabitants who
furnish its income be harmed or made miserable, in so far as this is unnecessary.” This demonstrates a fairly keen social conscience for the times. He repeats [76] this line of argument later as
justification for his admonition to the superior and the monks not to impose any new burdens or
unreasonable exactions on the peasants.
Later still, the founder provides [103] that the peasants’ villages are not to be dislocated. He
also establishes [104] a ministry for them based in a church of St. Prokopios he has restored for
this purpose. They were also permitted to worship in the monastery’s church. The founder charges
the superior personally with their spiritual supervision.
Clearly, though, the founder placed the welfare of his monks above that of the peasants. The
latter were not allowed [86] to bury their dead in their own villages, but were to do so far away so
that “no unhealthy pollution enters the atmosphere.” Beasts were also prohibited [101] from the
monastery’s enclosure, also for hygienic reasons.
A curious set of provisions which attempt to adjudicate [98] cases of arson among the villagers, while displaying the author’s good sense and compassion, do not oblige the monastery to
provide financial assistance to the victims. Soldiers (stratiotai) were stationed [110] in two of the
monastery’s villages; they were notorious for behaving badly towards their neighbors and they
refused to pay taxes. The superior was nevertheless to treat them as potential allies, useful for
defending the monastery’s villages from unnamed predators. Another group of privileged, armed
dependents, the vestiaritai, were left over [112] from the construction of the monastery. They
were to be allowed to settle near the monastery’s fortress (kastron), from which base they would
provide dispatch services for the superior and, like the tributary soldiers, protection for the
monastery’s possessions.
[ 795 ]
Notes on the Introduction
1. After this volume had gone to press, a new edition of the typikon of Kosmosoteira was published by G. K.
Papazoglou based on a late 16th-century manuscript recently discovered in the libary of the monastery
of Saint Gerasimos on Kephalenia (Typikon Isaakiou Alexiou Komnenou tes mones Theotokou tes
Kosmosoteiras [Komotene, 1994]). This is the manuscript thought to have been lost at the turn of the
century (see below, Institutional History, D: Identification of the Site and Publication of the Typikon,
and Petit, “Kosmosotira,” pp. 17–18). We wish to thank Dr. Nancy P. Sevcenko for bringing this edition
to our attention and regret that it appeared too late for us to benefit from it.
2. For Isaac Komnenos, see Ferjanciç, “Sevastokratori,” pp. 156–57; Jurewicz, Andronikos I, pp. 28–35;
Kazhdan, “Isaac Komnenos,” p. 1146; Varzos, Genealogia, vol. 1, pp. 238–54.
3. For this foundation, see Janin, Géographie, vol. 3, pp. 531–38; Ousterhout, Kariye Camii; and Underwood,
Kariye Djami, vol. 1, pp. 3–23.
4. Uspensky, “Seralskii kodeks.”
5. Niketas Choniates, Historia, ed. J. A. Van Dieten (Berlin, 1975), p. 32; for dating, see Sinos, Kosmosoteira,
p. 9, n. 24.
6. Kurtz, “Unedierte Texte,” p. 102.
7. Choniates, Historia, ed. Van Dieten, p. 32; for dating, see Sinos, Kosmosoteira, p. 10, n. 29.
8. John Kinnamos, Historia, ed. A. Meineke, CSHB (Bonn, 1836), p. 32.
9. Ed. Uspensky, “Seralskii kodeks,” p. 26, and Patterson (Sevcenko), “Frescoes,” p. 47 (with English translation); see also discussion in Ousterhout, rev. Sinos, Kosmosoteira, p. 230.
10. Choniates, Historia, ed. Van Dieten, p. 280.
11. Choniates, Historia, ed. Van Dieten, p. 452.
12. Geoffrey de Villehardouin, La conquête de Constantinople, ed. Edmond Faral, 2 vols. (Paris, 1938–39),
vol. 2, p. 190.
13. George Akropolites, Chronike Syngraphe, ed. A. Heisenberg, Georgii Acropolitae opera (Leipzig, 1903),
corr. P. Wirth, vol. 1 (Stuttgart, 1978), p. 72.
14. John Kantakouzenos, Historiarum libri IV, ed. L. Schopen, CSHB, vol. 2 (Bonn, 1828–32), pp. 111, 348;
see also Sinos, Kosmosoteira, pp. 22–23.
15. Kantakouzenos, Historiarum libri IV, CSHB, vol. 2, p. 196.
16. Kantakouzenos, Historiarum libri IV, CSHB, vol. 3, p. 310.
17. See discussion of the Turkish sources in Sinos, Kosmosoteira, pp. 26–27.
18. C. H. A. Schefer, Le voyage d’Outremer de Bértrandon de la Broquière (Paris, 1892), pp. 179–80.
19. Robert de Dreux, Voyage en Turquie et en Grèce, ed. H. Pernot (Paris, 1925), p. 85; quoted in Sinos,
Kosmosoteira, p. 29, n. 102.
20. Gedeon, “Typikon.”
21. Sinos, Kosmosoteira, p. 33.
22. Orlandos, “Mnemeia.”
23. Ed. Patterson (Sevcenko), “Frescoes,” p. 19, n. 5.
24. Orlandos, “Mnemeia,” pp. 29–34; Ousterhout, rev. Sinos, Kosmosoteira, p. 229.
25. Petit, “Kosmosotira,” p. 18.
26. (27) Kecharitomene [2], [9], [10], [24], [55]; cf. (29) Kosmosoteira [57], [58], [45], [60], [57], respectively.
27. For these proposed intermediaries, see the discussion above in (27) Kecharitomene, Analysis, B. Model
28. Repetitive treatments, by section (roman numerals) and chapter (in brackets):
Secret Testament: I [1]; IV [96], [116]
Honest endowment: I [2]; IV [70]
Number of monks: I [3]; III [48]; IV [88]
Installation of the superior: I [4]; III [32]
[ 796 ]
Patriarchal mediation: I [4]; IV [111]
Diet: I [6]; II [24] through [29]; IV [63]
Maintenance of cenobiticism: I [6]; III [57]
Founder’s commemoration: I [7]; [11]; IV [64], [72], [91]
Feast of the Dormition: I [10]; II [29]; IV [65]
Institutional independence: I [12]; III [31]
Election of the superior: I [12]; III [32]
Performance of the hours: II [13] through [15]; IV [68], [80]
Financial officials: III [36]; IV [60]
Inalienability of property: III [45], [58]
Bookkeeping requirements: III [46]; IV [100]
Communal provision of clothing: III [52]; IV [62]
Parents’ commemoration: III [54]; IV [95]
Special privileges for associates: III [54]; IV [107]; V [117]
Burial of the monks: III [54]; IV [86]; V [118]
Women’s access: III [56]; IV [84]
Old age home: III [61]; IV [70]
Relations with the peasantry: IV [71], [76]
Care of the cistern: IV [73], [113]
Storage of the inventory: IV [78], [99]
Burial of Konstitzes: IV [86], [107]
Founder’s icons: IV [90], [109]
Monks’ bath: IV [97], [113]
Demolition of the founder’s personal facilities: IV [113], [115]
29. But see discussions of diet in I [6] and in II [24] through [29], and of the feast of the Dormition in I [10]
and in II [29].
30. Installation of the superior: III [32], cf. I [4]; institutional independence: III [31], cf. I [12]; election of
the superior: III [32], cf. I [12]; number of monks: III [48], cf. I [3]; and maintenance of cenobiticism:
III [57], cf. I [6].
31. Inalienability of property: III [45], [58].
32. Financial officials: IV [60], cf. III [36]; communal provision of clothing: IV [62], cf. III [52]; diet: IV
[63], cf. I [6] and II [24] through [29]; founder’s commemoration: IV [64], [72], [91], cf. I [7], [11];
feast of the Dormition: IV [65], cf. I [10], II [29]; performance of the hours: IV [68], [80], cf. II [13]
through [15]; honest endowment: IV [70], cf. I [2]; old age home: IV [70], cf. III [61]; women’s access:
IV [84], cf. III [56]; burial of the monks: IV [86], cf. III [54]; number of monks: IV [88], cf. I [3], III
[48]; parents’ commemoration: IV [95], cf. III [54]; Secret Testament: IV [96], [116], cf. I [1]; bookkeeping requirements: IV [100], cf. III [46]; special privileges for associates: IV [107], cf. III [54];
patriarchal mediation: IV [111], cf. I [4].
33. Relations with the peasantry: IV [71], [76]; care of the cistern: [73], [113]; storage of the inventory: [78],
[99]; burial of Konstitzes: [86], [107]; monks’ bath: [97], [113]; demolition of the founder’s personal
facilities: [113], [115].
34. Founder’s commemoration: IV [64], [72]; performance of the hours: IV [68], [80].
35. Relations with the peasantry: IV [71], [76].
36. Founder’s commemoration: IV [72], [91]; storage of the inventory: IV [78], [99]; burial of Konstitzes:
[86], [107].
37. Secret Testament: IV [96], [116]; monks’ bath: [97], [113].
38. Special privileges for associates: V [117], cf. III [54], IV [107]; burial of the monks: V [118], cf. III [54].
39. N. Sevcenko, “The Tomb of Isaak Komnenos at Pherrai,” GOTR 29.2 (1984), p. 135, n. 2.
40. (29) Kosmosoteira [7], [11], [64], [72], [91].
41. An esomonites; cf. (28) Pantokrator [28].
[ 797 ]
Beck, Hans-Georg, Kirche und theologische Literatur im byzantinischen Reich (Munich, 1959), p. 648.
Ferjanciç, Bozhidar, “Sevastokratori u Vizantiji,” ZRVI 11 (1968), pp. 159–92, esp. 156–57.
Gedeon, Manuel, “To typikon tes mones Theotokou Kosmosoteiras,” EA 18 (1898), 112–15, 144–48, 188–
Jeanselme, Edouard, “Le régime alimentaire des anachorètes et des moines byzantins,” extract from 2e
Congrès d’histoire de la médecine (Evreux, 1922), 28 pp.
Jurewicz, Oktawiusz, Andronikos I. Komnenos (Amsterdam, 1970), pp. 28–35.
Kazhdan, Alexander, “Isaac Komnenos, the Porphyrogennetos,” ODB, p. 1146.
Kurtz, Ed., “Unedierte Texte aus der Zeit des Kaisers Johannes Komnenos,” BZ 16 (1907), 69–119, esp.
Magdalino, Paul, “The Byzantine Aristocratic Oikos,” in The Byzantine Aristocracy, IX–XIII Centuries, ed.
Michael Angold (Oxford, 1984), pp. 92–111, esp. 103–5.
Magdalino, Paul, and Nelson, Robert, “The Emperor in Byzantine Art of the Twelfth Century,” BF 8 (1982),
123–83, esp. 130–32.
Medico, M. H. E. del, “Essai sur Kahrié Djami au début du XIIe siècle,” BZ 32 (1932), 16–48.
Oeconomos, Lysimaque, La vie religieuse dans l’empire byzantin au temps des Comnènes et des Anges
(Paris, 1918), pp. 210–13.
Orlandos, A. K., “Ta vyzantina mnemeia tes Veras,” Thrakika 4 (1933), 3–34.
Ousterhout, Robert, The Architecture of the Kariye Camii in Istanbul (Washington, D.C., 1987), p. 21.
———, Speculum 63 (1988), 229–31, review of Stefan Sinos, Die Klosterkirche der Kosmosoteira in Bera
(Vira) (Munich, 1985).
Patterson (Sevcenko), Nancy, “Byzantine Frescoes at Pherrai” (M.A. thesis, Columbia University, 1964).
Sevcenko, Nancy P., “The Tomb of Isaak Komnenos at Pherrai,” GOTR 29 (1984), 135–39.
Sinos, Stefan, Die Klosterkirche der Kosmosoteira in Bera (Vira) (Munich, 1985).
Talbot, Alice-Mary, “Bera,” ODB, pp. 282–83.
Tapkova-Zaimova, V., “Les noms de lieux dans le typicon du monastère de la Kosmosotira,” Balkansko
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Studies in Honor of Albert Mathias Friend, Jr., ed. Kurt Weitzmann (Princeton, 1955), pp. 254–60.
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Uspensky, Th., “Konstantinopolskii seralskii kodeks vosmikhnizhiya,” IRAIK 12 (1907), esp. 18–32.
Varzos, Konstantinos, He genealogia ton Komnenon, 2 vols. (Thessalonike, 1984), pp. 238–54.
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1983), pp. 200–215.
As noted above, this document shares substantial portions of the text of (22) Evergetis. In our
translation, the borrowings are indicated in boldface type.
1. [This is the] typikon which I, Isaac [the Sebastokrator], son of the great Emperor Lord Alexios
Komnenos, have composed for the monastery which I restored and newly established in the fifteenth indiction of the year 6660 [ = 1152 A.D.]. Herein is placed the mosaic image1 of the
Kosmosoteira and Mother of God, in many a thing my Benefactress. The region in which this
monastery lies was altogether devoid of men and houses, [the haunt] only of snakes and scorpions
. . . [lacuna in the text] wild in every way, and encircled by wide-spreading branches. This typikon
[ 798 ]
of mine here sets forth in detail my decrees for the administration with the aid of God of this
monastery, and commands (these decrees which I now set forth in it being in fact [contained] in
my Last and Secret Testament as well, if not in their entirety) that my orders remain immutable
and undisturbed throughout all time.
The preface and full text of the typikon have been issued by me while in a condition of grave
illness. This is the preface to the full text of [p. 20] this present work which I, the restorer of the
holy monastery, as has been said, have set forth in burning faith for my Benefactress, the Mother
of God and Kosmosoteira. A flawless ally in every way, I now invoke thee, since it is with thine
aid, O all-seeing universal Queen, that I would express the wishes nourished in this at present so
wretched mind of mine.
2. Many men, O Mother of God, have piously accomplished in this life many projects pleasing to
God, in praise of him, the Lord of all. The works successfully completed proclaim him—though
in silence—as with songs of praise, by their very perfection, in the upright faith of the doers. Such
men have been allotted everlasting fame after their departure from here. Some of them, by the
distribution of monetary wealth to the poor (whom the Lord our Creator called his brothers) (Matt.
25:40), drew his gracious mercy on to themselves and arrived at an end of life befitting their
efforts. Others in grand style founded magnificent churches at private expense, and established
holy monasteries throughout cities and towns. Still others, those who lacked worldly substance,
contributed—according to Gregory, great among theologians—the intensity of their zeal as a graciously accepted offering to the Lord of all.2 Those who successfully accomplished [their projects]
and those who did not, received the Lord and Master of all things as the immediate protector of
their individual works.
As for me, the unfortunate, I am a latecomer to the works of good men, one who never once
gave thought to, nor was cognizant of these things—nor hitherto reflected on the potential advantage for my soul in some form of good works. I was finishing the course of my life as a barren and
senseless shoot, when at long last I emerged, feebly, barely, from my terrible and long-standing
habits as from the deep grave of ignorance, and calculated in my mind the punishment for sin
lying in store for me in the next life. Woe is me! So, for some remission and pardon for my
innumerable recurring sins, I emerged by God’s inclination from the darkness of ignorance, as I
have said, and, exiled from my own country for what crimes God knows, and afflicted with grave
illness, I restored this holy monastery of the Mother of God, with the help of God, not out of the
profits of injustice (far be it from me, O God!) but at private expense, and in a fashion I believe not
unpleasing to God.
From its very foundations, then, I restored the said monastery, in a deserted area, formerly
nothing but thickets, commonly called Bera, for the salvation of many . . . . . .[lacuna in the text]
and as atonement and ransom for my countless errors. I awarded it to the Kosmosoteira, Mother of
God and Benefactress. I encircled it round with a strong enclosure [wall], and the other necessary
dwellings around it, including the wine cellars and granaries, and—to be brief—all the rest of the
things required by the monks. I tightly enclosed everything within a double wall. I then realized it
was necessary to draw up a well-ordered system, in burning faith for the Mother of God, for this
holy monastery and the monks who abide therein with God. [p. 21]
[ 799 ]
3. First of all, then, for the sake of [singing] the praise of her and of God whom she bore, fifty adult
monks living in the monastery [should] be appointed as cantors, seemly in their godly lives and
conduct, to attend constantly upon God and to pray for my wretched soul. Moreover, [there should
be] another twenty-four adult monks to serve these and to tend to their needs. I do not wish that
any one in either group be less than thirty years of age, nor indeed do I want any eunuch to be
included among the monks, for I want the monks to live far from this cause of turmoil to natural
habits and to morals. For Gregory, the great Theologian, praised quiet in all things as being good
for those who devote themselves to it, citing Elijah’s Carmel and John’s desert as testimonies to
this truth.3
I want the most honorable superior of this said holy monastery, [whoever he may be] at the
time, to enlist monks such as these into it: monks [who are] adorned with virtue, not ones vulgar
and undisciplined and thoroughly without learning. May the superior, in his impartial and incorruptible judgment, find [both] my Kosmosoteira and Benefactress the Mother of God, and his own
godly zeal, ever-present allies indeed for the ready recruitment of such monks. For the Word of
God has plainly declared: “Seek and you will find, knock and it will be opened to you” (Matt. 7:7;
Luke 11:9).
4. I wish for the superior who is next in line for the succession to be installed in the office of
superior by the most holy metropolitan of Traianoupolis—always being chosen for the succession
by all the monks, as the metropolitan must not be involved in any other way in regulating the
freedom of the monastery. Since it often happens that matters of dispute crop up between men,
and even among monks themselves through the malice of the devil, I wish those insoluble and
troublesome matters which crop up among the monks to be resolved by their coming together with
each other and by the judgment of the most honorable superior. Thus they will achieve quiet and
that state of peace with one another which the Lord Creator lovingly recommends at all times to
all of us who believe in him. But if the matter is raised by the monks against the superior himself
and is insoluble, let the monks raising the matter, along with the most honorable superior, [armed]
with the official report of the metropolitan of Traianoupolis of the time, approach the most holy
ecumenical patriarch, and submit the matter to him and let it receive the solution from him, in
accordance with the canons.
No patriarchal [representative] should be sent by his Holiness for an investigation into this
monastery of Kosmosoteira. Rather, let the inquiry and the judgment in the affair come to a valid
conclusion before the patriarchal presence and authority. Which patriarch I beseech with tears not
to deal lightly with such matters of the monastery and the judgments [concerning them], nor to
allow any delay, on account of his Holiness’ overcrowded [p. 22] schedule, in the monks’ sojourn
[in the capital], lest they stay away from the monastery for too long and occupy themselves in
legal matters. I request that these things be carried out in this way in accordance with the pastoral
dignity of my lord the ecumenical patriarch, for the eternal reward of his soul and a peaceful state
of affairs among the monks.
5. Now since I have dedicated practically all my resources, both movable and immovable, to the
Mother of God here, for my spiritual salvation—on account of which I, the unfortunate, eagerly
[ 800 ]
await [her] intercession with her Son our God for my wretched soul—I want and wish the monks
of the Kosmosoteira my Mother of God to be of one mind with each other with regard to these
regulations of mine, and to offer their unwavering assistance. For we have learned that division is
in every way a cause of ruin. “For love one another” (John 13:34), our Creator in his divine way
has exhorted us. We should keep always the archetype of this exhortation ever present; we must
look towards it, and strive [to perform] good works. For this very reason I have appointed an
utterly flawless steward for the monastery and have established the Mother of God within it. For
[it is] my long labors in life, and my patrimonial inheritance—and not some unjust way of life, so
help me God!—which have rightfully furnished the things I have donated to the monastery. O
Mother of God, receive graciously what has been offered to thee!
6. I wish the monastery to be a cenobitic institution, [this being] a way of life pleasing to God, and
[I wish] the monks to submit to the superior. Their daily meals should be supplied to them all
together at a common table, and, it being likely that, with the help of God, they will have a bounteous supply of food, I make this request to the most honorable superior of the time, and to those
performing under him as monks: I earnestly recommend to them, although I am altogether unworthy to make recommendations, that whatever edible food is left over each day from their table be
distributed by the superior to the poor at the entrance to the monastery enclosure. Let the superior
of [the monastery] instruct some of the monks to carry this out without fail for the relief of my
boundless errors, so that we may not hear the Lord saying bitterly, “When did you see me hungry
and feed me, or thirsty and give me drink?” (cf. Matt. 25:37) and the following chapters of our
7. Hence, as [I] move along with the present discourse and [begin] to lay out before the monks
point by point my whole account and my will, I make this slight request of the most honorable
superior and all the monks under him: after the dismissal at vespers, they [should] all assemble
before the icon of the Mother of God, and perform the trisagion every evening, [to bring] mercy
on my wretched soul, and pronounce on its behalf a suitable ektenes, and stretch out their arms and
recite this way the kyrie eleison forty times, with all their hearts. Then they [should] make this
recitation: “O Lady Mother of God, deliver thy servant who approaches thee, the founder Isaac,
[p. 23] from the punishment to come, by thy intercession with thy Son, enfolding him in thy
immaculate arms.” Then they should say the “Fervent intercession” and what follows, while modifying in this way the phrase in the middle: “And deliver him from spiritual danger, as thou art the
sole swift protectress,” and one further theotokion, suitable for [bringing] mercy on my soul.
Thereupon they should each of them proceed to their cells to rest. I wish this to be done throughout the year, in perpetuity, and I beg with tears for loyalty [on the part] of the monks, that they do
not set aside this godly undertaking—this being [but] a slight request.
8. Among those wise men who restored holy monasteries and assigned monks to them to sing
praise to God, there were many who preferred the Typikon of the Evergetis to the [typika] used in
other monasteries. I, too, following their [example], prefer this one, and I wish the monks to join
in using it for all instructions, and not to overlook that which it stresses concerning the straight
[ 801 ]
spiritual path. They should hold to it with reference to the hymnody, and indeed with reference to
all [matters of] conduct, as the best possible guide for the benefit of the soul, and [as it were] an
enkolpion [in a setting] of pearls.
For this very reason I took particular care, with guidance from Heaven, in copying and transcribing, in this work, word-for-word what was written in the [other typikon]. I then entrusted it to
the monks of my Lady the Kosmosoteira and Mother of God and to the most honorable superior,
[having arranged things] with as much precision and close consideration as anyone could want,
ordering the monks to keep it inviolate throughout all time. For through this work they will surely
be guided toward what should be done piously and strictly with respect to hymns to God, and the
distribution and use of appropriate food and diet for the body. I have avoided expounding on these
things at great length in this work here, not wishing the mind to be trapped by empty repetition. So
then let me pull together what I intend [to say] in this present typikon, invoking God and his
forever-virgin Mother as defenders of this present exposition and its inalienable preservation.
What these things are, and what is my intention regarding them, may this present exposition make
entirely clear, and may thou, O God of all, and thy Mother, not overlook their content.
9. Therefore on every feast—I mean of the Mother of God throughout the year, so that [starting]
with her I can make a suitable preface of my intent—I wish the monks to get ready to ring the two
bells quite loudly with [their own] hands before the hymnody—I mean the two bells which I hung
high up in the tower, in place of semantra. But the monks [should] make their way into the space
of the church in a holy fashion and celebrate in a splendid fashion the whole hymnody proper to
the feast. There should be four lamps lit in the very middle of the church, and two candelabra with
eight candleholders should stand by the two icons set out for veneration, that is, in the two parts of
the church where my Supremely-good Christ, and the Mother of God and Kosmosoteira, are respectively represented with great skill, so [p. 24] that the images appear alive to the beholder, and
as though letting out a beautiful sound from their mouths toward him. For it is a marvel to behold
these likenesses in painting, that is, alive and yet unmoving in space, and hence to praise the artist
whom the First Creator and Lord endowed with the knowledge of how to paint in a novel fashion.
For who would not congratulate him, after having traced the form of these likenesses onto his eye
and his heart as though it were living.
At any rate, I wish that by both of these icons there be lit as well the triple lamps of silver,
those which I hung up nicely before them. Moreover, let all the little candles be lit, along with
these, as many as the bronze lamna is able to hold, the one extending above and across the entrance doors to the sanctuary. Furthermore, [one should light] every lamp suspended from the
beams of the church, and from the objects designed to support the holders for the candles—I mean
inside the narthex. This is the way I wish the splendid illumination to be arranged on the feasts of
the Mother of God, who has given me hopes for intercession and for my salvation. Indeed I wish,
in addition to those other things, for her to be honored with expensive oils and incense, and, as far
as is possible, by charitable distributions to the poor by the gate—as the judgment and preference
of the superior shall surely determine, having God as the ever-present beneficiary of this kind of
charitable distribution.
[ 802 ]
10. I wish, however, for the honored vespers [preceding] the holy Dormition of the Mother of
God,4 as well as the day after it, to be celebrated more splendidly than all her other feasts, by the
lighting of all the lamps, and by the assemblage of a greater number of priests and deacons in the
sanctuary, it being the feast of feasts and the festival of festivals. [I also wish it] to be celebrated
with an all-night vigil by all the monks. I want the vigil to be interspersed with an intercessory
canon on behalf of my soul, with readings coming twice in the night to [provide] a moderate
respite for the monks and to [lead to] contrition. After the completion of the hymnody, let this
song and salutation, so revered by us and by the heavenly powers, be proclaimed with one accord:
“[Thou] more honored than the Cherubim,”5 then the kyrie eleison one hundred times for the
salvation and liberation of my wretched soul, and thereafter the ektenes proper for the dismissal.
It is thus quite clear how, after the vespers, the monks must perform the morning hymnody
and the liturgy in a brilliant fashion, and how, after the celebration of the holy rites, the superior
and the steward of the monastery are to proceed with the distribution to the needy. For I wish one
hundred [of our] brothers to assemble at the entrance, and for each of them to take one loaf of
bread on her feast day (there being ten made from one local modios), plus six trachea [nomismata],
and one measure of wine for [their] fresh food and drink. For if we fill the souls of those hungry
ones, we may [ourselves] be filled without fail with more abundant food from on high, in the other
world, by God, the rewarder . . . . . . .[lacuna in the text] as far as possible, God eyeing from above
the conscience of those who are [in charge of the feast’s] celebration: that they not only [see to it
that] the monks are provided with enough to eat, but are able also to provide a bit more to some of
the needy, out of the things which I furnished for them, with the help of God.
I pray [p. 25] over and over to the Lord of all, that after my death the monastery will be able
to provide wider access to those who love Christ, and that it stretch out its right hand magnanimously to the needy. For this is my major aim, most aimed at. Let there be distributed, furthermore, to the one hundred poor [brothers enough] beans boiled over the fire to suffice as their food
for that day. If, at the discretion of the superior, this legume is offered to them in a soup with
seasoning, or some freshwater fish [is offered], which is cheap and fat (which the river situated
nearest the monastery and flowing to the sea is often able to provide to the fisherman), this would
be good, and the reward could be referred to God. If the superior should fail in obtaining such
catch, let the poor be given cheese. They should be seated on the floor in a line or a circle, to
partake of the food in a more dignified way. When they will be filled, I want them to rise all at
once from their places, to raise their hands up high and to recite for my sake the Kyrie eleison forty
times, and then to go on home. I wish that this particular action of the monks at the time of the
feast never once cease, nor ever be altered, in the present age. For I myself have judged it necessary to discuss matters pertaining to the feast in this way, and may I not despair of the intercession
of the Mother of God on this account.
11. On her other feasts in the year let a vigil be performed with comparable illumination—even if
[it is] not an all-night one, so that the singers are not burdened with too much effort. Wherefore I
did not wish to drag them, in the present typikon, to [shoulder], like some wage-earners, the unbearable load of great efforts on my behalf, or to require them to celebrate the vigil on my behalf
[ 803 ]
every Saturday, as is the custom in most monasteries. For what is [morally] good is fine above all
when not forced upon those who practice it. Still, I want the monks to recite the Kyrie eleison forty
times for my sake during every one of the said vigils, after the dismissal. I wish their prayers to be
[performed] in good conscience and not unwillingly, inasmuch as I did assign my own possessions and properties to the monastery and to them, with the help of God—things which doubtless
the text of the present typikon will partially elucidate.
Now on the feasts of the Mother of God that follow after the Dormition, whatever is proper at
matins and the liturgy and at vespers should be carried out in splendor, the distribution to the poor
on these [days] I entrust to the godly discretion of the most honorable superior. For it is God who
presides over the recompense for my good works. I wish moreover for the feast of the Birth of
Christ my God, and of his Passion—and along with these, that of the Transfiguration—to be
celebrated magnificently. On Holy Thursday, [let there be] a distribution to the poor comparable
and equivalent to [that on] the feast of the Dormition (that is, of the Mother of God)—of course in
accordance with the monastery’s capabilities. Furthermore, I wish that [St. John] the Forerunner
and my Saint Nicholas be celebrated.6
[I do not wish] the monks of the [monastery] to do anything divergent or deviant with regard
to these and [other] such [matters], contrary to this my instruction. So on all the rest of the days of
the year that are not feast days, let the small semantron [p. 26] be sounded first, to call together the
monks for the hymnodies, then the large wooden one. On Sundays and on all the feast days [I]
enumerated, particularly [on the day of] the holy Dormition of the Mother of God, I wish, as was
said, for the two large bells hanging quite high up in the tower to be rung loudly, as long as
necessary—these being the very bells that I had hung up in fervent faith and in my reverence
toward the Mother of God.
12. I therefore order that this monastery that I have re-established be altogether and entirely independent, throughout all time, that no one encroach upon it, and that it never be subject to imperial,
private or patriarchal authority, nor to any heir of my property. I do not wish it surrendered to the
ephoreia of anyone, and as aides, there must be hired only my secretary Michael,7 for his longlasting faith and friendship to me, since he has served me faithfully for many years with seemly
and scrupulous attention, and my man Leo Kastamonites,8 unrivaled among my retainers. For his
faithful service to me from the time of his youth, may God not deprive him of just rewards.
This requirement, that the monastery be subject to no one’s supervision, is its safeguard, next
to God, that [guarantees its] preservation and removes it from the grasping reach of the unjust and
[prevents] obvious damage to the monastery. For some superiors were deceived in their hopes,
and let the holy monasteries under their control, and their possessions, fall into greedy hands
perhaps . . . . . . . . . . [lacuna in the text] and for that reason willingly—although appearing
unwilling—involved themselves more in innovation than in assistance to their monasteries.
Let us avoid then, O most honorable superior, whoever you may be, this sort of damaging
administration conducive to destruction. Let us suffer this holy monastery of My Lady the
Kosmosoteira and Mother of God to remain entirely independent of any ephoreia, lest we appear
grasping, indeed sinful, in her eyes. I refer to the Mother of God, whom I, as the present typikon
suggests, have proposed in place of all others as ephoros, guardian and ally for this monastery and
[ 804 ]
all the properties and possessions it governs. May she altogether suffice, then, without equal and
in place of all others, for the ephoreia of the monastery and its invincible and unshakeable assistance. To substitute any other person for her I deem an [outright] act of want of faith, provoking a
heavy curse on you. By fleeing this, we might certainly obtain the mercy of God and his Mother.
Therefore I wish for two large candles to be kept always burning the whole year [before]
Christ the Absolute in Goodness, and [before] the Mother of God—that is, one at the [icon] of
Christ set out for veneration, one at that of the Mother of God. As regards the lighting of the little
candles during the daily office of hymnody, I refer the arrangements to the best judgment of the
most honorable superior of the time.
As he has free rein over the administration of the monastery in all things, he is responsible, if
in full possession of his faculties at the time of his death, by convocation and consultation of all
the monks under him, for the choice from among them all of the superior who is to succeed him in
the monastery. Perhaps at some time the superior may wish, for some reason, to resign his office.
[p. 27] In that case, let him choose impartially, with the help of the rest of the monks of the
monastery, one who is more notable than the others, and appoint him superior, although during my
lifetime I wish to choose and install a superior at my own discretion.
13. Here then is what the typikon of the Evergetis (which [I] have already mentioned) decrees
regarding the hymnodies of the monks, and other liturgical procedure, with the help of God. One
must attend to what has already been stated, to wit:
[ = (22) Evergetis [4] ]: So after the worship of matins, I say, the office of the first hour
should be sung by you monks following on immediately, as is customary, and at the end of
this the following prayer should next be recited, “Thou who at all times” and what follows.
After the prayer the customary genuflections should be performed, by the able-bodied on
the bare floor but the weak should have some small supports. Three of them should be completed in a more leisurely manner inasmuch as while you are standing you should say three
times to yourselves with hands stretched out “God, be merciful to me the sinner” (Luke
18:13), then when you are kneeling down with your heads resting on the ground, you should
say three times in the same way “I have sinned against thee, Lord, forgive me.” But the
remaining twelve should be carried out more quickly so as to utter the aforementioned supplicatory phrases once at each genuflection and each time you stand, but yet in unison and
with fitting good order, not with some getting ahead and others falling behind, but all following the lead of the ecclesiarch or the priest on duty that day as he stands near the holy screen
and indicates the successive movements.
That should take place when “God is the Lord” (Ps. 117 [118]:27) is not sung during
matins; but if it is, the performing of these genuflections in the church should be omitted but
three deep bows should be performed while at each of them, as has been mentioned, the
aforesaid supplicatory phrases should be said to yourselves three times. Then after these
genuflections or bows all should repeat the following prayer aloud with hands raised, “O
eternal God, the Maker of all creation.” Immediately after the prayer the short catechesis
from the words of the Fathers should take place, read by the superior, and this should never
be omitted unless set aside by the synaxarion. At this point after the reading the trisagion
[ 805 ]
which is prescribed for us should take place and to it the following prayer should be joined,
“Thou who sendest out the light and it proceeds.”9 That is to take place when the catechesis
is read; otherwise the trisagion should be omitted and the prayer should be recited to follow
the other prayer before the catechesis.
All the prayers should be said with hands held up in accordance with the following,
“Lift up your hands in the sanctuaries and bless the Lord” (Ps. 133 [134]:2), and “The lifting
of my hands as an evening sacrifice” (Ps. 140 [141]:2), and “In every place lifting holy hands
without anger or quarreling” (I Tim. 2:8). When the aforementioned prayer and the others
have been said by the priest and the priest has spoken his customary one as well, all of you
should immediately fall on your faces and hearing the superior asking for your prayers like
this, [p. 28] “Brothers, pray for me to the Lord that I may be delivered from passions and the
snares of the Evil One,” you should answer, “May God save you, honored father, and you,
pray for us, that we may be delivered from passions and the snares of the Evil One.” Then
again the superior praying should say, “May God through the prayers of our fathers save
you all.”
Then you should stand up and depart to your cells, avoiding all meeting together and
foolish distraction, idle chatter, and disorderly laughter. For what comes of such things?
Clearly, the lapsing into disgraceful talk, abuse, and condemnations because your mind is
relaxed by this and you forget what is really good, and reaching your cells in a dilatory and
lazy frame of mind you sink at once into a sleep of akedia and pass almost all the day in
idleness without engaging in any beneficial activity whatever, as the great Basil also says,
“To lapse from a fitting spiritual state is easy when the soul indulges in unrestrained laughter, and it is easier for a concern for goodness to be dissipated and lapse into disgraceful
May this not be the case with my fathers and brothers, but let each go away to his cell in
a sober frame of mind most vigilant, always doing what is pleasing to God. But if perhaps
some are discovered to be at fault in this matter, whether they are young or old, advanced in
the monastic life or novices, they are to be admonished with the laws of love by the disciplinary official, and if they do not mend their ways they are to be punished. For it is not fitting
that novices alone who behave carelessly perhaps should be punished, but rather those who
have spent many years in the monastic way of life but are careless and lazy, as [John Klimakos]
the author of The Ladder says somewhere concerning this.11 Going away to your cells you
should carry out the whole obligatory canonical procedure, with the customary prayers and
genuflections in the manner mentioned above, I mean the six psalms, the third hour and the
sixth according to custom when the semantra are struck. For genuflections should not be
carried out in the church only when “God is the Lord” (Ps. 117 [118]:27) is sung, as we have
said. So when you pray in your cells you should always kneel down, but we will avoid this
also in our cells whenever there is a vigil because of the weariness that comes from that, also
during the twelve days of Christmas, during Easter week, and further, during the nine days
after the feast for the Dormition of our most holy Lady, the Mother of God the Kosmosoteira.
So the ritual of the first hour should be like that.
[ 806 ]
14. [ = (22) Evergetis [5] ]: It is necessary now also to speak about the divine mystery, which
must be celebrated in the church each day, but you yourselves must be sure to take care in
this, my brothers, because what is performed there is divine and fearful, and because there
more than in anything else the fearful and very great mystery of our orthodox and holy faith
is accomplished, I mean the most divine and supreme sacrifice of the completely undefiled
body and blood of our God and Savior Jesus Christ. So during it, [p. 29] as has been said, you
must pay strict attention, and as far as possible chase from you every thought that is impure,
sown by the devil, and unworthy of that fearful celebration, and purify yourselves in every
way. Then as many as have been allowed to partake of communion should partake of the
divine elements. For it will not be possible for any of you to partake freely and in a thoughtless manner, nor yet each day. This we would indeed wish, for to partake often of the divine
elements is often to share in life, as Christ himself says, “He who eats my flesh and drinks my
blood abides in me,” (John 6:56) and again, “Unless you eat my flesh and drink my blood,
you have no life in you” (John 6:53), and as the divine apostle says “He who is united to the
Lord becomes one body” (I Cor. 6:17), and as the most gentle David says conversely “They
that remove themselves far from thee shall perish” (Ps. 72 [73]:27).
Therefore we would indeed wish this, as has been said, but because of human weakness
and the danger of the action we do not allow it, for “Whoever eats the body and drinks the
blood of Jesus unworthily is guilty of his body and blood” (I Cor. 11:27) says the divine apostle.
This statement is frightening, my brothers, and causes not sinners like me but also those who
are very confident in themselves to fear partaking. So then as many as are sure that they are
pure and free from disgraceful thoughts and submission to them, from anger and grumbling, grief and denigration, deceit and disorderly laughter, furthermore and more especially the bearing of a grudge and irritation, disgraceful talk and such things, should partake of communion only three times a week. But those who fall prey to the aforementioned
passions and hasten to a renunciation of them through confession and repentance should
partake of communion once a week or not at all at the discretion of the superior of course,
for he should be in charge of such matters. But for someone to consider himself unworthy of
communion without his knowledge cannot be approved. For he who does this will be condemned as someone fulfilling his own wish. However it is permitted that those who should
partake of communion sing the office laid down for the partaking, make a common genuflection together to one another, to grant forgiveness, and thus joyfully partake of the lifegiving elements. So let these things be carried out in this way.
15. [ = (22) Evergetis [6] ]: The ninth hour should be sung in the same way as the preceding
hours, with the striking of the semantron calling you to it. The regulation in the synaxarion
sets out very clearly how the office of vespers should be carried out, with the night office
immediately next, as well as compline after the supper. During these you should genuflect in
the way you do whenever you are not to celebrate a feast, and by feast we mean a day that
includes “God is the Lord” (Ps. 117 [118]:27) at matins. When compline has been sung and the
priest has said his customary prayer also, you should fall on your knees just as at the end of
[ 807 ]
the first hour and incline your ear well to the superior as he says, “Forgive me in the Lord,
brothers, for I have sinned in word, deed, and in thought,” and [p. 30] you should grant him
forgiveness saying, “May God forgive you.” But you also should immediately beg this from
him by adding, “Forgive us also yourself, honored father, for we have sinned in word, deed,
and in thought,” then again he should pray for you and say, “May God through the prayers
of our fathers forgive you all.”
Then standing up and according him the required obeisance, you should go away to
your cells and carry out your night office in accordance with the regulation, and then full of
gratitude and spiritual joy you should turn to sleep until the one who is in charge of the clock
learns from it the appropriate hour and goes to the superior, and receiving from him the
required blessing then shouts out with a loud voice in a rhythmic fashion, “Bless, O saints.”
Then when he has struck the semantron in the customary way and distributed lights to all,
he will rouse you for the celebration of the midnight office which he himself will also sing all
the time as he carries out the prescribed lighting of the church, and then when he has sounded
the great semantron and the bronze one also, he will call you all for the dawn worship. The
preliminary part of which you must carry out as follows.
For after the striking of the semantron praise should be ascribed to God by the priest
who has the duty for the day, and as he praises God he should at once with the censer make
the sign of the venerable cross in front of the holy table; and you replying “Amen,” should
immediately sing a trisagion together with the nineteenth and twentieth psalms and the usual
troparia and the Kyrie eleison, taking care to keep together as far as is reasonable while these
are being sung.
The priest himself should go round all the divine church and cense everyone, and then,
standing before the holy screen, when he has once more made the sign of the venerable cross
with the censer, with the censing he should offer up praise to the Holy Trinity, speaking
audibly as follows, “Glory to the holy and consubstantial and life-giving Trinity always, now
and always and for ever and ever, amen.” After replying “Amen” the ecclesiarch should at
once begin the six psalms, saying the words of the psalms in a low voice slowly, quietly, and
carefully so that all may then be able to recite them without error or stumbling. Then after
the completion of the six psalms, the whole office of matins should next be celebrated as the
synaxarion describes. That constitutes the pattern of your all-night office.
16. [ = (22) Evergetis [7], ed. lines 241–61]: We must also speak about life-preserving confession and the discourse about the table must wait for a while. Well then, the superior must sit
in a private place twice a day, and leaving aside all work whatsoever and all the trouble of
managing and directing, must take most diligent care to hear those who wish to make confession and set for each one the appropriate healing. We specify that after the doxology at
matins has begun should be one time when he will bring healing to those who live continuously in the monastery and are not employed in any ministries; and after compline he will
bring healing to those ministering inside or outside who are present. He is to be allowed, if
perhaps he does not have the time since the brotherhood is numerous, [p. 31] to authorize
whichever priests and deacons he wishes, and even some of the more reverent brother monks,
[ 808 ]
to hear the thoughts of the more uneducated majority, the thoughts that trouble you day by
day and hour by hour which must always be easy to absolve and not have caused more deepseated trouble, and to remit them and grant forgiveness. But the thoughts that require some
healing and care must be referred to the superior by those who hear them, and he is to bring
about the appropriate healing. So then, those who confess will conceal nothing, though perhaps hesitant if they know their thoughts need care, but they will uncover everything completely to their confessor; also it is right that we should tell them what is expected of them.
17. [ = (22) Evergetis [7], ed. lines 262–311]: So then you, my brothers, seeing the superior
hurrying off to this good ministry which is very beneficial to your souls, you should run, and
running reach with eagerness this very calm harbor that is safe for your souls, and reveal
completely without any covering up every stirring of your mind and every thought that
harms your soul, as though you are making your confession in the presence of God and not
a man. Indeed the one who sets out to lie to God will get his punishment for lying along with
everything else. For the psalmist says “Thou wilt destroy all that speak falsehood” (Ps. 5:6).
So then, by confessing without deceit and ridding your minds of all wrangling, impurity,
confusion and trouble, you may be happy and rejoice, having gained this good hope namely
that you will not fail to gain salvation. But make your confession without accusing each
other when perhaps a violent dispute or some other argument occurs. Do not make your
confession if you consider yourselves blameless and you are looking really for condemnations, nor should you speak about the bodily needs which afflict you. For there is always a
time for them but this is a time for making confession and obtaining healing for your souls.
If you must speak of some violent dispute, be keen to ascribe and assign to yourselves all the
blame and reason for the fault, whatever it is. But if you speak about some other passions,
reveal these completely so that you can gain double benefit from this, by both attaining
sound health of soul and clothing yourself in exalting humility, for possessing this we will be
like God who says, “Learn from me that I am gentle and lowly in heart” (Matt. 11:29). What
else would be a proof of gentleness and humility in heart than clearly to bear all affliction
nobly and blame oneself? The true confession without which I do not think anyone gains
salvation is such a good thing.
Then we order and decree that a person who does not make confession should be placed
under the penalty of excommunication by the superior until, coming to his senses and thinking
of higher things, he confesses all his faulty and harmful habits. Thus it would be necessary
also to expel such a person from the monastery and cut him off like a rotten limb, and as a
wound that is hard to heal or completely incurable to remove him and cast him away, but the
uncertainty of the future and the expectation that perhaps one day he may come to his senses
held us back from this purpose. However for him to be liable to the penalty of excommunication is very [p. 32] useful since it is very effective. Indeed, what benefit does he obtain from
remaining at the monastery? What benefit comes from not making confession or rather does
not harm and ruin follow and a continued practice of evil and everything whatsoever that
brings destruction to the soul? So then, as it is difficult for someone who is sick or has wounds
to return to health when he hides these from the doctor, so it is much more difficult for the
[ 809 ]
person who does not make confession ever to gain health of soul. The divine Basil is witness
of this when he speaks as follows “If a monk is going to show proper progress and come into
a state of life in accordance with the decree of the Lord’s command, he must keep no stirring
of his soul hidden, but offer to his superior all that is hidden in his heart stripped bare.”12 So
then, by acting in this way, my brothers, we will not only be rescued from our own faults but
we will possess later on something that is more sure; for [John Klimakos] the author of The
Ladder says “Stripes that are exposed will not become worse, but will be healed” and again,
“A soul that thinks about confession is held back by it from sinning as if by a rein.”13 So the
revelation of one’s own faults is very useful. In future let us all run eagerly to it.
18. [ = (22) Evergetis [7], ed. lines 312–17]: Therefore we prescribe that confession should be
held like this every day, by the superior himself clearly and by as many as seem to him to be
suitable people to hear thoughts; but the first and great confession which we should make
when casting off the hair of this world must be offered to the superior alone and not to
anyone else so that he can know everyone himself and mix the medicine suitable for each
one. These things should be so.
19. [ = (22) Evergetis [8] ]: Concerning the procedure for the holy fasts the synaxarion will
inform you most precisely, and you should carry them out always in accordance with it.
Vigils should also take place following the prescribed rule for every feast of the Lord.
20. [ = (22) Evergetis [9], ed. lines 325–36]: It should be the right time now to mention the
table and food and the other things that supply nourishment to the body. For as we are made
up of two parts, I mean soul and body, so also are the activities of the monastery. The whole
daily divine office expressed in the singing of psalms could reasonably be thought of as the
soul of the monastery, whereas the monastery itself and all the things that benefit your bodies could be considered its body. So then, since with God’s help we have said enough already
about its soul, it is right that we should also speak about matters which concern its body, by
prescribing the diet and setting out for you more precisely all the other things that secure a
more lasting continuance of the monastery, as it is necessary for the one who wishes to increase his monastery to be no less concerned about these things. So then, these things also
should be said and should of course be imparted to my dear fathers and brothers.
21. [ = (22) Evergetis [9], ed. lines 337–63]: After the customary collation has taken place in
the narthex, when the divine liturgy has already been completed, all the monks should gather
and sit there waiting for the summons to the table which is given by the striking of the
refectory semantron. When the semantron has been struck, going out at once with the priest
who officiated [p. 33] at the liturgy, you should make obeisance to the superior and then
beginning to recite audibly the customary psalm walk to the refectory, that is the superior
and all those without exception who have been instructed to sit down at the table during the
first sitting. Then entering the refectory and completing the aforementioned psalm and the
prayer that accompanies it, you should sit down in the order laid down by the superior and
[ 810 ]
gratefully partake of what has been set before you. Then anyone who was late for the psalm
and the thanksgiving should be reported by the refectorian to the superior, and he should
enquire the reason for his lateness and grant him pardon if it seems reasonable, but if not, he
is to perform as many genuflections as the superior wishes.
Moreover, the traditional reading must take place during the sittings in the customary
way, with no one making a noise or causing a disturbance or destroying the benefit which
comes from that with worldly conversations and idle chatter. The superior only may speak
sparingly if he wishes and perhaps the one asked by him may answer similarly in a few brief
phrases, if possible. But if someone causes a disturbance or is disturbed, is noisy or causes a
noise, and ruins the reading by untimely and improper conversation, he is to be silenced by
the refectorian. But if, something I hope does not happen, when he silences him the noisy
person pays no attention, he is to be removed from the refectory even if he is unwilling and
subjected to the penalty of going without his food or made to learn self-control in another
way as the superior wishes.
22. [ = (22) Evergetis [9], ed. lines 364–83]: So we completely refuse to speak about first
seating. For how could this be acceptable, that men who are living according to God’s will
should quarrel at all about seating, like those who are keen to show themselves in a worldly
way superior to everyone else in this, as those who are excited by glory that is vain and hated
by God? For “Everyone that is proud in heart is an abomination to the Lord” (Prov. 16:5),
says Holy Scripture, “The Lord resists the proud, but he gives grace to the humble” (Prov.
3:34). So this will not happen among you, it will not. For if you are in your right minds, you
would not choose to present yourselves as an abomination to the Lord rather than to receive
favor from him and have him near you, as those who “are of contrite heart” (Ps. 33 [34]:18),
or, to speak truly, to be his dwelling and beloved of him. But if any of you is found, alas,
causing annoyance in this matter, putting forward as an excuse perhaps age or sphere of
work, and does not abide by the command of the superior nor is satisfied with the place
allocated to him, I command in the Lord that he be allocated the last place and be taught to
leave to the world the habits of the world. But if, something that is in every way detestable
and disorderly, he still disagrees and objects, persisting after the second and third admonition in being incorrigible, he is to be driven out of the monastery, and like some cancer be
thrown out somewhere far away from you, so that he may not also infect the rest of you with
his filth. For, as some wise man said, taking part in evil is much easier than in virtue.
23. [ = (22) Evergetis [9], ed. lines 384–417]: When you are eating a meal you must not share
with each other any food or drink, even as much as a small drop to cool the wine [mixed with
water], but the person who at the time is in need of [p. 34] any of these things should raise
himself very respectfully and ask the superior reverently, speaking as follows, “Bless me,
father, I need this.” So if the superior gives permission, he is to receive what he needs, but if
not, he is to restrain himself and sit down again and sit thankfully in silence.
We do this not through any meanness and stinginess, as some people think—for we will
not be so wrapped up in things that are transient as to prefer them to the comfort of our
[ 811 ]
brothers. For why should we, my brothers, be keen to possess these things if they do not
contribute to your service, as has been said? But we do this securing for you reverence and
orderliness in this also, that the laxity of the majority may not find an opportunity from this
to ruin the whole orderliness of the table, and we become no better than those who are
undisciplined and irreligious, who are indulgent and entertain each other by drinking toasts
and replying to toasts. [Not only] are we curbing the inclination of the will but furthermore
we are rooting out the lack of self-control of the majority and teaching them to be satisfied
with a few necessities and at the same time plaiting for you crowns for self-restraint. Also we
are keeping you away from committing unintentionally a secret deed of darkness, not to say
one of stealth.
Well then, is not something done in secret a deed of darkness? This is of course very
obvious and the divine gospel of John makes it clear as follows, “Everyone who does evil
does not come towards the light, lest his evil deeds should be exposed by the light” (John
3:20). The apostle also says, “Anything that is exposed is light” (Eph. 5:13), the statement
showing that what is not exposed is complete darkness. “So for what purpose do you reject
the deed of light and do the deed of darkness, my brother?” “I am ashamed to ask,” he says.
So while you do the opposite and something which God hates you are not ashamed and you
hesitate about what is good. Do not, I beg you. However I know that many do this trampling
their consciences underfoot, and think that they are not noticed, which touches me to the
depths of my heart, and I do not cease from weeping over them because they neither realize
that they are in that evil plight, alas, nor acknowledge their passion. May the Lord have pity
on them and guide them for their good as he manages all things for our good. We must now
return to the point from which we digressed.
24. [ = (22) Evergetis [9], ed. lines 418–36]: So after you have eaten and said the customary
grace and risen, you should sing the specified office with the prayer and then go away to
your own cells. At supper also, if someone who wishes to have supper arrives after grace, he
will incur the same penalty as he who was late at the midday meal, if of course he does not
have a reasonable excuse when he is asked. The one, however, who because of abstinence
does not come to the supper incurs no blame. Then when you are at supper, only bread will
be set before you and that in small quantities; but if some small fruits are set out by the
decision of the superior, you should gratefully partake of these also. Drink will be distributed to you with the larger wine measure as is prescribed. But if in fact a feast happens to be
being celebrated by one of the brothers with the knowledge of the superior, this regulation
should not be observed [p. 35] at supper but you should act in whatever way the one celebrating the feast wishes.
The disciplinary official should go in during the second sitting and, if there are some
who should have eaten at the first but missed it, he should enquire the reason for their
absence. If their excuse is reasonable, they are excused, but if it is unreasonable, we instruct
him not to allow them to eat. For to be late for meals for no reasonable cause is not something to be approved of, and this practice must always be punished and discouraged as much
as possible. So this is the procedure on the ordinary days of the year.
[ 812 ]
25. [ = (22) Evergetis [10], ed. lines 438–52]: But that is not the procedure during the holy fast
days and especially during the first and greatest fast, on the first day of which, that is the
Monday of the first week, the liturgy should not be celebrated nor should care be taken with
the table or food. However on the subsequent days of the same week attention should be paid
to the table, and whoever chooses should partake of food. This will be composed of legumes
soaked in water and perhaps some raw vegetables and fruits, and the drink will be hot water
seasoned with cumin. That is apart from Friday. On this day you should eat two dishes of
food cooked without olive oil, and drink a better wine distributed in the larger measure
because of the feast of the great martyr St. Theodore,14 which the superior must celebrate as
a duty and give you a refreshment. But if someone else wishes to celebrate this feast, we give
him permission to feed the brotherhood with some shellfish on the Saturday, but we will not
eat fish. You should carry out the first week of the great and holy Lent in that way.
26. [ = (22) Evergetis [10], ed. lines 453–78]: On all Saturdays and Sundays of the same holy
fast two cooked dishes containing olive oil should be set out for you and for your drink the
customary large measure of wine should be distributed. The same thing should take place
also on Wednesday in the middle of Lent and on the Thursday of the great canon. But on
Tuesdays and on the other Thursdays two cooked dishes will be set out for you, but only one
not both of them will have olive oil; and wine will be measured out with the smaller measure,
that is half of the larger one. Then on the rest of the days, I mean Mondays, Wednesdays, and
Fridays, you should not partake of anything cooked nor wine but only boiled beans and
some small fruits, if there are any, and hot water flavored with cumin. But if the commemoration of the discovery of the precious head of [St. John] the Forerunner or the remembrance of the Forty Saints should happen to fall on one of these days,15 then the fast should
be broken and you should eat two dishes with olive oil and take wine measured out with the
larger measure.
You are to eat fish if some are sent by devout people as a refreshment, however it is not
to be procured by the monastery deliberately, and you should take care to celebrate one of
these aforesaid days when it falls on one of the days of the first week, and you should have as
refreshment not that of the aforementioned refreshments, but only wine of the larger measure and gruel. But then, on all the other days of the holy Lent you will not be allowed to eat
fish at all, not even if [p. 36] perhaps some refreshment is sent you by someone. If however
the person who is providing you with the refreshment should come himself to eat with you,
then the fast should be broken on this occasion because of this special treat lest “We be seen
by men to fast” (Matt. 6:16).
27. [ = (22) Evergetis [10], ed. lines 480–502]: When the feast of the Annunciation falls,16 you
should celebrate it as splendidly as possible, partaking of fish provided by the monastery
and drinking wine of the larger measure. Furthermore on the next day you should eat anything left from the table of the previous day, and in the same way drink the wine. If no fish
has been left, then you will have two dishes with olive oil. The procedure of the feast should
[ 813 ]
be carried out as for days free from fasting. We will eat fish during this holy feast, as has
been said, if it does not fall during the great holy week. For at that time we will use only
shellfish, rather we will receive a refreshment because of the feast since for three days of that
week—that is Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday—as on the days of the first [week], it is
right that we should live content with some legumes soaked in water, raw vegetables, fruits
that happen to be at hand, and hot water flavored with cumin. If the aforementioned holy
feast should fall on those days, we shall not partake of fish but of shell-fish, as we said, and
we shall drink wine of the larger measure, and we will do everything appropriate for the
feast even if it should fall on Holy Thursday, or Good Friday, or even Holy Saturday itself.
We will keep the same rule also for the feast of the Presentation of Christ in the Temple17 which
often falls in the first week [of Lent], as well as for the commemoration of the holy God-receiver
Symeon18 as well, [which comes] one day later. On Holy Thursday your eating will be as on
the days of Lent that are free from fasting in the matter of both dishes and wine; but on Holy
Friday no cooking is to be done at all, but you are to partake of some raw vegetables and
fruits, and wine distributed with the larger measure because of your weariness from the
vigil. On Holy Saturday all anxiety that produces distraction must be avoided and there
should only be a collation, as is customary.
28. [ = (22) Evergetis [10], ed. lines 503–25]: In this manner your diet for the great and holy
period of Lent must be kept, though care should be shown to the sick at the discretion of the
superior. The procedure for the fast of the Holy Apostles19 we will lay down immediately
next. After the completion of the whole canonical office of the hours and the divine liturgy as
the synaxarion prescribes in detail, you should be summoned to the refectory at the seventh
hour in accordance with the rule laid down above, and there you should eat two dishes
cooked with olive oil and drink wine of the larger measure. Also supper should be set out for
you consisting of a small piece of bread and the same amount of wine, namely a larger [measure], because of the heat and dryness of the season. However we will not eat fish provided
by the monastery; but if some were to come as a refreshment, then we should partake of it
gratefully, for [p. 37] it is not right to forbid this during these two lesser fasts.
The fast of the Holy Nativity20 will be similar to that of the Holy Apostles in both food
and drink, after the completion of course of the whole canonical office according to the
synaxarion. It will differ from it in these two points only—in not performing the divine liturgy each day during the period of the fast, for the day being short does not provide enough
time, and in eating once. For your food should be set out for you at the ninth hour during the
period of a fast, as has been said; and it will always be a fast when “God is the Lord” (Ps. 117
[118]:27) is not sung at matins but “Alleluia.” So these rules should be kept in this way.
29. [ = (22) Evergetis [11]: All the divine feasts of our Lord, and those of our most holy Lady,
the Mother of God and Kosmosoteira, shall be celebrated by you differently from the rest. I
mean in the singing of psalms, and the lighting of lamps, and in your own meals. Let the feast
of holy metastasis, which we also call the Dormition, be celebrated by you—in a splendid,
splendid and sumptuous manner. For it is the feast of feasts, and the festival of festivals.
[ 814 ]
During this feast, I decree that the previously mentioned distribution take place at the gate of
the monastery.
30. Such then are the edifying injunctions and edicts excerpted, as has been said, from that typikon,
and may they remain unchanged, and never be tampered with. What follows now are my wishes,
and the decrees of my wretched mind for the said monastery, regarding the independence of the
monastery (about which I previously set forth some few words);21 regarding the appointment of
the superior and of the other officials, including the steward; [regarding] the tonsuring of the
monks, and [their] entrance gift, and conduct, and regarding the government and management of
affairs. [These] I wish to voice [on the basis of] my own conscience.
31. [ cf. (22) Evergetis [12], ed. lines 538–43]: I desire, then, and decree, before God the Ruler of
All and his all-immaculate Mother, that this holy monastery, as was stated previously, is to be
independent, free of everyone’s control, self-governing, and not subject to any rights, be
they imperial, or ecclesiastic, or of a private person, whether official or private. Nor should it
be pledged or granted in the guise of a gift, by epidosis, ephoreia or management, or any other
pretext to any person whatsoever, or to any monastery, any philanthropic institution, any government department or any hospital. Rather it should be watched over, managed, governed and
directed by the Mother of God alone, worthy of all praise, the Kosmosoteira, and the superior
of the time.
This superior, following his own discretion and inclination, will have sole charge of the introduction and removal of monks in the monastery, and all income and expenditures. To him, and to
the monks under him, I entrust all these things with the help of God.
Since these words of mine here, and my orders have clearly excluded all those persons listed
above from any authority over the monastery (except for the superior and the rest of the monks)—
and although the gist of the present argument was outlined concisely and condensed in what was
said before—I repeat: may he who [p. 38] wishes to invalidate a small or great part of my orders
not escape the lot of the Jews and the anathema of those who crucified our Lord Jesus Christ. For
with much sweat and struggle, and at well-nigh countless expense, I rebuilt this place from a ruin
into a monastery, with the help of God. This much is clear to anyone.
It may happen that sometime or another, the monks might have need of the almighty emperor,22 he being truly the lover of Christ, on account of some threat that might perhaps arise to
the monastery from people with malicious designs. If so, I fervently beseech his majesty to admit,
graciously and courteously, those monks from the monastery who would come on account of that
troublesome matter, and to hearken to their charges in the spirit of love for the Lord. He should,
with the strong arm of his majesty, dispel those attempting to lay their greedy hands on the monastery and scatter them to the birds, as people who may have conceived designs, contrary to God
and his righteous judgment, of obtaining gains for themselves at the expense of the monastery. For
protecting it thus, the emperor may find the all-just eye of God merciful thereafter, and on the day
of his fearful judgment.
32. I have now spoken enough already, therefore, about these things. I have given some instruc-
[ 815 ]
tions in advance,23 and also made arrangements for the appointment of the superior—things that
I myself have set forth—how, after my departure to the Lord, and when the superior himself is
about to join him, the whole brotherhood should be called together in his presence, and with it the
election be made of that pastor who will succeed him. The decision [should be reached] without
the influence of bribery or any heated voting, but with either the unanimous consent of all the
brothers, or a vote of the majority, [which should include] the more important and eminent of the
monks in regard to rank and merit.
For it is necessary to elect a man renowned for his mind and his ways, in both active and
contemplative life, and acknowledged by common consent to be the most spiritual, and, for the
leadership and service of souls, wiser than the others and more experienced. Such is also the sort
[of man] who should be elected steward. But if the superior dies before the election, [the election
of his successor] will be the concern of the brotherhood, and he will be installed by the most holy
metropolitan of Traianoupolis of the time, as I said before.24
33. [ cf. (22) Evergetis [13], ed. lines 633–39]: What follows now is a word about the installation
of the superior. Whenever the brotherhood wishes to bring him before the said metropolitan, let
them wait for a day on which there falls a feast of the Mother of God. On that particular day (and
not on any other), let the typikon and the pastoral staff be placed on the Holy Table, [that] on
which the sacrificial mysteries are celebrated. Then let him who has been chosen to lead be encouraged to enter the holy sanctuary, once the prescribed trisagion and the following troparia
have been said: “Have mercy on us, Lord, have mercy on us,” “Glory,” “Lord, Lord, turn to
us from heaven and behold” (Ps. 79 [80]:14), “And now,” “Thou, the only begotten Son, of
one substance with the Father and the Spirit,” and thirty repetitions of “Kyrie eleison.” He
should make three full genuflections before the [holy] table, [p. 39] and, taking from it the
typikon and the staff, with everyone proclaiming the “[He is] worthy,” he [should] go out and
stand at the place assigned to the superior, and be kissed by everyone—kissed as [their] father.
This is then enough about the election and installation of the superior. For I have made things
sufficiently plain here, and earlier as well.
34. [ = (22) Evergetis [13], ed. lines 610–24]: As I have just enjoined regarding the election and
installation of the steward, I wish for him to be chosen impartially by the superior, along with
some eminent [monks] of the brotherhood. Let a vote be taken, and let him surpass all the other
monks; in [his] ways and intellect and character and discipline—as much as possible like the
superior in all this—and be distinguished for his superiority in spiritual [matters]. His installation
should take place after the dismissal from matins and the customary prayer said by the priest,
a trisagion should be said by all and the one chosen should make three full genuflections near
the sacred screen of the holy sanctuary; then he should reverently kiss the holy, divine, and
revered icons of God our Savior and of his most holy Mother. After that he should perform
the proper obeisance to the superior and then bow his head to him uncovered and he making
over it the sign of the venerable cross should say as follows, “The intercession of my most
holy Mother of God through the prayers of our Holy Fathers is installing you steward of the
monastery.” Then when he has given him the kiss in the name of the Lord, he is to set him in
[ 816 ]
the place assigned to him. Next all without exception are to kiss him, and after the kiss glory
should be given to God and the dismissal should follow the usual prayer of the priest.
35. [ = (22) Evergetis [29] ]: Thus it is necessary to proceed to the installation of the other
officials in the manner of the steward’s installation. The keys should be placed before Christ
and the Mother of God, and the trisagion recited. He who is being installed, after the three
required genuflections, should take the keys from there with his own hands, then bow to the
superior, and receive from him the blessing mentioned above. For those installations which
do not involve keys, the kissing of the holy icon, and the sphragis of the superior will be
sufficient for the installation.
36. [ cf. (22) Evergetis [30] ]: It is fitting, therefore, that there should be three treasurers. One
must watch carefully over the vessels and sacred liturgical cloths of the monastery, and he
should be called the sacristan. Another will deal with the money and revenue and expenses,
under the full knowledge and control of the superior and under the eye of the other notably virtuous brothers, he will record all the income and expenditures in detail. The chest containing all the
money should be opened with them watching, and sealed again with their seals. For, by this arrangement, no [p. 40] dirt will be sprinkled on the clean, but the light of their commission will be
bright before the brotherhood, and shall disperse the cloud of suspicion and shall persuade our
Father who is in heaven to glorify the brotherhood on account of this good work. The third [treasurer] will distribute to the brothers the necessities from the wardrobe, I mean clothing and
footwear and so forth—and see to the comfort of visiting brothers in their bedrooms as far
as he is able. The common table of course will minister to their need for food to meet the
occasion and the person.
37. [ = (22) Evergetis [31] ]: It is necessary that there should be a disciplinary official observing the brothers both as they enter the church for the singing of psalms and as they gather
for meals, and in the same way at every hour advising and correcting in a brotherly way any
who sit down together without good reason or chatter idly or do nothing or do something
improper and foolish, persuading them to go to their cells and devote themselves to prayer
and handiwork.
Furthermore there should also be a refectorian, attending to whatever the cellarer supplies him with, and going round the refectory at meal times reminding those brothers who
are noisy perhaps or are whispering of the need for silence and that each of them should be
reciting the fiftieth psalm in his mind. Also he should question visitors and sit them down at
the table in a fitting position, and he should observe the entry of the brothers into the refectory and note which of them was absent during grace and which during the meal and report
these to the superior. For if he does not do this, he will be punished as one who is not carrying
out his office wholeheartedly.
38. [ = (22) Evergetis [32] ]: Naturally it is just to leave unchanged those who have been
appointed to each of the offices while they are performing them in a careful and devout
[ 817 ]
manner, but those who neglect or despise them and perhaps even behave deceitfully in them
should be removed and others appointed. If one of these people were to appropriate something, anything at all, he will be answerable to our Lord Jesus Christ and his all-pure mother
and Mother of God, from whom in fact he received his keys, promising to carry out his office
eagerly and without deceit.
39. [ = (22) Evergetis [33], ed. lines 1021–36, 1058–60]:
So I entreat the cellarers, the bakers, the cooks, those who look after the mules, those responsible for the dependencies, those acting as stewards in the monastery’s properties, those
sent to the City [of Constantinpole], those going away elsewhere on the instruction of the
superior, and in short all those carrying out offices, to apply themselves to their offices wholeheartedly since they expect no small recompense from them. As regards those among them
who are unlettered, the diligence and care they show in their office will be totally sufficient
as their defense before God and us, but we exhort those who are educated but are perhaps
prevented by the busy nature of their office from carrying out the daily cycle of prayers and
from meeting with the brothers in the services not to be neglectful [p. 41] or despairing, as if
they had lost the benefit to themselves, but be more cheerful and joyful because the Lord has
given them the strength, who says, “I came not to be served but to serve and to give my life
as a ransom for many” (Matt. 20:28). Those with offices who have been sufficiently exhorted
by this will be devoted to their office and will carry it out well. But I will add to my discourse
that matter which has almost slipped by me.
40. [ = (22) Evergetis [34] ]: Since then I have dedicated immovable properties to the monastery,
the superior must have concern for them also, and he should be as careful as he can as to
what sort of people are sent to have the oversight of them, that is they should always be
reverent and discreet, and elderly if possible, unaffected by passions that are caused by the
attacks of Belial (cf. 2 Cor. 6:15). This is all, at any rate, generally speaking.
41. [ = (22) Evergetis [14], ed. lines 661–73, 675–76, 701–7]: So if the steward should continue
unchanged, properly maintaining his virtue through which he was thought worthy of his
dignity, he will not be removed from his office but remain firm. Furthermore he will rise to
the office of superior, if, that is, he is trained and skillful in the tending of souls, and not unversed
or inexperienced, and is judged as such as I previously described him. But if time proves him to
be unqualified and unsuitable, either because he has carried out his office in a careless and
indifferent manner or because he has been doing favors for his relatives or has been appropriating some of the monastery’s property or has shown himself to be a trouble maker and a
dissident contradicting the reasonable regulations of the superior, or has been betraying or
subjecting the monastery’s property to anyone’s control or has been totally disregarding
any of the [instructions] in the rule and following his own wishes or clearly been involved in
bodily passions or has become unreasonably attached to someone in preference to the rest of
the community and therefore has been proved as unsuitable for the guiding of souls, and
apparently unsuitable for the administration of affairs he will be removed from his rank and be
[ 818 ]
submissive and another will be chosen and installed in his place, just as I have already said and
If the bad steward is shielded at the time by the superior’s attachment [to him], and fortified,
as with a strong wall, by his support, and is retained in office without being removed—[though]
he has proved himself unworthy of it by his actions—then a select group of the most honorable
monks may go before the superior, and take counsel with him once, twice or three times over this
matter. If they find him adamant regarding the replacement of the steward, let them take counsel
straightaway about him with the most holy metropolitan of Traianoupolis of the time, as a good
advisor [regarding] the dismissal of the steward from office, [since] he was entirely responsible
for the installation of the superior of our monastery, namely the Kosmosoteira. I know that he who
is installed will not disregard the good advice of the one who installed him, but instead will be
shamed before the man and before these spiritual regulations of mine. Thus, in place of that inefficient steward, let him substitute one who is manifestly good and virtuous—one such as I already
described [p. 42] above. But if the superior, in his desire to dominate, chooses to persist in his bad
judgment, unchanged, (as so often seems to happen among men), come all ye monks together with
one single purpose, and dismiss the bad administrator who has charge of you. For God eyes from
on high the conscience of those who are in charge. Then lead forward the one you have chosen as
worthy of the office.
As for the one who is removed from office, if he wishes, let him reside in a cell of the
monastery and be accorded the rank and seat of second to the superior, in the refectory I
mean, and at the other gatherings, being content with the food and drink and all the rest of
the community’s way of life. However we do not allow him to leave the monastery and following his own inclinations go where he wishes, but this matter will be for the superior to
42. [ cf. (22) Evergetis [14], ed. lines 708–16]: But I beseech all of you monks, O heaven-guided
gathering, before God the Ruler of All and his all-immaculate Mother who is the ephoros of the
monastery, to banish all strife from your thinking soul, and, of course, the devil’s envy, [the devil]
who hung even the Lord our Creator up on the wood (what a sight!)—I mean at the time when the
superior or the steward is to be chosen. I want the candidates to be chosen by an honest judgment,
not on the basis of vain partiality or some irrational favoritism, nor out of any fraudulent conscience. For the unswerving judgment of the [man] who is selecting the candidates brings him
forward, the judge, to be presented before God and men without blushing, in truth. With the Ruler
of all on high, “searching the hearts and reins” (Ps. 7:9), they would henceforth bring constant
destruction on themselves by any judgment that is not honest. Those who are responsible for the
decisions in [these] matters must not make their choices on the basis of some disagreement or
contention among the monks, or elect the candidate in this way, but the monks of the monastery
must all make their selection and choice of candidates as joint counselors, in a spirit of cooperation that is free of factionalism, and in harmony, with respect to the good.
[ cf. (22) Evergetis [17], ed. lines 801–2]: Hark to my words, O all-spiritual, heaven-guided
flock of monks, hark to me, thou [who art] devoted to spiritual salvation! An unworthy [candidate] must not invoke in his favor as a plausible claim to sacred office either his sphere of work
[ 819 ]
or noble birth or the offering of money or of some property. For these things quickly perish and
are drawn down groveling as life goes on. For he who suffers in silence is to be preferred, he who
excels in all the aforementioned [virtues], even if he was [but] recently successful in shaking off
the tumult of the world and [his own worldly] hair, even if he is plain in his speech and without
experience in matters of the outside [world], but wise in his thinking and richly endowed with
godly virtues. For in no way will this bring harm to the monastery.
43. [ cf. (22) Evergetis [16], ed. lines 764–65; 770–75]: Now I should probably direct the following words once again to you, holy fathers, and bring before you, O godly brethren, the following
appeal: that you show the superior all affection, all submission, all [p. 43] obedience, [for] he
will surely give an account of you to the Lord. But also burn [with affection] toward each other,
maintaining peace and harmony, supporting one another, “instructing, comforting, and forbearing one another.”25 “For God is Love” (I John 4:8). He commands it to be spread lavishly
among men, and has called us his “disciples, if we have love for one another” (cf. John 13:35).
Wherefore we must emulate the Teacher, and guide our life towards his actions, and not disregard
a teacher such as [he], who endured an ignominious death on the cross for the sake of our salvation.
44. [ cf. (22) Evergetis [17], ed. lines 785–99]: You, then, spiritual shepherd and guide of this
holy flock toward more godly routes in the ascent toward our Creator, be moderate with the
brothers. Display true spiritual good will, care for them all, patiently concern yourself with
them all, as God for a long time has been moderate as a teacher with me. Support them all,
instruct, advise and teach, encourage the sick yourself, healing [them] with the therapeutic remedies of [your] words. Encourage the faint hearted, skillfully turn sinners around toward ideal
repentance for their sin, and do not delay, but lovingly, and following the voice of the Savior,
spread out sympathy seventy-fold (cf. Matt. 18:22), for those who stumble. For it is better that
we, who are imitating the Lord himself, be considerate [even though] a little remiss in what
we ought to do, than that we be strict judges with regard to the inevitable chastening of the
stumblers, as a certain wise man voiced [it] well, and [as] the truly great Basil himself said: “The
superior himself, as a father caring for true children, will watch over the needs of each one
and will bring them suitable healing and care as far as he can, and will support with love and
fatherly affection the member who is truly weak, whether spiritually or physically.”26 The
superior, recognizing the power of all these [words] in theory, will not, I know, dispose of them
lightly in practice.
45. [ cf. (22) Evergetis [19] ]: Since all the sacred [vessels] and liturgical cloths of the church
and all the immovable properties assigned to it have been acquired with much toil and trouble
from the straitened circumstances of my most unfortunate life, I wish [them] to be absolutely
inalienable, to be kept completely safe, and as was said elsewhere, never to be given away. For
they were dedicated by me as offerings to My Lady and Mother of God, the Kosmosoteira. For
whoever removes any of these objects will be liable to the charge of sacrilege—unless the
monks are able to cite some entirely reasonable and blameless excuse of the alienation, resulting
[ 820 ]
from a chance occurrence, perhaps one arising from a fire or a raid by some enemies, or an
earthquake—[resulting in] the collapse of the monastery, which has been wrecked, perhaps, and
requires the restoration of what collapsed during the disastrous calamity. For in this case alienation will have occurred for a good reason; these things will have been lawfully sold to other
churches.27 Some things can be disposed of, however, if money is at that time urgently needed,
and is lacking. The disposal should not be [p. 44] done by one or two people, but openly, with
the superior, the steward, the ecclesiarch and other preeminent monks gathered together for
this purpose. The removal of what is necessary should be done in the presence of all these
people, with the inventory set in the middle of them and each of the removals signed by the
superior. Furthermore, I instruct that there should be a detailed list to indicate the things
that have been removed, signed by all those who gathered together and clearly setting out
both the types of things removed and the reason for which they were removed; this should be
deposited in the sacristy as a record.
46. [ cf. (22) Evergetis [20] ]: I decree that those officials who collect and disburse the produce of
the monastery, such as grain, barley, wine, olive oil and so forth, should write down with great
care from where and when come the incomes and to where go the expenditures, collecting and
disbursing so that the brotherhood be content and not shocked. I made decrees above concerning
the money, and wish for the decrees to remain as true, unbroken throughout.
47. [ cf. (22) Evergetis [21] ]: Embrace silence at all times; avoid idle chatter. For “by a multitude of words,” he says, “thou shalt not escape sin” (Prov. 10:19). But [if some of them amuse
themselves with idle conversations or turn to vain chattering], let them not reject the admonishments of the superior. Anyone who devotes himself to rebuking the brothers will be
subject to excommunication and to [some] penalty, if he remains unrepentant. Those who form
idle gatherings, or linger together and do not, at the request of the superior, rectify the [situation]
by correcting the error, will be liable to punishment. [ = (22) Evergetis [22]: So also will those
who acquire some possessions contrary to the rule of the monastery, even so much as an obol
or a piece of fruit, without the knowledge of the superior. Similar to them is the person who
eats and drinks in secret, unless he confesses, and the person who receives messages from
friends and relatives, and replies to them. But the person who purloins something from the
monastery and does not make amends will be expelled.
48. Now I have already before this decreed28 the number of monks [that are to be] in the monastery. For the absence of decrees generates confusion. In time I want the flock to be subjected to an
increase, within the scope of its potential. The piety of the monks, the love and harmony, and the
strength of the supply of food and drink, and particularly the revenue from the immovable [properties] will make it easier for the superior to determine at his discretion the number of monks. For
it is better to have the monastery consist of a few who are in the highest degree adorned with a
conduct pleasing to God, than of many monks leading disorderly lives and scornfully throwing
the law of the good out to the birds. [ = (22) Evergetis [23] ]: “For one doing the will of the Lord
is better than ten thousand transgressors” (cf. Sir. 16:3).
[ 821 ]
49. Young men less than twenty-four years old shall not dwell in the monastery, even if they
happen to be relatives or [p. 45] friends or acquaintances of the superior or of [any of] the other
monks, or in any way especially dear to them, on the pretext of [their] service or instruction or of
some expertise or skill, whether theoretical or practical, or of [their] being reared and educated. I
reject entirely this sort of wish and action, as the cause of many scandals and of spiritual harm,
antithetical to the laws and spiritual canons—and of course suitable for laymen, but not indeed for
monks. For he [the monk] must keep himself apart from every physical craving and fleshly desire,
and deny himself such things joyfully, and follow orders without distress. For the Lord says:
“Whoever does not renounce all that he has (Luke 14:33), and hate his parents (cf. Luke 14:26) for
my sake, cannot be my disciple.” “For no one,” they say, “can serve two masters” (Matt. 6:24).
But if someone attempts, in the way described above, to have any sort of child with him, let him,
and the [child] as well, be straightaway expelled from the monastery, and be rejected as something
corrupt, a limb that is festering and cannot be healed.
50. If the superior of the monastery, [whoever he may be] at that time, should discover some
relative, or other [person] familiar to the monks in this monastery, to be deeply desirous of the
monastic life, and capable of performing some service, he will admit him without hesitation or
hindrance to the monastery, providing he has passed his twenty-sixth year. But in no way should
he follow the will of his relative, or serve him exclusively, but abide by the canons, rules and
regulations commonly [observed] in the monastery, and obey the will and stipulations of the superior, and never act contrary to his opinion and counsel.
51. [ cf. (22) Evergetis [24] ]: It is very useful and appropriate for the monks to live two in each
cell, and to conduct themselves in it as brothers one in soul, in agreement with each other. But
there are certain occasions, that the superior would recognize, when he might want perhaps to
have certain monks alone in the cells.
52. [ = (22) Evergetis [25] ]: I prescribe that garments be bought and deposited in the wardrobe so that when you need them you may receive them; and it is good to take care of your
old garments as much as you can and use them. For only a use that is necessary should be
sought, and a surplus should be hated as being of the devil. We give the same instruction also
in the case of cloaks and vests and shoes, and in short, all necessities. So whenever anyone
has a pressing need to receive a new item of these articles, he must bring the old one of
course to the storehouse and hand this over and receive another one with the knowledge of
the superior. For otherwise, if you do not bring the old garments, we order that you be not
given another.
53. [ = (22) Evergetis [26] ]: In addition to these, we give you this instruction before God and
our Lady herself Mother of God the Kosmosoteira, that each of you monks should all have the
same food and drink, clothing and footwear, and that there should never be any difference in
these things among you. But you will all use the same—I mean the superior, the steward, the
ecclesiarch, those who are distinguished in age and virtue and in their exalted station in life,
[ 822 ]
and those who are inferior to them in these matters. For you should only help and take care
[p. 46] in every way of those who are clearly afflicted with illness, and for this reason perhaps
need more abundant and better food and drink to sustain their unfortunate bodies. For I
think that this shows discernment and preserves the conscience of every one else free of
[ = (22) Evergetis [27] ]: Therefore it is necessary for the superior to enter your cells once
a month whenever he wishes, and if any have extra items, he should take them away and
deposit them in the wardrobe or give them to those in need.
54. I have now made enough decrees about the living—and I wish these to prevail unbroken under
God. Now I would like to address myself a moment to my blessed late parents, and to the monks
of the monastery here who have departed from this world. Concerning the thrice most blessed
lords, the divine emperors my parents, the Emperor [Alexios Komnenos] my father who met his
fate on August 15, and the holy lady my mother [Irene Doukaina] [who met hers] on February 19,
I wish them to be commemorated daily, just as is done today, during the hymnodies, at the proper
time, in the priests’ prayers, [inasmuch as] they have been inscribed in the diptychs, for the sake of
the Lord. When the day of their death comes around again, then let the commemorative services
be performed by the monastery in a manner befitting them, according to the discretion of the
superior. May I, the wretched, not fail [to be included] in their holy prayers!
Concerning the monks who depart in the Lord: even if I may have made provision elsewhere
for them to be interred in different places, if within my lifetime I manage to complete for them the
cemetery in the place where I ruled that it be restored, then I wish them to be buried in it, in a
seemly fashion and with the proper funeral procession. Regarding the form, [namely] the epitaphios
hymn, the long experience of the superior knows about such things.
Now I wish that my most faithful and dearest retainer, Leo Kastamonites, be also inscribed in
the diptychs, and commemorated without fail. He was raised practically along with me from [our]
early youth, and grew old with me. He devoted his whole self to many efforts and to many trials,
by my wish and will. He always valued my life over his own both in dangers and in circumstances
beyond human [endurance]. For not once—it is true!—did he let down his honor, working tirelessly, somehow, to serve me and to [assure] my complete repose. He surpasses, I am aware, all
those in the hands of masters by as much, one might say, as the wide heaven is distant from the
earth. This Leo, the hireling full of every spiritual beauty, may thou, O God, number among the
souls of the saints, [for] he is reckoned as a steadfast canon of correct faith by all those who
encounter him. However, wherever this man, who is still alive, should wish his body to be buried
after his death, whether outside the church or in the common cemetery of the monks, I request for
him to be buried in a stone coffin, in grand style, [under] a rubble vault with appropriate painting,
and for a bread just for him to be offered on his behalf during the commemorations.
55. [ cf. (22) Evergetis [37], ed. lines 1127–29; 1137–60]: The superior, therefore, being rich in
understanding, should not shear for tonsure those coming from outside right away, but make them
put on [novice’s] rags and invest them with the [p. 47] monastic headdress, and then watch over
them in the execution of their tasks assigned to them according to their abilities, to see whether
they remain true to the ideal that had brought them here, and thus whether they should be ton[ 823 ]
sured. I decree that the period of their patient endurance should last six months.
Those then who have been judged worthy to be accepted should not be put under any
compulsion concerning a renunciation and an entrance offering. For we know that one must
not traffic in the grace of God or sell it for money—perish the thought—and may the superior
never harbor the unseemly notion, born from such a custom, that someone who makes an offering is more important than someone who does not. Never until the end of all time be it for you
to consider or practice such a thing. If someone willingly offers something, let it be accepted.
For that is freely chosen and not forced to propitiate God.
If a certain man should wish at some point to retire from the monastery—there are many
such examples of fickleness—and would like to take his offering away with him, it should not
be given to him, no matter what it might be. For what has once been consecrated to God must
not be taken away, and he who takes it away is sacrilegious.
If at some time someone very wealthy should come to the monastery for tonsure, and for the
benefit of the monastery wish to contribute and assign to the monastery some of his movable and
immovable possessions, and to join the monastic community and to occupy within the monastery
dwellings suitable for his own habitation, such a man should obtain satisfaction and should be
received by the superior for the strengthening and benefit of the holy monastery, as has been said,
even if the individual joining it is a eunuch, prominent on account of his station in life, and his
56. [ cf. (22) Evergetis [38] ]: I do not wish for there to be any distribution to women at the gate of
the monastery, not because I hate our kindred human beings—far from it!—but because I naturally want to avoid the harm that lies in wait for monks from the arrival of women. Indeed such a
habit always represents [something] evil, not good, for the brotherhood. But it is not forbidden to
give to women during the general distribution that occurs on the feast of the Mother of God, or at
any commemorative rites. For what [occurs] rarely [will] do no harm.
57. [ cf. (22) Evergetis [42] ]: Moreover, if the monastery should be reduced to the solution of
[having only] two or three monks, I wish that there be no change or alteration due to that, or to
other circumstances, ever, in its communal organization.29 I thus wish for all the monks in the
monastery to be as one body and one breath together, and for all to labor together with one
another in everything, as limbs of one body, and not to stir up quarrels nor form improper
friendships, [and] to refrain from claiming the seat of honor.
You must banish from yourselves the source of evil—I mean the love of money—which
you must renounce, for the sake of the Lord [you must not] make a profit out of the monastery’s
possessions, nor in any other way at all to set aside and store up anything. However reason
has determined that the loss through carelessness of anything [belonging to] the monastery is not
exactly the same thing as these aforementioned crimes. We should also avoid improper familiarity.
My brothers, the orders I have handed you are not so hard to accomplish. [p. 48] Everything is made easier by the value of virtue. For we did not abandon the world for luxury and
indulgence. If we use a little force on ourselves, the Kingdom of Heaven having suffered violence
[ 824 ]
(cf. Matt. 11:12), we would gain it. No one has ever gained a triumph by being careless; no one
has triumphed over his enemy by sleeping. Crowns are for those who toil, and triumphs for
those who survive the labors [such] contests [require]. I hereby beseech you all to succeed in these
things, in the name of the Lord, the Ruler of All.
58. In addition to these other things, there is something I wish that is of utmost importance to me.
Never should all these things be alienated that were unconditionally assigned to the monastery by
me or by someone else for all subsequent time. This holds true as well for those movable and
immovable possessions that will in the future be so assigned. Never, through a deed, exchange,
gift, or any other form of alienation, should any of these things be alienated, or the ownership of
them changed, even if the price or equivalent value offered should be double, triple, or even ten
times as much.30
Whoever, therefore, should attempt to overthrow, destroy, alter, or transgress this my wish
and decree concerning the question of alienation in any way, by some either convincing or devious argument—even though he be an emperor, or bishop, or high official, or private person, or
anyone else, whether superior of the monastery or one of the monks in it—will be classed with the
Apostate and the Devil, will be judged with the Betrayer and the crucifiers of the Lord, and will be
delivered to the eternal fire. In this life he will have the Mother of God and Kosmosoteira as foe,
since she is the mistress of what has been assigned [to the monastery].
59. [ = (22) Evergetis [42], ed. lines 1309–11; [43], ed. lines 1313–15]: Brothers, the “appointed
time” of our life has grown very short. (cf. I Cor. 7:29) Remember your souls, and do not forget
my insignificance in your prayers. You should also read the present typikon at the beginning
of each month during your mealtimes, to remind you of your instruction, and for the benefit
of your souls.
60. I decree therefore that two treasurers and the steward should be entrusted with guarding the
money, with the knowledge of the superior as well. The incoming and outgoing money should be
carefully recorded, and the box for it opened and sealed by them. As for the money put aside, if
there is on occasion any in the monastery, the superior must do the sealing, with the steward, the
sacristan and the two treasurers. If the need arises, [he] should remove the seals again in their
presence, so that there shall be no cause for blame or offense.
61. Let there be a competent and proven doctor assigned to the monastery at all times, receiving
from it appropriate recompense and a salary. His duty, which he should perform attentively and
unceasingly, is to care for the sick to the full extent of his art, and to heal them wholeheartedly—
both the monks of the monastery, and those ailing brethren whom, for the appeasement of God, I
arranged to be hospitalized in the old age infirmary of this monastery.
The superior is responsible for bringing in medical supplies and storing them [p. 49] every
year in the monastery whenever the time is right, in addition to almonds, sugar, and other things
benefiting the sick. The superior should not be sparing of money, even if the income of the monastery should be very low, nor should he delay for any reason [the performance of] my will and
[ 825 ]
order concerning the sick. Rather he should devote ten servants to minister to the sick and bedridden, for the brethren who are served by them must always constitute thirty-six. He should display
all solicitude always toward them, since those brethren in the monastery [who have been] hospitalized for the sake of the salvation of my soul are in need of—indeed owed—their service and the
care and attention of the appointed doctor. If for some reason the superior is careless in the performance of this instruction of mine, he will answer for it to the judge of all on the day of judgment.
62. These then are the things which I have recommended, as an exhortation and a fitting appeal to
the monks, and have decreed in the present typikon, before the Mother of God. Now I must set
forth and define [what is to constitute] adequate clothing for these monks, so that here too my
regulations will find support. So, for example, every monk in the monastery should receive, by
way of clothing, one double tunic each year, two undergarments, and two pairs of shoes which are
to be repaired with leather once. For the [winter] shoes, one wool fleece.31 Every three years they
should receive two vests, one [made] of cotton, suitable for winter, the other without cotton, to be
used during the summer, and similarly, two cloaks, a summer kind and a winter kind. Every month
they should be given one litra of oil for lighting the lamp in their cell, and one litra of soap for
washing what is needed.
Let the superior take back from the monks the tunics that have gotten old, and place them in
the wardrobe, and give these to the monks who enter the monastery late and are not present when
the distribution of the new garments takes place. Each man who tends to the monks’ mules,
each baker and each farmer should have one double tunic, two undergarments, one pair of
shoes, and two pairs of boots, and one fleece to make [winter] shoes and enough goatskin
(?)32 for one pair of leggings, and, every two years, two vests, a summer and a winter one.
These items, then, which I have prescribed, should completely suffice for the assistants and
for the monks.
63. They clearly also require food each day, to satisfy their physical needs. I order therefore that
they receive on Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays the soup called “Holy Broth,”33 and legumes,
and on the other days of the week two dishes each: whatever fish the day may bring, and sufficient
cheese, and every day two monastic wine measures—except during Lent, when they should have
but one wine measure each day. On the feast days of the Holy Apostles, and on Christmas, and on
my commemoration days, let the meals be at the discretion of the superior, with the food set out
and [p. 50] drink provided.
Care must be taken that the superior seek out just the right time for purchasing cheaply the oil
that is sold at Ainos, and that he buy it [but] once, for the needs of the whole year—and not from
any of the agents, but from off the ships that transport the oil and put in at Ainos. The intelligence
of the superior will see to it that wine is bought when the time is right—unless the monks should
start up vineyards on the monastery grounds, for the area is suitable for this kind of cultivation.
64. As for the commemorative services for my soul, there is no need for me to make any arrangements. Nor do I want to exalt my soul by the foolish illumination of gleaming [objects], nor by any
other customs of this world. For it is difficult to conceive how my soul, benighted as it is by the
[ 826 ]
darkness of sin, would be illuminated by the lighting of wicks and lamps. But may God be gracious unto my soul, by the intercession of the Mother of God, and may the light of his ineffable
love for mankind shine forth—which light we, unworthy of him, desire to reach. May the judgment of the superior execute in modest style the commemorative services for my soul—whatever
is appropriate, according to long custom, for Christians who depart from this life.
65. But let us return a little to my intention concerning the above-mentioned feast of the holy
Dormition of the Mother of God and the distribution to the poor that is to take place at the commemorative services for me, at the discretion of the superior. I failed to speak, however much I did
say, about the feast of feasts of the holy Dormition of my benefactress the Mother of God. However, since I am never satiated in my longing for an honorable and comprehensive performance
with regard to the feast of my benefactress, I wish, over and above all that has been said, for the
following: after matins of that day on which we celebrate the Dormition, I wish for a number of
priests and deacons to don the priestly vestments. The superior with them should carry in his
hands the Gospel, another in line the icon of the Mother of God, and another the great cross which
is set at the sanctuary. The appropriate ektenes having been celebrated therein, the priests should
come out of the church bearing these objects, with appropriate illumination preceding them, and
go out the gate of the enclosure in a procession. They should go down to the cemetery of the
monks, and circle thus toward the other entrance [that is] opposite—I mean toward the western
part. This progress which encircles the whole enclosure around the outside is for the sanctification
and preservation of it and the whole area. Thus they should enter the church and return the sacred
objects they have been carrying to their required holy places. The mosaic Dormition that is fixed
over the door should, at the time of the feast, have illumination [that is] neither poor nor contemptible, but worthy of note—I mean suitable. Around this representation of the most holy Dormition
I wish a sleepless lamp to be lit perpetually throughout the year with mastic oil. For I know it to be
highly favored by the grace of divine inspiration.
66. Now the superior should have a boat in [the section of] the river Maritza that belongs to us, and
catch fish and bring them back to the [p. 51] monks as food, and transport them frequently from
Ainos, according to what is convenient at the time. There being many large fish, as I myself found
out, in the river Samia, at the outskirts almost of Neokastron, the superior of the monastery should
regulate with an alert mind the guarding of the river and its preservation so that the fish cannot be
caught by just anyone happening by—for they are easily taken, and ideal for an easy catch, as I
know well.
67. The site of the monastery being a naturally suitable one, and access to it easy and well-trodden, the superior will be sure to take care with such things, and in other ways as well. In his
vigorous activity toward the good, he will make plans for maintaining [its] incomes and for adding to what I assigned to the monastery. Also it is necessary [to look after the bridge]—I have been
deemed worthy to see, with the help of God, the construction of the bridge completed—this great
and easily traversed bridge of massive stones that was constructed by me for my soul’s sake, with
much sweat and struggle and innovations, for the passage of strangers. This bridge I entrusted,
[ 827 ]
along with my other possessions, to the hands of the Mother of God—stretched across for the
passage of strangers, who previously encountered grave dangers, with respect to the marsh and
the water spread about with the so-called flag stones, [there] where the bridge [now] stands. Also
on it was set up that stone panel with the image of the Mother of God, as an object of worship for
those who are passing across, and as the prayer of my wretched soul.
I wish the superior of the monastery to be ready and prepared, so that if perchance sometime
or another some calamity befalls this bridge through all-subduing time, or befalls that other one
that I established nearby in that place which is commonly called by most people Aeidaropniktes,
he will re-erect it from the income of the monastery. He should lay down the expense for this
calamity in the full knowledge of the rest of the monks, so that through the prayer of those who
cross over it, I myself, I hope, may find easy and unmarshy that future bridge when I come to cross
it to the eternal dwellings!
Whereupon, face to face in the presence of my all-immaculate Lady and Mother of God, I
entreat and charge the superior of the time and all those with him never, for as long as this earth is
in existence, to slacken in this spiritual work, nor to be careless, but to be serious, just as though I
was still living and reminding the superior about this good work. For it was for the salvation of
many that I established the bridge, with the help of God, in the place that I described above.
Therefore, if my present order about the bridge should be overlooked by the superior and the rest
of the monks, may they have to look into the face of God, the incorruptible judge, as people who
perhaps neglected this work so beneficial to the public, and may they be reckoned by the Mother
of God as destroyers of countless Christian people.
68. I have seen in various holy monasteries a considerable—and unbecoming—indifference with
regard to the hymnody, on the part of the monks living there. Fearing from such stories lest the
monks of this monastery disregard my orders in this present typikon, [p. 52] through laziness or
negligence, I am already “taking the next best course”34 out of necessity, and am ordering the
monks to be roused from their pallets for the morning hymnodies at the hour called “Of the Third
Cockcrow” and “Of the Cuckoo” on winter nights. In the summer [let them be roused] two hours
before the break of day. This way the monks can complete the course of this hymnody more alertly
and more vigorously.
69. Those of my immovable properties that came to me from family inheritance through imperial
decrees and commands, and those that I have assigned to the monastery for its use and ownership
from now on, so that it may have them entirely inalienable till the end of time, with all their
territory safeguard and tenure, and with all rights and privileges over them, just as I declared
above,35 are as follows: Neokastron with its dependent peasants settled both inside and outside,
and its houses, mine and those of others; also the rights over the fairs taking place there annually,
and over the catch from the rivers Samia and Maritza for a good supply of fish. Also the estates
Tou Kanikleiou, Lykochorion and Tou Drachou, and the promontory Banianous. The following
estates: the village Sykea, and the estate before it that is called Tou Triphylliou are to be counted,
by imperial ordinance, as belonging to Neokastron after the death—and from then on—of Aspeiotes,
who at present holds it for his own use. I wish also for it to be relocated close to the monastery,
[ 828 ]
where I also put Lykochorion and Tou Drachou—unless some difficulty arises, due to the length
of the road between, for the inhabitants living in the village, in harvesting in summertime of the
fruits of the farms, and the transportation of them to their relocated houses.
In addition, all those immovable [properties] belonging to me as their owner both inside and
outside of Ainos, which have been disintegrating for such a long time—these I wish to be restored.
The estate Neochorion, the estate Kourianis, the estate Tou Choirosphaktou, the village Batzinea,
the village Tou Chousderi, the estate Tou Sinale, the newly-built estate Beros, Soter ton Blachon,
the estate Hagios Nikolaos, the two military villages Tou Dilianou and Dragabasta, the fort Aetos
with the village Tzechoba, the estate Sukaragi, the village Branista, the estate Neboselous, the
estate Delbotzianous, the estate Tzampe, the estate Raunianous, the village Sophous—if it is not
sold in my lifetime—the market Sagoudaous, with the dependent peasants and residents settled in
it, with its ships and the rights tou basilikatou36 and its warehouse.37 These things [the monastery
will gain possession of] after my decease.
After the death of Kastamonites [it will obtain] the estate Tou Galatou, [and] the village Tou
Tzernikou. After the death of the pinkernes Constantine, the village Radaboundos. After the death
of Niketas Romanites, the village Kerkizos. After the death of Konstitzes my foster-child—if he
dies childless—also the village Tou Chatesiou. If he has children, may he have the authority to
bequeath it, if [p. 53] he wishes, to them.
Furthermore, I also assign [it] the ownership of the [following places] cited in the confirmation of the other villages of the monastery of Kosmosoteira, my Mother of God: the village Kalosera,
the field Tou Tzitze which I bought, and those farms belonging to me in Traianoupolis that have
not been given to my secretary Michael. Also the twelve ships that were granted to me with
exemption through the imperial decree of the late Lord my father, and which have a capacity of
four thousand modioi. The ownership of all these, therefore, I assign to the holy monastery of the
Kosmosoteira, my Mother of God and benefactress, just as has been said.
In addition, I want the superior to take up the deeds to these, wherever they are being kept,
and to store them away in the sacristy for safekeeping. Nevertheless, he should at the same time
have copies of them on hand to exhibit to any of those officials who might appear one of these
days and make inquiries into our rights, on behalf of the public treasury and authority—unless I
manage [already] during my lifetime to entrust these deeds along with my properties to the superior of the monastery. If perhaps some other of my deeds should refer to several beneficiaries, let
the relevant passages be transcribed and given to the owners of these properties, to whom I assigned these, and the rights to ownership, [the deeds having been] signed by a judge.
Moreover, in addition to these I present and assign to the monastery those farms that I own
outside Traianoupolis. I pray therefore to all-seeing God to prolong the remainder of my life for
the sure fulfillment of these orders, and for the erection [and reclamation] of those dwellings and
cultivated areas in Ainos, which, through time and the indifference of superintendents, have already collapsed and gone to seed. If perchance I depart too soon, which I pray will not happen,
may the activity of the superior carry through this project for the erection and reclamation of these
spots according to my wishes. For they are very necessary and useful to the monastery, constituting as they do an excellent dependency.
[ 829 ]
70. Having, it seems, almost reached the end of orders concerning these matters, I would like to
give some orders regarding one other work of benefit to [my] soul, something that I have [already]
begun. I have already built for the sake of God a rest house for the ailing brethren, to receive them
and to provide a bed and care for their illnesses. It is actually outside the large monastery enclosure, yet inside the outer periphery wall of the establishment. There ought to be thirty-six brethren
from among those which I, the thorough sinner, summoned for the propitiation of God. If I should
enjoy, by God’s inclination, an extension to my life, I will take responsibility for this matter in the
days to come. But if things should turn out differently for me, may this my wish regarding the
brethren be [carried out] by the superior of the monastery.
The brethren should lie on beds along both sides of it, and, for the relief of their physical
ailment, each of them should have for his bedding, a double Cretan woolen mat38 in place of a
mattress,39 and a rush mat, and two small fleece blankets,40 and a heavy woolen cover instead of
a spread, and a cloth41 pillow [filled with] wool. All this bedding should be immediately changed
by the superior when there is any mishap, so that the brethren [p. 54] may rest undisturbed.
I wish for each of these brethren to receive immediately as [his] daily portion one loaf of
bread every day made with one-tenth of a local modios, the loaves being comparable in quality to
those of my fathers the monks. Furthermore, to accompany their bread they should each have two
dishes—which I have indicated the monks should also have, in the refectory—and in addition one
monastic measure of wine. For a special dispensation, and to be used instead of a monthly [allowance], each [of them shall be given] six [nomismata] trachea every month. When, with the help of
God and the care of the superior, the sick brethren regain their health, they will leave there voluntarily, and others will be brought in to replace them, so that the exact number of brethren is kept
intact—even before those who are departing have gone, so that no bed is left empty and devoid of
a brother for even one hour.
For this is my intention and [my] directive at present: that the superior hire a doctor [experienced with] fractures to give careful medical treatment to the brethren in need of treatment. The
doctor must always stay in the monastery. The medical supplies will be purchased yearly out of
the income of the monastery, and placed in the cabinet by the superior, so that what is needed will
be close at hand.
For I set up this particular holy monastery with the help of God not out of some illusion of
glory, wasting thereby what was at hand by spending my resources, nor for the sake of some
physical need or frivolous pleasure, which has no stability in this [world], but, to get to the point,
for the propitiation of God and of his mother. Let him, too, bear witness to the truth of these
present words as he looks unflinchingly at the evidence of the events. For not one stone—this I
mean was my policy—or sliver of wood, or trace of tile, did I bring to the church without paying
for it, always preserving a clear conscience with the help of God. But “with my hands and feet and
hair and the soles of my feet,” as the poet says,42 I pressed on with the building of the monastery,
virtually all day and all night.
I am consumed by a grievous illness that drains away my eagerness, yet I lighten my ailing
flesh with a cane, and look all about with an anxious glance, and roam around the construction
work—that being completed, I mean—even if my body in its illness compels me to cut short many
of the days. Thus the yearning for the Mother of God and the seething desire in my heart’s blood
[ 830 ]
compels me toward such a project, whether I am willing or not. Quite naturally I held out as best
as I could under the circumstances, remembering the infinite benefactions of the Mother of God in
critical times. Wherefore I beseech the superior and all the brethren to hasten and rouse [themselves] to bring my orders to completion with all their hearts and minds, with God’s help, and in
humility toward the Lord. For it was humility that saved the publicans, and tears of repentance the
harlots, while it was the arrogance of vainglory that condemned the Pharisee himself (cf. Matt. 21
31; Luke 18:10–15).
Each one should be provided, for use in his house, with one plate, and one bowl, and also one
clay cup. Eight servants should be devoted to them because of the weakness of their condition.
May this work never be interrupted, but continue for all time—[p. 55] unless the superior would
be judged along with the brethren and with me, the sinner, on the day of the terrible judgment.
If one of these days the superior provides the brethren with a meal of fish as a special dispensation, may he receive from God an appropriate reward—for he should find no dearth of fish. Let
the superior present himself once a week, on Sundays, to observe the brethren. [God] will reward
him [for this] . . . . . [lacuna in the text] our Creator crying forth to sinners such as me “When did
you see me ailing and tend to me?” (Matt. 25: 43)
On the feasts of the absolutely holy Mother of God, let the superior provide the monks and the
brethren with a meal of fish as a special dispensation, and, during the Great Forty [days of Lent],
let him honor the monks my brethren who have fallen sick by attending to their human ailment
with baths and food suitable to their ailment.
If, therefore, the doctor who will be caring for the bedridden brethren should require for some
of them the use of a bath for the benefit of the body, let them bathe, and, to put it simply so as to be
brief: the superior must regard the brethren as [though they were] God himself, and cherish them
in all ways. However, if some of the brethren have to lie in bed for a long time, let the superior
arrange for their bodies to be wrapped in garments [taken from] those old cloaks of the monks.
Since the physical ailments of those who are sick greatly require warmth, I order the superior
to see to it that there is always enough kindling wood [gathered] from [sources] that are close at
hand, nearby the monastery. Every night a very bright lamp must be lit in the home of the brethren,
[for], there being an iconostasis, the lamp in it [must be] lit. If the superior should chance to
provide the brethren with a special dispensation of food from the leftovers of the refectory, he
would do right, and the reward will be dealt out to him by God.
There must be a church in a suitable place in the house of the [sick] brethren. The superior
must arrange for it to have services by the appointment of some ordained monk, so that the brethren can listen to the divine hymnody from nearer by, on account of their ailments. Let the priest
perform matins and vesper service, along with the liturgy.
As for the aforementioned brethren who may have to lie in bed for a long time, and do not get
better quickly, I propose that they be clad in undershirts as well as in the old cloaks, as I said, of
the monks. If they are utterly incurable, let them not be cast out of the home and its care (unless
they are either cured by medical attention or die), but let them be clad in sufficient cloaks and
undershirts [taken] from the aforementioned old cloaks of the monks. Whenever one of these
brethren should die, he should be buried with the appropriate burial service, far from the monastery, at a spot of his own choosing.
[ 831 ]
The superior is obliged to restore whatever calamities occur in the course of time to the home
of the brethren and to their bedding, [to assure] their eternal conservation. Whence also [the roof
of] the building must be frequently tiled. But if by complete accident the house totally collapses
one of these days, either ignited by fire or demolished by an earthquake, it must be restored [p. 56]
by the superior back to its former state and quality, for the eternal conservation and preservation
of the enterprise.
Let fermented wine not be given to the brethren, for the Lord’s sake, as it is not a therapeutic
drink, but one that does harm to the body. For “God is not mocked” (Gal. 6:7). Hark to my words,
O my most holy father superior, hark, and do not disregard them, for you have the Mother of God
as champion of what is said and done. I, the wretched, have myself appointed her supervisor of the
monastery, and ever-present adversary for him who transgresses my decrees concerning these
71. In addition to those, I also decree these: let no representative of yours cause any hardship to
the inhabitants of the villages of the monastery under your [control], through injustice caused by
greed (which is hateful to God). For through God’s help they are not accustomed to unjust collections by me, as he is their witness. In this he should find God gracious, he who said, “Plead for the
orphan and obtain justice for the widow” (Is. 1:17). For I have long been in the habit of pitying the
poor such as these, which leads me to voice such matters to you before the Mother of God. For it
is senseless and unreasonable for a holy monastery such as this to be awarded to the Mother of
God yet have the inhabitants who furnish its income be harmed or made miserable, insofar as this
is unnecessary. For whatever is dedicated to God must welcome and strengthen the good on all
sides, lest what is blessed be defiled, as the saying goes.43
72. What more do I, the unfortunate, need to say to men who take [as much] pride in virtue as in
[their] monastic habit? Here again, O Queen and Kosmosoteira, enter my mind and tell me what is
best for the undisturbed preservation of the work. Since with thine assistance I have by now
already readied this monastery, and, with the skill of workmen, the enclosure surrounding it, [despite my] altogether straitened circumstances, I am, yes, most anxious indeed that everything be
brought to a happy conclusion. This [I do] not out of “unrighteous mammon” (Luke 16:9) (far be
this from me!), but out of what God originally granted to me, and out of periods of long suffering,
struggles of great misfortune, and the natural relationship, the mother of affection, with [my]
thrice-fortunate parents—even if the devil, woe is me!, totally begrudged me my position as son
from the very first moment of my miserable birth, and all the fame and glory of my parents
brought me little enough—plenty, actually, but all of it ill fortune. [All of this] has conspired, up to
now, to hurl me into the trap of Hades (cf. Prov. 9:18), so that in addition to all this my tongue is
[too] numb to formulate and describe the inexpressible [extent] of thine assistance, and to offer
guidance. For silence, rather than speech, will praise the charms of thy greatness, with the mouth
keeping still for the telling.
Since, then, it is my honest and inviolable intention that the enterprise of the monastery survive and be preserved secure and indissoluble for all time, not subject to any persons, I enjoin the
most holy superior of the day, and all the monks of the monastery, to care for it, and to cling to it
[ 832 ]
as to a most beloved mother, [p. 57] and to take hold on the other buildings in it as grandchildren,
and to embrace them piously, and to drink with enjoyment from the soul-benefiting springs of the
soul-sustaining hymnodies of the church—and, in short, to restore whatever damage they incur
over the course of time.
Now I beseech our bedridden brethren to address at each vesper service, for the mercy of my
wretched soul, forty Kyrie eleisons to the Lord, particularly on the feast of the Holy Dormition of
the Mother of God, this [being] the feast of feasts and festival, I say, of festivals, and on the day of
my commemorative services. May God reward them for [this] work.
73. I have begun to build a cistern within the enclosure of the monastery. If it be finished within
my lifetime, the superior and the monks must always care for its conservation and restore whatever damage occurs to it through time so that it may always [serve to] contain the water that I
channeled to the monastery. Therefore from the hereditary owners of the source of this water a
donation in writing was made to me of the right to it, signed by the metropolitan of Traianoupolis,
and this document should be deposited in the sacristy for its eternal safekeeping. For it was only
with much toil that I found the water through underground excavation, and for this I spent much of
my early livelihood.
It is necessary then that the cistern be always filled with water and covered by a roof made of
rubble masonry and tiles to protect it from the sun and dirt. To supply the cistern, the superior
should care for the aqueduct and the water pipes that carry the running water sparkling and drinkable to the monastery. For I present this too, as a welcome offering to the Mother of God. Accept
this also which I have brought to thee, O Mother of God and Kosmosoteira, accept it. The aqueduct should be built with appropriate forethought by the monastery, that it may use it unceasingly
for the continuous preservation of the running water.
74. And so I think that the charms of the monastery and the site will draw many men to them.
There is the spot itself—even if previously it was the dwelling of snakes and scorpions—the river
Ainos, the sea with its surf and its calms, the pasturage and grazing land of evergreen meadows to
nourish horses and cattle. There is the site on the crest of the hill, with its easy access. There is the
fine temperance of the currents of air and the power of strong breezes with the everlasting reeds
rustling in tune with them about the mouth of the river. There is the immense plain, and the
panoramic view, especially in summertime, of corn in flower and in ear, which impresses great
gladness on those who direct their gaze there. There is the grove of lovely saplings growing so
near the monastery, and bunches of grapes are entwined among them. As a joy to the throats of the
thirsty, water gushes forth wonderfully beautiful and cold.
75. Such things as these that delight the five senses will draw all to see and wonder at the monastery. In a site of such God-granted charms, I, the wretched, was led to restore the monastery with
much pain and struggle. In the beginning, the lack of building material created difficulties [p. 58]
for me, but, as from some prearranged signal again, round about like a treasure for me there
sprang forth assistance to me from the Mother of God. A discovery of the necessary material came
to light—miraculous to see, this discovery from an unexpected source, of lime in the enclosure,
[ 833 ]
and of a source of water. Thus from a previous lack I arrived at an unexpected supply, and thus
saw the material for everything I needed granted by God in abundance. For when they say, God
wills, the laws of nature are confounded, and miracles are easily performed.
Worthy of description is something that happened during the construction of the church, foretelling the future entrance of sweet and radiant grace into it. Let me explain what it was. While the
walls of the sanctuary were still in the process of completion by the workmen, suddenly, from
where no one knew, a bee slipped into the hollow of the sanctuary where priests perform the holy
mysteries, and there in some hole hastened to build its nest, along with the humming peculiar to its
nature. From this the wise who learned of the event suspected that what had happened was not
without cause or reason, but spread abroad the [view that the event indicated the] presence of the
most sweet Holy Spirit in the church.
Yet again, not much later, I myself witnessed another miracle at the outside of the church. I
was sitting in a low chair—since I was ill—and inspecting what the workmen had done, when the
strangest thing happened. I saw a dove with a golden neck unexpectedly sitting peacefully on a
stake fixed to one side of the sanctuary, over which at that time the strong roof had already been
placed. From where the dove came, I had no idea. I made attempts to shoo it away from there, but
it could be seen that it was reluctant to change its position and be shooed away. Thus it was roused
a little distance from my chair when I urged it with my hands; it flew back up, but after a short
while alighted near it and sat there. To the wise, the evidence from this was clear: the dove was
foretelling by anticipation, as it were, the manifestation of the Holy Spirit in the church. Thus
what was to take place was symbolically announced to the beholders by the dove nearing the
sanctuary, to the enormous astonishment of those who witnessed it.
With tears I, the miserable, entreat the Holy Spirit, through the intercession of the Mother of
God, to shine upon the monastery. To her I dedicated this holy monastery, and I entreat her to
preserve it. I have faith that in respect to these things I shall not fail with such an appeal and
supplication. Therefore let the hymnody be performed for the Lord’s sake with attention and fear.
For my soul has loved it very much since the days of my childhood, even though I myself have
wallowed in the slime of sin.
76. Once again44 a pious appeal comes to mind, and again I expound my wish to the most honorable superior of the day. For it is good, and pleasing to God, to proclaim good things over and
over, and for me to return to my thoughts about them. For since I have loved the prayer of those
peoples who bear the name of Christ45 from a tender age, and hated [their] curse, [which is]
abominable to God, I beseech the superior and the monks under him that the inhabitants of the
villages entrusted to them never encounter any new [p. 59] burden beyond the just recording of the
payments they owe, nor any unreasonable extortions. For [it is] with their hands alone and with
their [own] hard labor that they procure and gather whatever is provided in the way of food for
them and for their wretched wives and children and parents, for the most part—as well as whatever they grant to their managers and masters. For here God, and I too, would require this service
of you.
77. What then? To the superior and to those who will succeed him as superiors of the monastery,
[ 834 ]
I have this advice—and I mention and speak of this before the Mother of God with no doubts in
my mind. May they never under any circumstances at any time wish to make an image of me as
the unfortunate founder of the monastery—not anywhere here, either outside or inside the enclosure encircling the monastery. To do so would be a condemnation of my wretched soul and in
opposition to my will and wish, which is pleasing to God. For I absolutely will not endure any
such arrangement or proposal by the monks, and, the moment it happens, as I pray it will not, I am
sure of this: that my soul will be ruined. For, to use the words of the prophet David, the revealer of
divine things, I do not wish my form or “name to be delineated in the lands” (cf. Ps. 48 [49]:11).
Rather I pray the Mother of the creator, through her intercession with the son, to strike out the list
of my many errors, and, since I have repented, inscribe in the heavens, O God, my wretched name.
Whoever, therefore, among you superiors or other monks, should paint [my image] in the
monastery and should act at any time against my will and instructions, will stand trial along with
me on the Day of Judgment, and may be ranked with those who deny the Lord. For one does not
want to be benefited against one’s will, nor to receive favors. For this reason no damage, but rather
[a benefit] comes to me as I decree these things today. Therefore, I want the souls of the superiors
of the day, and all the monks of the monastery, to refrain absolutely from any such intention.
78. Now let the inventory of both the immovable and movable [possessions] that have been assigned to the monastery be deposited in the sacristy by the superior and some other important
monks. I wish for the future superior to be nominated from my monastery and not from elsewhere,
by all the others in the community, without corruption, and to be selected in a pure manner.
79. Since I arranged, with the help of God, for the church to be adorned as far as possible with
gleaming marbles and gold, I wish whoever is superior of the monastery to take every care to
retile the roof when in the course of time the lead is ruined by holes, so that storm showers will
cause no damage to the adornment of the church, through stain or dirt.
80. Let none of the monks assigned to the choir absent himself from the service, for the Lord’s
sake, unless he is ill, lest the superior be condemned for this by God. For the superior must be
impartial before [God]. Whence he must chastise the [monk] who, through laziness or neglect,
absents [p. 60] himself from the service, with an injunction to endure the work for which God has
summoned him. For “the sin of the people,” so he says, “passes to their leaders.”46 So let the
godly way of life of the superior observe my regulations well, under God. For God is—and let the
monks harken—the model, the prototype, I would say, of humility and peace.
81. Let the tares of contentiousness and disorder [sown by] the devil be trampled down. For it is
my most pointed intention, that all the monks in the choir always complete the required hymn
[service], while the servants complete their required duties to them as a hymn to the Mother of
God and for the good appearance of the church. Therefore, the monks should not examine the
superior about anything, whoever he might be, nor put under review or investigation or examination his life and conduct. For this is thoroughly improper—unless by some chance he might very
clearly and visibly be desiring things that [could lead] to the ruin of the monastery, or think and act
in secret.
[ 835 ]
82. I want then, for the sake of the adornment of the church, that the monks should attend to its
pavement with their hands every day, so that no sullying of the shining marbles should, through
the carelessness of the superior, be apparent to visitors. “I have loved,” the psalmist says, “the
habitation of thy house, Lord.” (Ps. 26:8)
Therefore, I do not want the monks of the choir to wear the same shoes that they wear outside
the church when they come into the area of the church for service. At that point I want them to put
on other ones that are fresh and spotless. For thus, along with this, and in accordance with the
value of virtue, I wish and I pray that the feet of the monks who advance for the hymnody of the
Mother of God be clean, as a hymn to this very Kosmosoteira.
83. I do not wish anyone except for the monks and their attendants to enter the donkey-driven
mills of the monks—whether they be country folk or women, or anyone else—lest contact with
laymen cause some unseemly disturbance contrary to my intent, [and lead] to the monks being
insulted. [These monks] I have especially loved from my tender years, and have venerated, as God
is my witness, and in their pious company I wish to die. For monastic life is alien to the condition
and turmoil of the world. For this reason I wish the donkey-driven mill to have no contact with any
lay presence, or confusion in the worship of the Kosmosoteira.
84. But as I myself am desirous for the good appearance of the church in every way, I definitely do
not wish for women to come into the church too often to worship. [Yet], lest I quench their burning
piety toward the Mother of God by completely barring women from worshiping, I decree that
women are to be admitted without hindrance, to worship the Mother of God and to pray for my
wretched soul, three times a year to venerate the Holy Trinity, on [the day of] her holy Dormition,
on the Annunciation and on the Nativity.47 On each and every other [p. 61] feast of the year I
absolutely forbid women to be admitted, in order that no further abuse of their access takes place.
Let it be the concern of the superior that the women enter with dignity and in proper order for
worship in the church, through the door which faces the east, so that they do not mingle with the
monks. Rather, let them be escorted by the ecclesiarch or some other God-fearing man to [their]
worship after the dismissal of the liturgy, but not on some sinful pretext, nor for food or drink.
Under no circumstances do I wish women to tarry within the enclosure of the monastery on their
account, unless the superior might happen at some time or other to give permission to one of the
monks to speak to a woman because of his apparent kinship [to her].
On the other days of the year there must be absolutely no crowd of women in evidence—
though outside the enclosure they may, if they wish, worship at the mosaic image of the Mother of
God above the doors of the enclosure. For unhindered and altogether free is the visitation of the
Holy Spirit; for it blows where it wills (cf. John 3:8), circumscribed by neither space nor time.
85. Since I, the sinner, have placed my hope of salvation in the divine hands of the Mother of God
and in [her] intercession with God, I exhort the superior of the monastery not to permit the priests
to bury the Holies left over on the paten of the Holy Communion, lest he and I be eternally condemned. For it is unnatural and unholy for Christ our God to be buried a thousand times, and by
those who are ministering to him. Let attention, then, be paid to the dignified and irreproachable
administration of the surplus Holies.
[ 836 ]
My own conscience was disturbed when I, at one point, witnessed an unholy sight, [an action]
performed by some priests. For I have seen them frequently running off—whether for the sake of
food or some other base and worldly need—some of the priests, as I have said, doffing their
priestly vestments and handing over the Holies of the Holy Communion to the deacons after the
dismissal of the liturgy—altogether out of greed for some necessities. For in this way others could
receive the divine mysteries from them, in an improper fashion, coming to them later to share and
to partake [of them].
Whence it behooves the superior to pay close heed to this matter that particularly troubles me,
(and God as well as me), so that nothing unnatural takes place at a time when he might be occupied with some [other] matters. In fact I wish and pray that such a lawless action be cut out from
every single church, as though with a double-edged knife.
86. Since I certainly indicated some time ago48 where the remains of the monks should be laid to
rest, as well as [those of] all [the people] merely [connected] with the monastery, I do not wish for
any dead body to be buried within the enclosure after my death—unless perhaps, as I indicated
some time ago, my man Leo Kastamonites should wish to be interred with honor, in the way I
specified above, or my secretary Michael, or the protovestiarios Constantine the priest. But I
absolutely do not want a single one or more of the other people—unless perhaps someone who is
[p. 62] very rich would want to be buried outside the church and [its] narthex, [someone] who, in
exchange for burial in the monastery will bring many movable and immovable possessions to
[add to] its revenue.
I also wish the boy Konstitzes,49 my foster child, to be sure to be buried in the monastery
along with the men of mine whom I have mentioned—if when he has reached the legal age, he
should wish to be buried in this monastery, according to my will. Also, I wish these men of mine
whom I have mentioned to be commemorated in the diptychs.
I do not wish the countryfolk living at Lykochorion or at [what is] called Tou Drachou, those
who are merely [living] in the vicinity of the monastery enclosure, to be buried in these villages,
but far away from the town, wherever each dying [man] should wish, so that no unhealthy pollution enters the atmosphere through the nearness of graves [containing] bodies.
87. Since, in fact—and the Creator is my fellow witness in this—I have loved protecting others
practically from [my] infancy up to now, and have hated evil greed (even though I, alas, the
wretched, am wallowing in the mire of sin),—I speak these words not out of arrogance—not for
me are the Pharisee’s frivolous bragging words! (Luke 18: 11) But in order to explain what I am
about to say: I tearfully beseech all of you who are monks in the monastery, along with the superior of this new monastery of the Kosmosoteira, to do everything without exception for the poor,
who are my godly brothers, everything that the regulation here in my typikon elucidates—and not
those things alone, but more as well, as much as the means of the monastery can afford for the
distribution, and the good conscience of the superior decides.
Hence I would happily throw great thrift to the winds when it comes to distributing to those in
need, and heartily welcome the finest distribution which is that furnished by God, as a service
above all to him who presides over our own betterment. For if we are to designate him a debtor, he
who is the Lord our Creator, by sharing, I say, with one poor man, by how much more [if we share
[ 837 ]
with] many, and especially since this charity will save from death (Tob. 4:11) this man here who is
fettered by sins.
For it is said, “When did you see me hungry and feed [me]?” (cf. Matt. 25:37), and so on,
including the [phrase] “And they will go away into eternal punishment.” (Matt. 25:46) What more
bitter address, my godly brothers, could we then hear than this? None whatsoever! You must not
put forward any reasonable-sounding excuse, such as, for example, a lack of income, to avoid
making a distribution that is dear to God. For it is said, “Seek and you will find, knock and it will
be opened to you.” (Matt. 7:7) Sharing will open the innermost heart of my Lord toward finding
plenty of what is needed, and toward salvation. For it is said “God is served by nothing [so well]
as by mercy.”50
88. Since, then, I have indicated previously51 to them the number of the monks and of their servants, and am desirous in time to fix the number of monks at a much higher figure, if possible, I
request the superior in his Christ-loving conscience to make haste to further increase the [number
of] monks, as far as he deems the income of the monastery will allow. For the [p. 63] growth of the
good toward the better will increase God’s untold mercy toward us. These then are my orders.
89. It was once my intention to have my humble remains interred in the monastery of Chora, and
I set up a tomb there [to contain] them, in accordance with the wishes I expressed to the Chora
monks. But now that I have renewed, with God’s help, this holy monastery of my ever pure
Mother of God, the Kosmosoteira, another thought has come to mind, namely, to have my remains
interred in this one. Indeed, I have begun to [take measures] towards this [end], which I [lay down
as] injunctions in the present typikon of mine. Already, I have indicated in other requests and
agreements with the Chora [monks] that the slabs of the coffin [that was to contain] my remains
should be taken up, and placed here in order to receive my remains—that the [slabs] be taken up,
plus whatever I myself joined to the tomb, just as the content of the letter addressed to me by the
superior of the monastery of Chora indicates. This very [letter] has been deposited in the sacristy
of this holy monastery of my Kosmosoteira the Mother of God.
It is my duty to carry out this plan, just as I wish [to do], with God’s help, if I have time yet to
live. But if I pass away, it is the duty of the superior, along with the others, to fulfill this plan of
mine and have the marbles of my tomb taken up from the monastery of Chora and to transport
them to this newly established monastery (just the way I transported the marbles for the church),
and to set up this tomb on the left side of the narthex, there where I made an extension to the
building on account of the tomb.
In the center of the lid of my tomb, I wish my enkolpion [of] the Mother of God to be fastened
in a prone position in [a setting of] silverwork; [this] has been readied and handed over, and I have
just now deposited it in the sacristy. The important [elements] of my tomb at Chora (along with
the marbles of the tomb), are the following: a cast bronze railing, and the portraits of my revered
holy parents the emperors, and the stand for my mosaic [icon of the] Mother of God. As for the
portrait of myself, made in my youth, in the vanity of boyhood, I do not wish for it to be removed
from Chora, but to stay where I set it up. For my wretched body, which worms will tear apart, will
not need to be honored with a likeness, after its dissolution.
[ 838 ]
If by chance [the monks of Chora], with a greedy hand or out of willfulness with regard to my
orders, balk and do not hand over the things of which I spoke, the superior of my Kosmosoteira
the Mother of God, accompanied by some of the monks, must approach the holy emperor and file
charges regarding this unjust business. He—for I know well the goodness of his conscience and
his character—will not deem me unworthy of such a just appeal, but, for the sake of God, will
return with [his] imperial hand the things that are being requested, that have been deposited in
Chora for safekeeping.
90. But since the degradation of an unfortunate life has nursed me from infancy, and, in the course
and flow of this life of ill-luck, [I have] been separated from my sweet fatherland for most of the
years of my existence, a stranger to my kinsmen’s renown and [since] of course I did not [p. 64]
heedlessly choose the tomb here [to house] my remains, having run through in my mind and
reckoned up all the things in life that together turned out badly for me, as I lie on a bed in a dark
corner, alas grievously ill, by God’s will, and already falling into Lethe, and of the memory . . . . .
[lacuna in the text]
. . . . . . . . . . . . . instead of any other kind of adornment of fantastic glory for my tomb, [I want] the
icon from Rhaidestos of the Mother of God as the Kosmosoteira, [which was] sent down to me
from heaven, and which I framed with an ornament of gold and silver. [I want it] to be placed at
one end of my tomb in its projected form. It should remain resting in that spot throughout all time,
preserved without change, to mediate for my wretched soul. Furthermore, I wish [the icon of]
Christ, which is the same size, to rest alongside it, the placement of these icons being appropriate
for them, and pleasing as well, and the illumination suitable. Indeed if he fails to carry out this
wish of mine, the superior and the rest of the monks will be judged along with me on the Day of
Judgment. After my tomb is set up I need no other great expenses for it, as I will be insensible to
the sight of the sensible and visual [world].
At any rate, I wish the tomb to be divided from the entire narthex by the bronze railing that I
mentioned earlier, but access to the tomb [should be] through [this railing]. Every evening, after
the dismissal of vespers, I want the superior and the rest of the monks to enter, and in front of the
holy icons standing there, to pronounce the trisagion and say a certain number of Kyrie eleisons
for mercy upon my soul. They [must] not fail to make the dismissal in this way, but [must] propitiate God and the Mother of God for me, with these [prayers].
91. I have made the services to commemorate me, and their form, dependent upon the virtuous
conduct and the good conscience of the superior, not wishing to burden his freedom of choice by
any perverse or compulsory [requirements]. Hark to my words, O my father and superior, and by
no means disdain my wretched soul’s prayer for mercy. Expect payment for this from the Ruler of
All, who is sure to grant better things to good men. For I, the unfortunate and unhappy, who am
[but] earth and ashes, dare not because of my series of failures raise my eyes to the heavenly
height and the very light source of the divine dispensation. I am blinded in the eyes of the soul. For
this reason I, a thorough wretch, am naturally in need of prayer for salvation of those blessed men
like you, for the confidence [achieved] from some good deed is not for me [to enjoy]. Therefore,
[ 839 ]
do not overlook, O Mother of God, Kosmosoteira, my wretched appeal for salvation. For what
else [can] I say and what speak, from the multitude of my sins?
92. But the documents of the properties I mentioned that I have donated must for sure and without
doubt be carefully guarded in a secure storage place of the monastery by the most honorable
superior of the monastery of the Kosmosoteira. [He should] take them away from the superior of
Chora, if I do not succeed in settling this particular matter before I die.
93. It is necessary for you to reward those who, with God’s help, come to us, and to divine baptism, from a foreign religion, with one sort or another of special care. [This must be done] for the
propitiation of my soul before God. [p. 65] For this reason I order that those called from the
Jewish [faith] to us and to the true faith, Alexios and his wife Irene, [should] receive the following
for as long as they live: for Irene, that which has been specified for her in a promissory note,
namely three modioi of grain per month, fifteen trachea nomismata and one cloak each year. Her
husband Alexios (if he goes on living with her) should receive two modioi of grain and two measures of wine per month, plus two hyperpyra nomismata a year. If someone else too comes forward with a sealed promissory note of mine, let the superior give him forthwith what is written
94. Out of the totality of my resources, I wish the monastery of the Kosmosoteira to take thirty
litrai of hyperpyra and to store them away in the vestry, where they should lie undisturbed, along
with whatever is left over of the income from the villages after the payments to the monks, to my
brethren who are bedridden, and to their servants. This way if ever some calamity [should] befall
the monastery or the houses around the monastery, it can be rectified out of these funds. For it is
the duty of the superior and of the monks under him not to neglect this matter, but to keep stored
away whatever amount of money would be required in such an eventuality. If God should give me
a further measure of life, I will make this [my] great concern, with God’s help, and take pains to
store away yet more money in the monastery (by the means I mentioned), if my pledge should
receive strength in this matter from God.
95. Let those [who inhabit] this particular monastery never fail to commemorate the famous emperors my parents and masters. When the day of their decease comes around, let them then be
commemorated by the epitaphios hymn, by a night office and an offering. In short, let their commemorative services be performed following correct liturgical procedure—even though they have
been received by God in the eternal dwelling places. In the tomb of my mother the oil has been
seen to gush forth—she who (oh the marvel of it!), in the presence of the whole family, closed her
eyelids with her own hands at the time of her decease. It was not someone else passing his hands
over her eyes at the moment of death. For she departed in a holy way for the Lord during the first
indiction, on the 19th day of February, [while] the emperor, my master and father, left life on
Thursday the 15th of August, the day of the holy Dormition of the Mother of God.
96. I wish therefore that this administration of these properties of mine [that have been] assigned
[ 840 ]
to the monastery never change throughout all time. I want to keep the [following] wish (along
with those other regulations of mine) unaltered and unbroken in all the years to come without break:
that the superior care, with his whole heart and mind, for the monastery that I restored with the help of
God, and for the old age infirmary, and to strive to [keep] its residents satisfied in life, without delay or
postponement, and to provide uncurtailed [what is] prescribed [p. 66] each year for the elderly
patients. Since I leave the monastery behind in perpetuity and lacking in nothing, with the help of
God, I wish the elderly patients never, whatever happens in the meantime, to suffer any loss or
deprivation of that which was prescribed for them. For I wish them to receive these things each
year from the superior plentifully, without curtailment or trouble, as much as . . . . . . . . . . .
[lacuna in the text]
. . . . . . . . . . before God obtaining a resting-place for them and welcome security, and giving it over
entirely to the Mother of God [so that she will] intercede for my wretched soul. For God does not allow
the deprivation [caused] perhaps by neglect of what is to be given to the brethren, nor [does] his allimmaculate Mother, to whom, along with the brethren, I have dedicated absolutely everything that
belongs to me. For the movable and immovable possessions that I, the sinner, brought with the
help of God to the monastery of the Kosmosoteira (restored by me) are adequate for a reasonable
reinforcement of my injunctions. In any event, this written version here of the typikon and the
volume of my Secret Testament should suffice to make entirely clear and evident to the superior
[which] immovable [properties I have] assigned to the venerable monastery of the Kosmosoteira.
97. I have already spoken about things that I have recommended above, and will [now] discuss
those things that I came to recall today. I have completely restored a bathhouse, made of rubble
masonry,52 as a favor for [the monks] and of many other Christians, and I have assigned it, along
with the other things, to the monastery. It is outside the revered monastery, on the stream that runs
alongside the cemetery for the monks. At this same time I put up houses around it [to serve as] a
place for rest.
I want this bath to be leased out. I want for women who are in need of the bath to bathe
themselves only on Wednesdays and Fridays, not on any other days of the week. On the other days
of the year, I want it to be yielded to anyone who wishes [it]. Never, in all the days to come, do I
want the bath to be neglected by the superior, as [this] would lead to [its] destruction. For its
destruction would constitute a great failing on the part of the superior, and [bring] distress to all
the others who [would be] deprived of [the chance to] wash.
I declare that the monks are to bathe twelve times in the entire year, that is, once every month.
If the need should arise for some of the monks who are sick [to take] extra baths, let them be
allowed by the superior to bathe themselves unhindered, for the sake of [their] physical ailment.
The monks who plan to bathe must not be permitted by the superior to bathe in any other place or
town except in the monastery bath.
The superior must make it his concern that there be established in the monastery some [of the]
craftsmen required to execute the projects needed by the monastery.
98. Since it often happens, as I myself have witnessed, that the wickedness of mortals generally
[ 841 ]
brings contention between them, and for this reason many secretly set fire to the houses of the
inhabitants, the [men] doing this terrible thing—this I command, and with God’s help I exhort the
superior, [seeing that] these [men] are foolish about [how to] do good: when some inhabitant of
the monastery properties stealthily enters someone’s house and sets it afire, let all the residents of
that village [p. 67] in which the fire took place be brought together without fail by the superior
himself, to rebuild the burned dwelling.
Even if ten happen to be burned, this particular village must concern itself, out of necessity,
with rebuilding those that were burned, not at the expense of any of those who lost their houses,
but with the effort and zeal of the inhabitants of the village, whom I referred to. Let there be no
delaying or any postponement of the work. Instead [let it be] carried out immediately and without
If by chance, through divine justice and foresight, the man setting the fire should be caught in
the act, and the superior [deems] his detention, and the disclosure, I mean, of the affair, not subject
to question, but instead clear and indisputable, then I recommend [the following as] a fitting
disciplinary measure and a punishment for [the man] who did the terrible [deed]. If the man does
not have a wife or children, let his entire livelihood be given to those who lost their houses in the
fire and to some other poor residents who are without property and are in need of assistance in life.
But if the man in question does chance to have a wife and children, one half of his resources will
suffice for him who did the harm (after his release from prison and chains), and let one-half be
given to those [people] I have recommended, to restrain the wicked and search out the good.
In addition to this, I request the superior with [my] whole heart and soul to rise up without fail
to vindicate the wronged residents and to chastise those who did them wrong. In this way God is
served, as is his all-holy Mother, who will rise up flawlessly to protect this monastery.
99. Since the original documents for the immovable [properties] assigned to the monastery and to
the old age infirmary have been given to the superior, and copies of the originals have been authorized with an indication from the bishop, the superior must not exhibit the originals when they are
requested, but their copies. For the originals must be stored in a secure storehouse for all time,
along with the original inventory and this typikon. Copies of these should always pass through the
hands of the superior and the rest of the monks, for reference. For these are my commands, this is
the way I want what must be done to be done.
All the things proposed with the idea of bringing to completion the construction work going
on at the monastery, if they are not made ready during my sorely troubled life, if something is still
left incomplete for the repose of the monks and of their servants, let it too be completed without
hesitation and without fail by the superior, lest the entire project be unfinished.
100. Another crucial thought has now occurred to me, however, that I bring to light and I particularly wish to be followed to the letter. What I mean here is that each and every [bit of] income from
the immovable [properties must] be collected with the knowledge not only of the superior but of
the steward and the sacristan and of the other notables of the monastery who are responsible for
these [matters]. The payments and the deposits must also [proceed] in just this way, for the sake of
clarity regarding the income, and [a situation] devoid of scandal for the monks. For their seal must
[ 842 ]
be placed on the income deposited in the treasury, for security and for a more precise knowledge.
[p. 68]
101. Neither the cattle of the monastery, nor any other beasts of burden belonging to it should live
within its large enclosure, but outside of it, around the S-shaped wall. Here also the grooms must
take care of the horses and the mules, and the farmers must round up the cattle for the rest from
labor and from plowing. [In this way] the area of the large enclosure (that encompasses the church
and the dwellings situated around it) will remain wholly clear of dung.
102. Should at any time some calamity befall the church due to an earthquake one of these days—
which I pray will not be the case—the superior would not grant any delay in its restoration, but
rebuild it straightaway keeping its present form, and the quality of its color and material. For I do
not wish it to undergo any other alteration, however much cheaper, on account of the calamity, but
for its present features and visible characteristics to be preserved forever just as they are.
103. On Easter Day, the day of the Resurrection of Christ my God, there must be a procession like
the one proposed53 for the holy Dormition of my ever-pure Lady, the Mother of God. Let candles
be given to the monks and lit, one candle to each monk, each candle weighing one and a half
Let no superior, for the Lord’s sake, ever at any time consider moving the villages situated
near the monastery, or allow them to be established at some other place. For it is advantageous to
the monks and to the monastery that still other [villages] be added, if possible, in this proximity
[to it].
104. Therefore, since I have completely renewed the church of St. Prokopios outside the enclosure
[for the use of] the countryfolk, I want them to come together there for the hymnody, unless from
time to time they should want to come to worship in the large church. I request the superior to pay
constant attention to this along with everything else: that he not allow the countryfolk to partake
of eggs, cheese or often even meat on Wednesdays and Fridays (as I myself have witnessed in my
lifetime), nor ever refuse them [admission] to matins or to the liturgy on Sundays or on the great
feast days. Let the semantron summon them all in the usual way to visit their church. For the
pastoral authority will lead them willing or not toward the good, and will not suffer them to
become prey for wolves of the mind, nor [will it] neglect any calamity [affecting] the church that
I built for their sake. But when this one suffers damage, let it be rebuilt by the countryfolk for the
preservation of the church.
105. If then the superior should see the party of the monastery of the Pantokrator pacified (after
my death, perhaps) with regard to the vineyards of the Gastivilenoi, let Gastivilea continue [to
belong] to the monastery under him, as was heretofore confirmed. But if disorders should again
follow upon disorders, and troubles grow into legal troubles, the superior of the monastery must
remain calm in these matters, and must sell Gastivilea, with all its rights, to the party of Pantokrator,
which wants to buy it. Let the money from the [sale of] the village [p. 69] be used in turn to buy
[ 843 ]
another village of benefit to the monastery. I want calm to prevail in every way, in everything—
even though I was offered sixteen litrai of hyperpyra by the Pantokratorenoi to sell the village
property during my lifetime, I refused, because it was [too small] a sum.
106. I have bequeathed some books to the monastery (how many there are is indicated by [the list
of] their titles in the inventory of the monastery). I bequeathed another book in addition to these,
one that I composed with great effort. It [contains] heroic, iambic and political verse, as well as
various letters and ekphraseis. I do not want this [book] to lie in an obscure place, but to be
displayed often as [something to] read (and in memory of me) to those especially industrious men
(and they [are the ones who] want to come upon books and pictures). I do not wish these books to
be alienated by the monastery but to survive here forever. For what has once been dedicated to
God is inalienable. These things, and other such, I thus recommend.
107. Since my secretary Michael, in all respects my dearest retainer (just as I said earlier too)54
has labored greatly over the foundation and the rebuilding of this holy monastery and of everything erected around it—indeed in an almost superhuman [way]—and suggested many ideas to
me about them, novel arrangements of buildings [that are] essential and useful for the monastery,
in many [cases] the clever intentions of a talented nature. In fact, following his advice I myself
renovated most of what was being done by the workmen, marveling naturally at the truly marvelous dexterity of the man in such matters. Hence in accordance with my wish, he erected dwellings
for his stay, and at his own private expense, within the enclosure of the monastery (there where he
is now living). I do not wish the superior of the time, nor the other monks, to hasten to remove him
from these [dwellings], for any reason of the monastery, for as long as he is still alive, as this
house has been built by him. But he [shall] live in it and rest without being interrupted whenever
he so wishes, as [though he were] an internal monk and a ward of the monastery, an integral part
of it, or a most beloved child, one might say.
He [shall] be especially cherished by the superior and assisted when there is need. He should
receive two fresh loaves of bread a week (of those coming into the monastery), and each [week]
the same amount of wine as that given to each of the monks, somewhat as a special dispensation
for him, and as an indication of his being a most beloved ward of the monastery, as I say.
When he reaches the end of this life ([for he is] but mortal), and departs from here, at that time
(providing he himself goes along with my wish) I want for him to be [treated] magnificently by
the superior and the other monks [in his] funeral procession and in his burial, as a service to God
and to me. Let him be buried in a coffin of the very best marble and with a rubble vault worthy of
his efforts in my service. For I wish this arcosolium to be decorated with painting. Moreover, his
tomb should be put together and set up in the right or the left part of the exonarthex after my death.
Here too should be [located] the tomb of my most intimate man [p. 70] Leo Kastamonites,
unrivaled in [his] loyalty to his master. I want it to be constructed in the same way, and for both
[men] to be inscribed in the diptychs and to be commemorated forever. I therefore wish for [the
superior] to cherish Kastamonites himself, too, both during his lifetime and after his death, in the
holy monastery, and for him to be reckoned as an integral part [of it] by the superior and the
monks under him.
[ 844 ]
After his death, [the superior] should cherish the immovable [properties] that I gave to him
[Leo] as if they were his own and not allow any of his blood relations or strangers to cast a greedy
hand on those properties and possessions of his, against the will and ruling of Kastamonites himself, who begged me with tears for this. I require and charge you, O most honorable superior,
whoever you might be at the time, in the presence of the Mother of God the Kosmosoteira, not to
transgress or disregard anything, small or large, in this matter of these two retainers of mine,
unless you wish—as I pray you will not—to have the Mother of God my benefactress as [your]
prosecutor both here and on the Day of Judgment.
Then there is the boy Konstitzes, my foster-child, the nephew of my dearest vestiarites Niketas
Romanites, [he whom] for the sake of God I reared with so much affection, practically from his
swaddling clothes—I have spoken about him already.55 I wish this child not to be reckoned as a
stranger to the monastery but as an integral part [of it] and [its] ward in every sense. But timidity
on the part of the superior should not [result in] his being [buried] in an outsider’s grave. Rather
[let him] be buried in a special place of honor within the monastery, with appropriate love and
kindness, for my sake, and with proper magnanimity. At any rate these are my requests in these
108. Above and beyond the [properties that], with the help of God, I assigned to the monastery, I
assign it also the church that is near the Peribleptos56 in Constantinople, called and referred to as
St. Stephen of the Aurelian, to be used, it too, by the holy monastery of the Kosmosoteira as a
dependency, a place to stay for the monks when they come to the capital.
In order to construct and rebuild it I have [had to] pour into it myriad payments of gold (as
God is my witness), as the church was altogether in ruins, and I [had to] put on a new roof, and to
renew totally the rental properties around it, that can be seen even today. I received the church and
[the buildings] around it by a patriarchal act, for me to establish a monastic institution, as a fervent
hymn to God and to his all-immaculate Mother. I recommend therefore that three monks should
be appointed by the superior of the Kosmosoteira in perpetuity to this particular church [to assure]
its preservation and perpetual conservation, as a hymn to God and to his Mother.
I wish the proper hymn [service] to be celebrated therein, with appropriate lighting and a
liturgical procedure suitable for the monks, and [for them] to restore anything in the church that
comes to ruin over the course of time. In short, it should be maintained forever as a monastic
institution and a dependency for the monks of the Kosmosoteira. The paper documents for this
particular church must be kept safe in the sacristy by the then superior of the Kosmosoteira my
Mother of God. For the [p. 71] holy monastery of the Kosmosoteira must, without fail, take this
particular dependency in hands as its own, with all the rights attached to it, from today on.
109. As for the holy icons that have been dedicated to stand at my tomb, [that are] renowned as
paintings, if ever over time their wooden parts should start to fall apart, the superior of the time
must not fail to [employ] a first-rate craftsman to lay the images again on to other boards [fashioned] with skill out of elm wood, and must set the images back up where they were before, at my
[ 845 ]
110. Now I introduce another piece of wise counsel and I address the superior of the time as good
counselor, with the help of God, and I want the import of the counsel not to be disregarded, [as this
would bring] harm and damage to the holy monastery. For since, along with the other immovable
[properties] I have also assigned to it these two villages, that of Tou Dilianou and the one referred
to as Dragabasta57—in these there are some soldiers. [These men] often behave shamelessly toward their neighbors and toward the superintendent of my villages, and are disobedient when it
comes to paying the taxes they owe, emboldened, perhaps, by [their] military calling.
It is essential that the superior welcome them cordially with open arms to his table, after I die,
and treat them courteously in every way, so that he may have them as friendly allies. With their
[support] he should be strong enough to drive off those who have settled themselves around our
villages and wish out of greed to attack them with violence—as I see happening in many cases
today. For these [soldiers] are capable of being of assistance to the monastery, and of warding off
evildoers, and are extremely beneficial. So I wish the villages [belonging to] my secretary Michael,
that I gave to him, and [those] of Konstitzes my foster child, to be helped in a friendly manner and
in many ways, and to be cherished by the superior of the time, as far as he is able.
111. Now then I wish that every troublesome or insoluble matter that creeps in to disrupt the group
of monks or is brought up against the superior, and does not find a ready solution, be referred
without fail to the most holy patriarch of Constantinople of the time, and be discussed with him.
The decision and solution of the matter should be reached there, under God. Then the monks who,
along with the superior, approached the patriarch to consult him on the matter should retire peacefully to their own monastery once again.
For I have not given to the patriarch any other authority or supervision over the monastery, by
this my written will, save only the [power to make] a decision in some such troublesome matter
that may come up between a group of monks and the superior, as I have said, and [the power] to
appease [them] through counsel and recommendation—often [invoking the authority of] an episcopal injunction, in [those] cases where the monks approach him and file charges, and [then] are
disobedient about observing the recommendation [that was made to] appease them.
112. But since I am responsible in every way for the conservation of this monastery with the help
of God, and for the everlasting preservation of everything that is of advantage to it, [p. 72] I have
come up with another thought: I hereby declare that all those men I selected from the episkepsis of
Neokastron whom I used in the role of vestiaritai, who worked for me until my death on the
construction of this holy monastery from its very foundations, and in other hired jobs and essential
services—yes, and those who, after the completion of its construction, were also counted as
vestiaritai together with the others, and summoned from the aforementioned episkepsis of
Neokastron—these [men] should be altogether immune, after my death and up until their death.
[They must] never be dragged into compulsory service or extra compulsory service or
psomozemia 58 by the superintendent of the monastery villages, nor by its superior. Rather [they
can] resettle all together, [leaving] the place in which they live today, with their entire household,
and live near the God-protected fortress of the monastery, there where both Lykochorion and Tou
Drachou, which I resettled, are located.
[ 846 ]
These particular vestiaritai are at the same time to assist the monastery and ward off those
who might try to harm it and ruin its possessions. For I wish and order these vestiaritai to be
obedient to such action on the part of the superior, and to be used for dispatch work, whenever the
superior will be in need of them. [It is] for such things above all that I have bestowed upon them,
as I have said, exemption and immunity from other compulsory services and psomozemiai after
my death.
If ever the superior has occasion to make use of one of them for some service, in the city or in
another place, he must not fail to give the man being sent a horse to ride (since he is poor and
without resources), for use on the prescribed route only, and such payment as corresponds to the
distance to the destination.
Should some of these particular vestiaritai wish at some time or another to serve under some
other master rather than work for this holy monastery and not to obey the most honorable superior
(as I have ordered [them to do]), let them henceforth be deprived of all the privileges to which I
entitled them, and be banished from the episkepsis of Neokastron, and sent away to another estate
by the superior even if [they are] not willing. For they are at odds with my wishes regarding their
In any event, both this present typikon of mine and my written order to the aforementioned
vestiaritai will make this clear, though the superior can determine their number and names more
easily from the [written] order. Their assistance is useful to the monastery, and for this reason the
superior must embrace it as much as possible, in fulfillment of my wish and decree.
113. Since I have provided the monastery with water in abundance—it is channeled through the
middle of the city to fill its cistern and to provide ample [water] for the refectory as well—the
superior must scrub [the cistern] diligently with water, and clean the latrines of the monks as well
with [water], frequently, lest the air become ill-smelling and sullied by the excretions piling up in
the holes of the latrines and a detrimental illness be introduced among the monks on this account.
Along with [everything] else, I have already erected two baths, [p. 73] [one] outside and [one]
inside the monastery. The one that lies outside I built to be freely accessible to [whomever] wishes,
and as [a source of] income for the monastery. I want it to be preserved inviolate and in good order
for all time. Let the superior never cease to concern himself with its conservation.
As for the one built inside the enclosure of the monastery, since I made it for my seasonal use
and enjoyment, I wish and exhort whomever is superior of this particular monastery at the time
that I pass away, if this bath and its use becomes a special comfort and a benefit for the monks, that
he preserve it for their sake, and keep it going for all time. But if it should appear to be a liability
to the monastery and [lead] to the monks being disturbed by powerful individuals passing by
outside, [who] have been admitted to the monastery to worship the Mother of God, let it be torn
down completely at that time by the superior, and its [building] material used for other houses
outside the enclosure for the benefit of the venerable monastery.
[For] the Sleepless Eye on high knows what struggles and efforts I expended on it, I, a greater
sinner than all [other] men, as a hymn to him who is our creator, and to my benefactress, the
Mother of God. Thus, at any rate, I prescribe these things and such as these, thus I command, thus
I exhort the superior and the godly brethren my fathers.
[ 847 ]
114. This crucial point too I am including into the present text of my will: never at any time shall
any stranger traveling along the highway that is near the monastery discover any harm or wrong
on the part of the monastery, but rather find it unimpeded, and easy to traverse. Let those in
general need of guidance [receive] it, as much as possible. For this reason (which is perfectly
obvious to the passerby) I have cut out, as with a double-edged knife, even those tolls that have
belonged to me for many years—those, I mean, from the passage of travelers that I received as a
paternal inheritance. For the Divine [Being] rejoices, of course, in the kind treatment of the needy
and in their protection, and knows how to grant liberal rewards to those who treat [them] kindly.
115. What I outlined some time ago59 about the bath inside the monastery I now decree about my
own dwelling, which has been built outside [of it]. If the superior should feel that it is [causing]
some harm or disturbance to the monastery on account of travelers who may, in their greed, camp
inside it, let the house be torn down completely.
116. The Gift and Grant Ordinance of all the properties consigned to the monastery has been
rolled up and sealed up with a lead seal and deposited by me in the sacristy, so that its contents
shall remain secret until I die. When this occurs, let the superior and the monks with him straightaway lay hold of this particular ordinance as their property, unroll it and follow the intention of
what is written [therein]. [Then], in accordance with it, [they should] take charge of the immovable [properties] that I have donated, including, of course, the village of Kalosera and [p. 74] the
one called Tou Tzitze and the fields in Traianoupolis that belong to me, just as I have indicated
both in my Secret Testament and in the Gift Ordinance.
117. Well now, let me address myself again to certain matters that, with God’s help, [may be] of
some advantage to the monastery—matters that I have mentioned [already]. I managed at some
time before this60 to request that Michael, my secretary, and Leo Kastamonites, are to be [held]
dear by the superior, [whoever he may be] at the time, and by all the monks under him, and are to
be reckoned as wards of the monastery in absolutely every way. But to insist again on this particular idea, I request that they, along with the most honorable superior of the time, be of assistance
and every support to the monastery, up until their last breath, with the help of God, and are to look
upon it and reckon it as [something] that lives in place of me. The faith and loyal service that they
showed me, let them render to this very monastery, before God the Ruler of All, and his ever-pure
To these two dearest men of mine I have entrusted my foster-child Konstitzes, with the help
of God, and [have entrusted] his education to the monastery (as well as to them), in accordance
with [my] instructions. I hereby decree that when this boy reaches the age of eighteen, he should
take the money and clothing that have been assigned to him and stored in the monastery. I append
this also to my decree: in no way should the unstable will of a boy of this age be immediately free
to squander, improperly and in places he should not, the things that belong to him, for the sake of
some senseless childhood novelty. Rather let the payments be made with the careful attention and
counsel of those men of mine whom I appointed to educate him. This must be carried out until the
boy turns twenty-four and takes a woman in marriage. So be it.
[ 848 ]
118. But since, in addition to the instructions above, it was absolutely necessary for me to leave
instructions regarding the burial of the monks in the monastery, and to determine a favorable
location for it, well then, I will say something on the subject and make my intention clear regarding [matters] as they stand. I did want for these godly men to be interred inside the enclosure of the
monastery, out of reverence toward them, and to honor their dead in a more personal [way]. But
since its area, that is, [the area within] the circuit wall, is almost completely taken up by the church
and the houses needed by the monks, and there is no fitting or agreeable place left over in it for the
bodies of the dead, I changed my mind about burying them inside it.61 [Instead] I have marked out
with a trench a spot for the monks to be buried. [It is located] outside the circuit wall that I
mentioned [earlier], by the stream near the bathhouse I restored. In the middle of it I have traced
out with a spade [the lines of] a small chapel, to appease God and his Mother, and I have myself
just now begun to lay the foundations for it and for the stone wall around it. I am very anxious that
this particular plan be completed.
If the intercession of the Mother of God to the Son should grant me a further extension to my
life, with their [help] I will [see] my wish fulfilled regarding the proper height and breadth of the
circuit wall and the construction of the chapel. If not, I leave it to the superior of the day [p. 75] to
complete this [undertaking], as well as the mausoleum of rubble masonry at one end of the circuit
wall. The spade marks that I made today will certainly elucidate my future plan for the buildings.
I want the entire mausoleum that has been laid out at one end of the circuit wall to be roofed
in rubble masonry with a clay core, and for the whole circuit of the wall to be three cubits in
height, and interrupted by a door providing access to the chapel for those who wish to enter. May
the superior not be negligent about the conservation and maintenance of all of these. The mausoleum must be divided into two [sections] by slabs or by a constructed barrier, and two monks must
remain there to sing in the chapel, just as I wish. During the hymnodies of all the monks, at matins
and at vespers, they must proclaim unceasingly this theotokion: “Oh more venerable than the
Cherubim”62 until in the . . . . . . . . . .
[lacuna in the text] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
extending power by the ordinance that I wrote, signed and gave to them, and I instruct [them] to be
content [to follow] my [ordinance] in these matters without curtailment or alteration.
119. However, O all-seeing Kosmosoteira, may I not fail here [to receive] thine assistance and
thine intercession with thy Son, our creator, and may thou not reject my piteous appeal on the day
of God’s terrible judgment. Do not decline my moan, and my tears, but receive graciously into
thine undefiled hands that which has been brought to thee today by my unworthy self, in atonement for my multitudinous sins and to redeem me, the one who is accountable for them, and who
persists in entreating thee with tears. For I, the unfortunate, have taken refuge in thine assistance
and protection, bowing my head at thine immaculate feet, O my benefactress, awaiting release
from my crimes through thine intercession. Amen, amen, let it be, let it be.
With the help of Holy God, the end.
[ 849 ]
Notes on the Translation
Editors’ Note: The assistance of our translator, Nancy P. Sevcenko [NPS], is gratefully acknowledged for
the notes to this document.
1. See below, [65], [84], [89], [90].
2. Unidentified quotation.
3. Gregory Nazianzen, Oratio 14.4, PG 35, col. 861C.
4. Feast of the Dormition, August 15.
5. See H. Follieri, Initia Hymnorum Ecclesiae Graecae, vol. 4 (Rome, 1963), p. 95. [NPS]
6. Feast of St. John the Forerunner, June 24; feast of St. Nicholas, December 6.
7. For Isaac’s personal secretary, see [107] below; cf. [69], [86], [107], [110], [117].
8. For Isaac’s “most faithful and dearest retainer,” see [107] below; cf. [54], [69], [86], [107], [117].
9. Prayer attributed to Basil of Caesarea; cf. Horologion to mega, ed. M. Saliveros (Athens, n.d.), p. 118.
10. Cf. Pseudo-Basil, Constitutiones asceticae 12, PG 31, col. 1376AB.
11. Unidentified quotation.
12. Basil of Caesarea, Regulae fusius tractatae ([LR 26]), PG 31, col. 985CD.
13. John Klimakos, Scala Paradisi 4, PG 88, cols. 618B, 705C.
14. Saturday of the first week in Lent.
15. Feast of the Discovery of the Head of St. John the Forerunner, February 24; feast of the Forty Martyrs,
March 9.
16. Feast of the Annunciation, March 25.
17. Feast of the Presentation of Christ in the Temple, February 2.
18. Feast of St. Symeon, February 3.
19. Fast of the Holy Apostles, from Monday after the feast of All Saints (Sunday after Pentecost) through the
vigil of the feast of Sts. Peter and Paul, June 28.
20. Fast of the Holy Nativity, from November 15 until Christmas.
21. In [12] above.
22. In the first instance, Isaac’s nephew Manuel I Komnenos (1143–80).
23. In [12] above.
24. In [4] above.
25. Cf. Rom. 15:14; I Thess. 4:18; Eph. 4:2.
26. Pseudo-Basil, Constitutiones asceticae 28, PG 31, col. 1417C.
27. Cf. (27) Kecharitomene [10].
28. In [3] above; see also [88] below.
29. Cf. (27) Kecharitomene [2], [55].
30. Cf. (27) Kecharitomene [9].
31. pokarion; for which see Demetrakos, Lexikon, s.v. On the “winter” shoes—covers for regular shoes in
cold weather—see Demetrakos, s.v. ortarion.
32. lounikion; see (28) Pantokrator, n. 68.
33. hagiozomion; broth made with water, onions, and oil, and served in bowls containing a few pieces of
bread. See Koukoules, BBP, vol. 5, pp. 37–38.
34. A proverb; see E. L. Leutsch and F. G. Schneidewin, Corpus Paroemiographorum Graecorum, vol. 2
(Göttingen, 1839–51), p. 362.
35. In [45], cf. [58] above.
36. tou basilikatou; it is not clear whether the reference is to an imperial agent (basilikatos) or to a tax (?)
37. phoundax; state warehouse for grain and other foodstuffs. See A. Kazhdan, “Phoundax,” ODB, p. 1671.
38. kentouklon; for which see Demetrakos, Lexikon, s.v.
39. piloton; see N. Oikonomides, “The Contents of the Byzantine House from the Eleventh to the Fifteenth
Century,” DOP 44 (1990), p. 209.
[ 850 ]
40. pokrobion; not in the dictionaries. Probably akin to pokos (“fleece”).
41. branea; according to Demetrakos (Lexikon, s.v.) this word denotes a “striped linen mat.”
42. Euripides, Hecuba 837, ed. N. Wecklein (Leipzig, 1877), p. 58.
43. Aristotle, Ethica Nicomachea 1099b2. [NPS]
44. Cf. [71] above.
45. Cf. John Damascene, De imaginibus orationes. 3.42, PG 94, col. 1357D. [NPS]
46. Unidentified quotation, possibly patristic.
47. Feast of the Nativity of the Mother of God, September 8.
48. In [54] above; cf. [118] below.
49. For Isaac’s foster child, see also [107], [110], [117] below.
50. Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Oratio 14.5, PG 35, 864BC. [NPS]
51. In [3] above; cf. [48].
52. enchoregon.
53. In [65] above.
54. Cf. earlier references in [12], [69] and [86] above.
55. In [86] above.
56. For this foundation, see Janin, Géographie, vol. 3, pp. 218–22.
57. See [69] above.
58. Lit. “bread penalty.” A secondary tax, probably a requisition for bread for the army. See A. Kazhdan,
“psomozemia,” ODB, p. 1755.
59. In [113] above.
60. In [107], cf. [54] above.
61. See [54], [86] above.
62. H. Follieri, Initia Hymnorum Ecclesiae Graecae, vol. 4 (Rome, 1963), p. 95. [NPS]
Document Notes
1. Section One: Original Prefatory Materials
[1] Preamble; relationship to the Secret Testament. See repetitive discussions of the latter in [96] and [116]
below, and other such testaments in (14) Ath. Testament [3], (24) Christodoulos [B], (51) Koutloumousi
[C11], and (52) Choumnos [A3].
[2] Foundation history; defense of the source of funding. See other examples of the former in (22) Evergetis
[2], [3]; (23) Pakourianos [1]; (24) Christodoulos [A2] ff.; (25) Fragala [A1] ff.; (26) Luke of Messina
[1], [2], [3]; (27) Kecharitomene [Preface]; (28) Pantokrator [Preface]; (30) Phoberos [2]; (31) Areia
[M1] ff.; (32) Mamas [Prologue]; and (33) Heliou Bomon, Prologue. See repetitive treatment of the
latter in [70] below.
[3] Number of monks. See the different conclusion reached below in [48] and the additional treatment in
[88], with similar provisions in (27) Kecharitomene [5], (28) Pantokrator [19], (30) Phoberos [42],
(31) Areia [M4], (32) Mamas [5], and (33) Heliou Bomon [5]. The minimum age of 30 set here is
lowered to 24 in [49] below and (for relatives of the monks) to 26 in [50].
[4] Relations with the local prelate and the patriarch. For installation of the superior by the local prelate, see
[32] below and similar provisions in (28) Pantokrator [25], (30) Phoberos [35], (32) Mamas [1], (33)
Heliou Bomon [1], and (34) Machairas [140]; cf. contrary provision in (31) Areia [M15]. For patriarchal mediation of disputes, see also [111] below.
[5] Consecration of personal property. See similar treatment in (19) Attaleiates [16], whose author is, however, careful to note [17] the reservation of other properties.
[6] Requirements of the cenobitic life. See repetitive treatment in [57] below; also subsequent treatments of
dietary regulations in [24] through [29] and in [63] below.
[7] Daily prayers for the founder. See other treatments in [11], [64], [72], and [91] below.
[8] Typikon of Evergetis authoritative for hymnody and diet. (32) Mamas [46] also forthrightly endorses the
[ 851 ]
liturgical typikon of Evergetis, while its close copy (33) Heliou Bomon [45] prefers the Studite typikon,
(4) Stoudios.
[9] Feasts of the Mother of God. See similar treatments in (27) Kecharitomene [60], (28) Pantokrator [7],
and (34) Machairas [28].
[10] Feast of the Dormition. The author seems to be familar with (22) Evergetis [11], but does not quote it
here. See additional provisions for this feast in [29] and [65] below, and similar treatments in (10)
Eleousa [13], (23) Pakourianos [11], (27) Kecharitomene [59], (33) Heliou Bomon [48], and (34)
Machairas [27], cf. [29].
[11] Other feasts; founder’s commemoration. See other treatments of the latter in [7] above and in [64], [72],
and [91] below.
[12] Institutional independence; selection of a new superior. See repetitive treatments of institutional independence in [31] below and of the election of the superior in [32] below. See similar provisions for
independence in (22) Evergetis and related documents, (23) Pakourianos, (24) Christodoulos [A16],
(28) Pantokrator [69], and (31) Areia [M12], [T12]. For the selection of the superior, see similar or
alternative provisions in (22) Evergetis [13]; (23) Pakourianos [5]; (24) Christodoulos [A18]; (25)
Fragala [A7], [B7]; (26) Luke of Messina [11], [12], [13]; (27) Kecharitomene [11]; (28) Pantokrator
[24]; (30) Phoberos [35]; (31) Areia [T10]; (32) Mamas [1]; and (33) Heliou Bomon [1].
2. Section Two: Evergetian Transcriptions
[13] Office of the first hour. Drawn almost verbatim from (22) Evergetis [4], cf. related documents: (27)
Kecharitomene [32]; (30) Phoberos [9], [10]; (32) Mamas [47]; (33) Heliou Bomon [46]; and (34)
Machairas [30], [31], [32], [33], [34].
[14] Guidelines for reception of communion. Drawn almost verbatim from (22) Evergetis [5], cf. related
documents: (27) Kecharitomene [33]; (30) Phoberos [11]; (32) Mamas [5]; (33) Heliou Bomon [32];
(34) Machairas [36], [37], [38], [39]; and (58) Menoikeion [16].
[15] Prescriptions for the ninth hour, vespers, compline, night office, midnight office and matins. Drawn
almost verbatim from (22) Evergetis [6], cf. related documents: (27) Kecharitomene [35], [36], [37],
[38], [39]; (30) Phoberos [12], [13]; (32) Mamas [47]; (33) Heliou Bomon [46]; (34) Machairas [48],
cf. [42], [43], [44], [45], [46].
[16] Obligation of confession to the superior. Like [17] and [18] below, drawn almost verbatim from (22)
Evergetis [7], cf. the related (34) Machairas [50].
[17] Guidelines for confession. Like [16] above and [18] below, drawn almost verbatim from (22) Evergetis
[7], cf. related documents: (30) Phoberos [14], (32) Mamas [30], (33) Heliou Bomon [30], and (34)
Machairas [51], [52],
[18] Daily confession; great confession at tonsure. Like [16] and [17] above, drawn (here verbatim) from
(22) Evergetis [7], cf. related documents: (30) Phoberos [15] and (34) Machairas [53].
[19] Use of the synaxarion for fasts and vigils. Drawn verbatim from (22) Evergetis [8], cf. the related (30)
Phoberos [16].
[20] Importance of both the office and diet. Like [21], [22], [23], and [24] below, drawn verbatim from (22)
Evergetis [9], cf. related documents: (30) Phoberos [20], (32) Mamas [17], (33) Heliou Bomon [17];
(34) Machairas [61]; and (58) Menoikeion [8].
[21] Refectory procedures. Like [20] above and [22], [23], and [24] below, drawn verbatim from (22) Evergetis
[9], cf. related documents; (27) Kecharitomene [40], [41]; (30) Phoberos [21]; (32) Mamas [17]; (33)
Heliou Bomon [17]; (34) Machairas [62], [63]; and (58) Menoikeion [8]. See also the contemporary
treatment in (28) Pantokrator [9].
[22] No arguments over seating precedence. Like [20] and [21] above and [23] and [24] below, drawn
verbatim from (22) Evergetis [9], cf. related documents: (27) Kecharitomene [42], (30) Phoberos [22],
(32) Mamas [36], (33) Heliou Bomon [35], and (34) Machairas [64]. See also the contemporary treatment in (28) Pantokrator [9].
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[23] No sharing of food or secret eating. Like [20], [21], and [22] above and [24] below, drawn verbatim
from (22) Evergetis [9], cf. related documents: (27) Kecharitomene [43] and (30) Phoberos [22].
[24] Evening meal. Like [20], [21], [22], and [23] above, drawn verbatim from (22) Evergetis [9], cf. related
documents: (30) Phoberos [24], [26], and (34) Machairas [66]. See also the contemporary treatment in
(28) Pantokrator [11].
[25] Diet for the first week of Lent. Like [26], [27], and [28] below, drawn verbatim from (22) Evergetis
[10], cf. related documents: (27) Kecharitomene [47], (30) Phoberos [27], [28], (32) Mamas [18], (33)
Heliou Bomon [18], and (34) Machairas [67]. See also the contemporary treatment in (28) Pantokrator
[26] Diet for the rest of Lent. Like [25] above and [27] and [28] below, drawn verbatim from (22) Evergetis
[10], cf. related documents: (27) Kecharitomene [47], (30) Phoberos [28], (32) Mamas [18], (33) Heliou
Bomon [18], and (34) Machairas [68], [69], [70]. See also the contemporary treatment in (28) Pantokrator
[27] Feast of the Annunciation. Like [25] and [26] above and [28] below, drawn verbatim from (22) Evergetis
[10], cf. related documents: (27) Kecharitomene [47], (30) Phoberos [28], (32) Mamas [18], (33) Heliou
Bomon [18], and (34) Machairas [71], [72].
[28] Fasts of the Holy Apostles and Christmas. Like [25], [26], and [27] above, drawn verbatim from (22)
Evergetis [10], cf. related documents: (27) Kecharitomene [47], [48]; (30) Phoberos [29], [30]; (32)
Mamas [18], (33) Heliou Bomon [18], and (34) Machairas [76]. See also the contemporary treatment
in (28) Pantokrator [12].
[29] Feasts of Christ and the Mother of God. The feast of the Dormition is also discussed in [10] above and
in [65] below. This chapter is drawn almost verbatim from (22) Evergetis [11], cf. the related (30)
Phoberos [32]. See also treatments in (27) Kecharitomene [59] and (28) Pantokrator [12].
3. Section Three: Mixed Original and Evergetian Materials
[30] Founder’s special prescriptions. This chapter is meant as a transition from the Evergetian “quotations”
to the founder’s allegedly original materials, but as will be seen below, the dependence on (22) Evergetis
[31] Independence of the monastery. The subject has already been treated in [12] above, but here the author
makes some use of (22) Evergetis [12], cf. related documents, in the course of this reiteration of his
earlier declaration, to which he adds some original provisions.
[32] Election of the superior; his qualifications and those of the steward; role of the local prelate. See earlier
treatments of the superior’s selection in [12] above and of the prelate’s role in [4] above.
[33] Installation of the superior. Like [34] below, draws upon (22) Evergetis [13], cf. related documents:
(27) Kecharitomene [11], (32) Mamas [1], and (33) Heliou Bomon [1]. See also the similar treatments
of the hierarchy’s rights in (28) Pantokrator [25] and in (30) Phoberos [35].
[34] Election and installation of the steward. Even more so than [34] above, this chapter draws on (22)
Evergetis [13], cf. related documents: (32) Mamas [7], (33) Heliou Bomon, and (34) Machairas [81].
[35] Installation ceremony for other officials. Draws almost verbatim on (22) Evergetis [29], cf. related
documents: (27) Kecharitomene [18], (30) Phoberos [47], (32) Mamas [6], (33) Heliou Bomon [6], and
(34) Machairas [92].
[36] Duties of the three treasurers. Draws on (22) Evergetis [30], cf. the related (30) Phoberos [36], for this
older concept of financial administration. The author draws on a different model when he returns to this
subject in [60] below.
[37] Duties of the disciplinarian and the refectorian. Draws verbatim on (22) Evergetis [31], cf. related
documents: (27) Kecharitomene [25] (refectorian only) and (30) Phoberos [48]. (27) Kecharitomene
[26] has a different provision for its disciplinarian, as does (34) Machairas [114].
[38] Tenure of office for officials. Draws verbatim on (22) Evergetis [32], cf. related documents: (30) Phoberos
[38] and (34) Machairas [92].
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[39] Exhortation to all officials. Draws verbatim (but with major omissions) on (22) Evergetis [33], cf.
related documents: (27) Kecharitomene [25], (30) Phoberos [48], (32) Mamas [23], (33) Heliou Bomon
[23], and (58) Kasoulon [10].
[40] Qualifications of property administrators. Draws almost verbatim on (22) Evergetis [34]. cf. related
documents: (30) Phoberos [49] and (34) Machairas [109]. See also the treatments in (27) Kecharitomene
[31], (28) Pantokrator [64], and (31) Areia [T8].
[41] Grounds for deposition of the steward. Extensively utilizes various parts of (22) Evergetis [14], written
for a different administrative structure in which the steward generally succeeded the superior in office;
cf. related documents: (27) Kecharitomene [12], (30) Phoberos [35], (32) Mamas [2], and (33) Heliou
Bomon [2]. As a result of this close utilization, there is this extensive discussion for the steward’s but
none at all for the superior’s removal from office.
[42] Elections to be impartial. Draws on brief but ideologically significant portions of (22) Evergetis [14]
and [17]; cf. related documents: (27) Kecharitomene [12], (30) Phoberos [36], (32) Mamas [45], (33)
Heliou Bomon [45], (34) Machairas [148], and (58) Menoikeion [18].
[43] Obedience to the superior. Paraphrases (22) Evergetis [16], cf. related documents: (27) Kecharitomene
[12], (30) Phoberos [36], and (34) Machairas [142]. See also treatments in (28) Pantokrator [14], (32)
Mamas [24], and (33) Heliou Bomon [24].
[44] Exhortation to the superior. Paraphrases (22) Evergetis [17], cf. related documents: (27) Kecharitomene
[12], (30) Phoberos [36], (32) Mamas [42], (33) Heliou Bomon [41], (34) Machairas [144], and (58)
Menoikeion [19].
[45] Inalienability of consecrated property. This subject is treated again in [58] below. This chapter paraphrases (22) Evergetis [19], cf. related documents: (27) Kecharitomene [10] and (30) Phoberos [38].
See also treatments in (32) Mamas [37], (33) Heliou Bomon [37], and (34) Machairas [94]. The provision for sale of movable property to other churches suggests an acquaintance with (27) Kecharitomene
[10] or perhaps a parallel passage in the lost typikon of the Philanthropos monastery.
[46] Bookkeeping requirements. These are also discussed below in [100]. This chapter makes some minor
use of (22) Evergetis [20], cf. the related (30) Phoberos [46].
[47] Discipline of idle talkers; no private possessions; no secret eating. Makes use of brief but ideologically
significant passages in (22) Evergetis [21] and [22], cf. related documents for discipline of idle talking:
(30) Phoberos [39], (32) Mamas [35], (33) Heliou Bomon [34], (34) Machairas [113], (58) Menoikeion
[17]; for the ban on secret eating: (30) Phoberos [41]; for the ban on personal possessions: (30) Phoberos
[41], (32) Mamas [35], (33) Heliou Bomon [34], and (34) Machairas [87]. (28) Pantokrator [9] also
has its own ban on secret eating.
[48] Number of monks. A return to this subject already addressed in [3] above, with a different conclusion
here (!) influenced by the author’s reading of (22) Evergetis [23], though only the brief scriptural
quotation is shared with the model typikon. See also the later treatment in [88], in which the author
changes his mind again.
[49] Exclusion of youths under the age of 24. See [3] above, in which the minimum age set was 30, and
below in [50], in which it is 26. Among the other Evergetian documents, only (30) Phoberos [58] has a
similar ban; for exclusion of youths in the earlier Studite and Athonite traditions, see (3) Theodore
Studites [18], (12) Tzimiskes [16], (13) Ath. Typikon [34], (15) Constantine IX [1], cf. [15]. The nonEvergetian reform document (23) Pakourianos [17] also bans youths, however.
[50] Preferential admission of of relatives and acquaintances. See also (23) Pakourianos [25] and (27)
Kecharitomene [4] for similar admissions preferences. It is unclear whether the author really intended
to set a higher age limit set here for relatives than the one set in [49] above.
[51] Monks to live two to a cell. Paraphrases (22) Evergetis [24], cf. the related document (30) Phoberos
[52] Communal wardrobe. The author returns to this subject in [62] below. This chapter paraphrases (22)
Evergetis [25], cf. related documents: (30) Phoberos [44] and (34) Machairas [102], [103]. See also
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treatments in (10) Eleousa [5], (27) Kecharitomene [52], (28) Pantokrator [22], (31) Areia [T4]. (32)
Mamas [28] and (33) Heliou Bomon [28] make different arrangements.
[53] Equality of food, drink, and clothing; monthly visitation of cells by the superior. The section on equality draws almost verbatim on (22) Evergetis [26], cf. related documents: (27) Kecharitomene [56], (30)
Phoberos [45], (32) Mamas [34], (33) Heliou Bomon [33], and (34) Machairas [106], [107]. See also
treatments in (10) Eleousa [4], [13], (23) Pakourianos [4], and (31) Areia [M8]. The section on inspections of cells draws on (22) Evergetis [27], cf. the related document (30) Phoberos [45]. (27)
Kecharitomene [50], (32) Mamas [20], and (33) Heliou Bomon [20] have even stricter regulations,
allowing for inspections at any time.
[54] Commemoration of the founder’s parents; privileges for his associates; burial of deceased monks. For
the parental commemorations, see [95] below and similar provisions in (27) Kecharitomene [71] and
(28) Pantokrator [8], [32], [44], [72]. For his associates’ privileges, see also [107], [117] below. For
burial of the monks, see [86], [118] below, as well as similar provisions in (22) Evergetis [36], (27)
Kecharitomene [70], (28) Pantokrator [56], (30) Phoberos [50], (32) Mamas [39], (33) Heliou Bomon
[39], and (34) Machairas [157].
[55] The novitiate; no mandatory entrance gifts; voluntary gifts cannot be reclaimed. Paraphrases (22)
Evergetis [37], eliminating its two-tiered novitiate for distinguished and ordinary applicants; cf. related
documents: (27) Kecharitomene [7]; (30) Phoberos [51], [53A]; (32) Mamas [5], [22]; (33) Heliou
Bomon [5], [22]; (34) Machairas [55], [57], [58], [59]. See also treatments in (25) Fragala [A8], [B8];
(27) Kecharitomene [34]; (28) Pantokrator [16], [17]; (31) Areia [T6].
[56] Exclusion of women from daily charitable distributions. See the author’s more lenient treatment on the
admission of women to the monastery’s church in [84] below. This chapter paraphrases (22) Evergetis
[38], cf. related documents: (30) Phoberos [55] and (34) Machairas [118], [119].
[57] Exhortation to common life. See also [6] above. Paraphrases the final exhortation in (22) Evergetis
[42], cf. related documents: (27) Kecharitomene [78]; (30) Phoberos [59]; (32) Mamas [46]; (33) Heliou
Bomon [45]; (34) Machairas [163], [166]; and (58) Menoikeion [20]. The instruction to maintain the
cenobitic life even in the event that the monks are reduced to two or three suggests an acquaintance
with (27) Kecharitomene [2], [55], or perhaps parallel passages in the lost typikon of the Philanthropos
[58] No alienation of consecrated properties. See treatment of this subject in [45] above; the regulation here
appears stricter. The prohibition of even highly profitable sales or exchanges of consecrated properties
suggests an acquaintance with (27) Kecharitomene [9] or perhaps a parallel passage in the lost typikon
of the Philanthropos monastery. That exceptions to the general ban on alienations were still possible
seems evident from [105] below.
[59] Reading of the typikon. Draws on (22) Evergetis [43], cf. related documents: (27) Kecharitomene [65],
(30) Phoberos [59], and (34) Machairas [167]. See also provisions in (32) Mamas [16] and (33) Heliou
Bomon [16].
[60] Financial officers. The author returns to this subject, discussed earlier in [36] above, drawing inspiration here from (27) Kecharitomene [24] or perhaps a parallel passage in the lost typikon of the
Philanthropos monastery. See also similar provisions in (28) Pantokrator [64]; (31) Areia [M9], [T7];
(32) Mamas [10]; (33) Heliou Bomon [10]; and (34) Machairas [100].
[61] Recruitment of a doctor; care of the sick. See also the treatment in [70] below, and different provisions
in (22) Evergetis [41]; (27) Kecharitomene [57]; (28) Pantokrator [10]; (30) Phoberos [55], [56]; (32)
Mamas [34], (33) Heliou Bomon [33]; and (34) Machairas [108].
4. Section Four: Idiosyncratic Original Materials
[62] Items of clothing to be distributed. The author returns to the subject of clothing addressed above in [52]
with specifications of the items to be provided not found in that chapter’s source, (22) Evergetis [25];
for similar specifications, see (4) Stoudios [A37], [B38]; (11) Ath. Rule [35]; (20) Black Mountain [75].
[ 855 ]
[63] General dietary regulation. The author here amends the Evergetian dietary regulation found above in
[24] through [29].
[64] Founder’s commemorative services. See other treatments in [7] and [11] above and in [72] and [91]
[65] Procession on the feast of the Dormition. See other provisions for the celebration of this feast in [10]
and [29] above.
[66] Fisheries. See discussions of fisherman monks in (31) Areia, Later Addition, (33) Heliou Bomon [19]
and (43) Kasoulon [25].
[67] Bridges and their repair. See also (18) Nea Gephyra [1], [3].
[68] Hour of awakening. See also [13] above and [80] below.
[69] List of consecrated and reserved properties. See the similar distinction made in (19) Attaleiates [16],
[17]. The nature of the military villages is discussed in [110] below.
[70] Old age home for the care of the sick; recruitment of a doctor; defense of the source of funding. See
earlier provisions for hiring a doctor and caring for sick monks in [61] above as well as the regulations
for other old age homes in (16) Mount Tmolos [1] and (28) Pantokrator [58] ff. The defense of the
endowment repeats an assertion made earlier in [2] above.
[71] Relations with the peasantry. See also [76], cf. [103] below and similar provisions in (9) Galesios
[246], (17) Nikon Metanoeite [14], (19) Attaleiates [39], (23) Pakourianos [1], and (24) Christodoulos
[72] Exhortation to the superior to take care of the monastery; founder’s request for commemoration at
verspers. The latter repeats the request made earlier in [7] above; cf. related provisions for the founder’s
commemoration in [11] and [64] above and in [91] below.
[73] Maintenance of the cistern. See also [113] below, as well as (27) Kecharitomene [69] for the maintenance of an aqueduct and water pipes at another twelfth-century foundation.
[74] Charms of the site. An oddly placed chapter featuring a wilderness topos such as one might expect to
find at the beginning of a foundation document; cf. (6) Rila [1], (10) Eleousa [3], and (58) Menoikeion
[75] Difficulties with construction; associated miracles. See similar accounts in the foundation history of
(17) Nikon Metanoeite; (13) Ath. Typikon [8] also discusses difficulties with construction.
[76] Compassion towards the peasantry. Repetitive treatment of concern addressed earlier in [71] above.
[77] No portrait of the founder to be created. There is, however, an early fourteenth-century donor portrait of
Isaac Komnenos in the Chora church in Constantinople; see Underwood, Kariye Djami, vol. 1, pp. 11–
13, 45–48; vol. 2, plates, pp. 36–37.
[78] Storage of the inventory; no outsider to be made superior. The provisions for storage are repeated in
[99] below; see also (19) Attaleiates [40], (23) Pakourianos [33], (27) Kecharitomene [77], and (32)
Mamas [Second Semeioma]. For the exclusion of outsiders from the superiorship in contemporary
documents, see (28) Pantokrator [24] and (31) Areia [T10].
[79] Retiling of the church roof. See also similar provision in (27) Kecharitomene [73].
[80] No absences from hymnody except for the sick. See earlier provision in [68] above, and similar provisions in (32) Mamas [21], (33) Heliou Bomon [21], and (34) Machairas [49].
[81] Superior not accountable to the monks. Recalls the similar provision in (22) Evergetis [18], but is
textually independent.
[82] Care for the pavement of the church. See also generally (27) Kecharitomene [73].
[83] Donkey-driven mill closed to outsiders. See also monastic mills of this sort in (12) Tzimiskes [23] and
(15) Constantine IX [4].
[84] Women’s access restricted. See earlier, more restrictive treatment in [56] above based on the Evergetian
[85] Condemnation of incorrect disposal of eucharistic hosts. See other indications of an increased concern
[ 856 ]
with the manufacture and use of the eucharistic elements in (34) Machairas [40], [41], and (36)
Blemmydes [4].
[86] No burials within the enclosure except for benefactors and the founder’s associates. See also (27)
Kecharitomene [76], which denies this privilege to benefactors; for the burial of the monks, see also
[54] above and [118] below; for the burial of Konstitzes, see also [107] below.
[87] Generosity to the poor. For the disposition shown here to exceed the prior conventions of purely nominal philanthropy in charitable distributions at the gate, see also the contemporary (32) Mamas [13] and
(33) Heliou Bomon [13].
[88] Augmentation of the community. See earlier discussions of this issue in [3] and [48] above. The opposite position is taken in (34) Machairas [164].
[89] Tomb of the founder. See discussion in Sevcenko, “Tomb,” with cross-references.
[90] Prescriptions for the tomb. See also [109] below. For the icon described here, see Sevcenko, “Tomb,” p.
137; it may have been a personal icon for devotional purposes, like those mentioned in (9) Galesios
[138], (10) Eleousa [5], and (24) Christodoulos [B10].
[91] Superior not to neglect commemoration of the founder; see other exhortations to this effect in [7], [11],
[64], and [72] above.
[92] Retrieval of charters from the Chora Monastery. Cf. the efforts of the author of (24) Christodoulos
[B7], [C6], [C7] to retrieve books left at his prior foundation and of the author of (33) Heliou Bomon
[37] to retrieve books and other artifacts from storage at Hagia Sophia.
[93] Annuities for Jewish converts. See also provisions for personal maintenance of the author’s associates
in [107] and [117] below as well as for others in (14) Ath. Testament [17], [18]; (19) Attaleiates [42];
and (24) Christodoulos [B15].
[94] Special reserve treasury. There are similar provisions in (23) Pakourianos [26] and (27) Kecharitomene
[95] Founder’s parents’ anniversaries. See also [54] above.
[96] Endowment adequate for performance of mandated services; the typikon and the Secret Testament to
define consecrated properties. See other discussions of the Secret Testament in [1] above and [116]
[97] Bathhouse; maintenance of craftsmen for projects. For the monks’ bath, see also [113] below.
[98] Measures against arsonists. This subject is not addressed elsewhere in our documents.
[99] Use of copies instead of originals of important documents; storage of the latter; superior to finish
incomplete construction projects. For use of copies, see (19) Attaleiates [40]. For storage of the inventory, see also earlier treatment in [78] above.
[100] Superior’s oversight of receipts and expenditures. See also earlier treatment in [46] above.
[101] Beasts prohibited from enclosure. Here the concern is hygenic; cf. the earlier regulations in (3) Theodore
Studites [4]; (12) Tzimiskes [22], [23]; (13) Ath. Typikon [31], [53]; (15) Constantine IX [3], [4].
[102] Rebuilding of the church. See similar injunction in (27) Kecharitomene [73].
[103] Easter procession; maintenance of neighboring villages. See provisions for the Easter procession in
(4) Stoudios [A2].
[104] Church for the use of the peasants; their pastoral care. For the acquisition of diocesan churches as
monastic dependencies of independent monasteries, see my Private Religious Foundations, pp. 239–
[105] Dispute over the village of Gastivilea. Note the instructions to sell the disputed village despite the
general injunction against such sales in [58] above.
[106] Books donated by the founder. See records of similar donations in (19) Attaleiates [INV 7], [INV 13];
(23) Pakourianos [33B]; and (24) Christodoulos [B7], [C6], [C7].
[107] Special privileges for associates of the founder. For the burial of Konstitzes, see also [86] above.
[108] Dependency of St. Stephen at Constantinople. For this foundation, see Janin, Géographie, vol. 3, pp.
[ 857 ]
472–73. Many other provincial foundations also had dependencies in the capital city; e.g., (13) Ath.
Typikon [34]; (19) Attaleiates [6]; and (33) Heliou Bomon [4].
[109] Restoration of the icons at the founder’s tomb. See also [90] above with cross-references.
[110] Relations with soldiers in the military villages. See [112] below for other armed personnel useful for
the defense of the foundation; see [69] above for the place of military villages in the monastery’s
[111] Patriarchal mediation of disputes. This is a reiteration of a provision made earlier in [4] above.
[112] Vestiaritai of Neokastron. These serve a similar function to the soldiers in the military villages mentioned in [110] above.
[113] Cleaning of the cistern and latrines; use of the two baths. For the cistern, see also [73] above; for use
of one of the baths by the monks, see [97] above.
[114] Abolition of highway tolls. There are no other provisions to this effect in the monastic foundation
[115] Founder’s residence. For founders’ residences adjacent to religious foundations in this era, see also
(19) Attaleiates [5], (27) Kecharitomene [79], and (28) Pantokrator [65].
[116] Provision for opening the Gift and Grant Ordinance. See other treatments of the Secret Testament in
[1] and [96] above.
5. Section Five: Justifications of Earlier Provisions
[117] Clarification of the privileges of the founder’s associates. See earlier treatments of this issue in [54]
and [107] above.
[118] Plans for a burial chapel for the monks. See earlier provisions for their burial in [54] and [86] above.
[119] Final invocation of the Kosmosoteira. See similar invocations of heavenly support in (19) Attaleiates
[7], [15] and (28) Pantokrator [71].
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