Further Notes on the Map of Tepe coacuilco, a Pictorial Manuscript

Bente Bittmann S i m o n s
Further Notes on the Map of Tepe
coacuilco, a Pictorial Manuscript
from the State of Guerrero, Mexico
El descubrimiento en Alemania de las cinco hojas con
notas y b o s q u e j o s , hecho p o r Walter Lehmann hace m u c h o s a ñ o s , fue una gran ayuda para el d e s c i f r a m i e n t o del
" M a p a d e T e p e c o a c u i l c o " . El contenido de los " F r a g m e n tos Nos, 2 y 3 " c o n f i r m ó ampliamente las conclusiones
a las que se llegó con r e s p e c t o al " F r a g m e n t o No. 1 " .
L o s p r i m e r o s son importantes, porque p r o p o r c i o n a r o n
una base sólida para r e s o l v e r los p r o b l e m a s de la d e terminación de la fecha del mapa y del propósito para el
cual fue trazado. Es probable que fue realizado en 1576
y que el p r o p ó s i t o , para el cual estaba destinado, fue el
de s e r v i r de prueba en una disputa r e s p e c t o a la p o s e s i ó n
de t i e r r a s , posiblemente relacionada en particular con
el problema de l o s límites de la j u r i s d i c c i ó n de T e p e c o a cuilco en el estado de G u e r r e r o . Las notas y el texto
fueron agregados para hacerlo c o m p r e n s i b l e para l o s
administradores espafíoles, a quienes de seguro estaba
destinado.
1. INTRODUCTION
The purpose of these notes is to bring together three fragments of a M e x ican codex known as the" Mapa de T e p e c o a c u i l c o " , f r o m the state of G u e r r e r o . I n a n e a r l i e r study (Bittmann S i m o n s 1969), I commented upon the l a r gest of these f r a g m e n t s , here renamed " F r a g m e n t No. 1" , viithoutbeing
aware of the fact that c o p i e s of s o m e of the missing parts existed in G e r many (1).
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" F r a g m e n t No. 1" is the " Map of T e p e c o a c u i l c o
No. 35-76 in the c o l lection of c o d i c e s belonging to the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e H i s toria, México (see Glass 1964: 129, p i . 81). It is painted on l i g h t - c o l o u r e d
amate paper (Lenz 1949: 162), measuring approximately 1 . 1 3 x 1 . 0 2 m . It
is evident that these do not represent the original dimensions of the d o c u ment as large p i e c e s a r e missing along the edges (see f i g . 1). T o judge f r o m
Mena (1923: 56), who has described this map, It is one of the manuscripts
of the "Boturini Collection" which remained in M e x i c o . Mena ( l o e . c i t . )
does not r e f e r to any identification marks on the r e v e r s e s i d e . Today it i s
impossible to know whether there a r e any, because the map, which has c o m e
apart in various p l a c e s , is glued on to a p i e c e of p a p e r .
The contents of " F r a g m e n t No. 1 " may be s u m m a r i z e d as f o l l o w s . It i s
a geographical map, which shows a region situated to the north and south
of the Rio Balsas in the central part of the state of G u e r r e r o . This r i v e r ,
also called " R i o Grande " , runs a c r o s s the document f r o m east to west.
Two of its tributaries, the Rio T e p e c o a c u i l c o to the north and the Rio Z o pilote to the s o u t h a r e also depicted. F u r t h e r m o r e the map contains a number of glyphs, most of which a r e drawn as the sign f o r " H o u s e / c a l l i " topped
by another sign, which s y m b o l i z e s the names of the r e s p e c t i v e p l a c e s in
the indigenous manner. These are accompanied by inscriptions mainly in
Spanish, which identify and give further information pertaining to the signs
in question. S o m e o f the latter a r e d e s t r o y e d , but enough can be deciphered
to give an idea of the purpose which this codex was meant to s e r v e . It tells
us that the following villages o r " estancias " fell under the jurisdiction of
T e p e c o a c u i l c o (see f i g . 1) : Xochipala, situated to the south of the Balsas ,
and Axochitlan, Palula and Apazipa on the western bank of the Rio T e p e c o a c u i l c o . The glyph (and g l o s s ?) which may have represented the town of
T e p e c o a c u i l c o is d e s t r o y e d . F u r t h e r m o r e , the map lists the estancias of
Chichihualco, Izcoatzinco (Izquauhcingo), Xochipala (possibly a c a b e c e r a )
and Mezcala to the south of the B a l s a s , and a l s o r e f e r s to the b o r d e r b e tween T e p e c o a c u i l c o and the village of (San Agustín) Oapan, situated on the
northern bank of the RioBalsas.to the southeast of T e p e c o a c u i l c o . The b o r d e r s
between T e p e c o a c u i l c o and the village of Zumpango, on the Rio Zopilote
further to the southeast, may also have been shown.
In my e a r l i e r study, I suggested that this map might have been painted
to s e r v e as evidence in a dispute o v e r land jurisdiction and the texts added
to make it understood by the Spanish administrators to whom it was d i r e c t ed. The information contained in the fragments mentioned above c o n f i r m s
this opinion. T h e s e fragments will be dealt with in the following.
2. THE FRAGMENTS DISCOVERED IN GERMANY
Bankmann (1970: 134-135) during his recent studies of the papers left by
Walter L e h m a n n - n o w in the " L e h m a n n - B i b l i o t h e k " in the I b e r o - A m e r i k a nisches Institut, West Berlin - d i s c o v e r e d that s o m e notes and sketches
pertaining to two fragments of a Mexican codex were stylistically v e r y s i m i 98
lar to those of the T e p e c o a c u i l c o map, and he therefore proposed that the o r i g inals had f o r m e d part of the latter document. The drawings a r e contained
on five sheets of paper with notes in German, written by Lehmann.
The history of these fragments and their c o p i e s to date will be r e c o n structed in what f o l l o w s . F o r the sake of convenience, I have named them
" F r a g m e n t s Nos. 2 and 3 " r e s p e c t i v e l y . The present location of the o r i g i nals i s unknown. According to Bankmann (op. c i t . ) , these belonged t o a
collection called "Manuscripta A m e r i c a n a " , acquired by the Königliche
Bibliothek In Berlin between 1806 and 1908. When the monarchy was abolished
in Germany, this library was renamed P r e u s s i s c h e Staatsbibliothek. In
1941 and 1943 , during the war, most of the manuscripts of the collection in
question were sent to various p l a c e s away f r o m the capital, s o m e to t e r r i tory which today is Polish (Bankmann 1970: 128). Of the manuscripts, which
a r e known to have survived, one part is today in the Staatsbibliothek P r e u s s i s c h e r Kulturbesitz, western B e r l i n , and another in the Deutsche S t a a t s bibliothek, eastern Berlin. These are the p o s t - w a r institutions succeeding
to the P r e u s s i s c h e Staatsbibliothek. "Manuscripta Americana 1 0 " , which
contained the " F r a g m e n t s Nos. 2 and 3 " , w e r e at Altmarrin, P o m e r a n i a ,
in 1945, but nothing is known of their fate since that time (Bankmann 1970:
128, n o t e 8 ) . H o w e v e r , the catalogue made of the "Manuscripta A m e r i c a n a "
as well a s the a c c e s s i o n catalogue belonging to the f o r m e r Königliche B i bliothek still exist in the library in eastern Berlin, F u r t h e r m o r e , we know
that Walter Lehmann studied the collections of this library and published
Informationen" Manuscripta Americana 10" in a paper given at the XIV International C o n g r e s s of A m e r i c a n i s t s held in Stuttgart (Lehmann 1906).
A s i have said above, the papers left by Lehmann are in the I b e r o - A m e r i kanisches Institut in West Berlin. T h e s e include notes and sketches p e r taining to the manuscript which interests us h e r e , namely the s o - c a l l e d
" M a p of T e p e c o a c u i l c o " .
In 1935and 1939, Eulalia Guzman also studied the manuscripts in Berlin,
and she deposited a report on her first visit in the S e c r e t a r í a de Educación
Pública in M e x i c o .
"Manuscripta A m e r i c a n a " originally consisted of single manuscripts and
envelopes o r " c o l l e c t i o n s " , each of which was given a number in the c a t a logue mentioned above. "Manuscripta Americana 10" was an envelope,
which according to this catalogue contained (see Bankmann 1970: 133) :
" Hieroglyphs and writings in the Mexican language, in total 10, on maguey
(agave) paper f r o m the 'Capilla de Nu(estra) S e ñ ( o r a ) ' o n the pyramid in
Cholula" (2).
The a c c e s s i o n catalogue b e a r s the following entry (Bankmann l o e . c i t . ) :
" 9 sheets with writing and pictures on maguey p a p e r , recently brought
f r o m M e x i c o " (3).
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T h e " C a p i l l a " in Cholula is presumably Los R e m e d i o s , which w a s a l m o s t
completely destroyed by an earthquake in 1864 and later rebuilt (Maza 1959:
102). The manuscripts in question were apparently acquired by the library
in 1867 f r o m the property of a certain " C a r l in Neustadt E b . Walde ( E b e r s walde) " . According to Bankmann (personal communication) .nothing is known
of this p e r s o n , nor has it been possible to c o r r o b o r a t e the statement on
the Cholula origin of the manuscripts.
In his published comments on the " Manuscripta Americana 1 0 " , L e h mann (1906: 321) o b s e r v e d that: "Of the 9 f r a g m e n t s , only 3 s e e m to me
worthy of publication, as the remainder a r e very much damaged " ( 4 ) .
All of these nine manuscripts have disappeared. However, fortunately
Lehmann published three of them, and the remainder he copied and c o m mented upon.
The description and commentary which follow a r e based upon a study
of xerox c o p i e s of the sketches with notes made by Lehmann, p r e s e r v e d in
the I b e r o - A m e r i k a n i s c h e s Institut, Berlin (Signature Y 423).
"Fragment
No .
2" .
This was No. 5 of the "Manuscripta Americana 10" (fig. 2). Lehmann
left four pages with notes in German. The fragment, torn at the edges,
measured about 45 by 40 c m . The outlines a r e not shown. No c o l o u r s a r e
mentioned, but one of the glyphs shows s o m e r e d . It has two r i v e r s , drawn
like those on the T e p e c o a c u i l c o map with the water represented as a s e r i e s
of parallel lines interspersed with spirals and with projections along the
e x t e r i o r e d g e s . The features on " F r a g m e n t 1 " in Mexico a r e outlined in
black, water is painted blue and most of the glyphs a r e painted in c o l o u r s
t o o . " F r a g m e n t No. 2 " depicts four footprints, all pointing in the s a m e
direction, made in the style of those on the codex in Mexico (see f i g s . 1
and 2). Lehmann described it as follows: " P a r t of a land document, torn.
Ca. 45 c m . long and 40 c m . wide. We note a r i v e r at the top and bottom" (5).
" F r a g m e n t No, 2 " had five place signs, two of which a r e identified in
European l e t t e r s . The remainder are damaged with the g l o s s e s entirely
o r partly d e s t r o y e d .
The glyph, which according to Lehmann's sketch is placed " a b o v e " the
" u p p e r m o s t " of the r i v e r s , marked " Hierogl. l a " is damaged. Lehmann
noted that it was " v e r y damaged and t o r n " (see f i g s . 2 and 3). One part
looks like a tree with large f l o w e r s , the other like a plant with f r u i t s , which
may be c h i l e s . It was deciphered by Lehmann as "xochitl ? " (sic) .while
Guzmán r e a d " X o c h i , . , itian" , The glyph was apparently placed at the edge
of the original manuscript where the paper had been torn.
The following glyph, " H i e r o g l . 1 " , is roughly in the centre between the
two r i v e r s . A g l o s s identifies it as tevecahuaztli ( f i g s . 2 and 4). Guzmán
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read this as tevccahuaztli. It is drawn a s the well-known sign f o r "stone",
in Nahuatl tetl . filled in with parallel lines and dots. T h e stone partly c o v e r s a drawing of a ladder, in Nahuatl ecauaztli (or ecahuaztli). Next to it
is a footprint with the s o l e and toes m o r e heavily indicated than those of
the r e m a i n d e r . The print in question might be part of the glyph o r , p e r haps m o r e likely, have f o r m e d a continuationof the line of footprints which
c o m e s f r o m the upper part of the fragment. If the latter is c o r r e c t , the
g l o s s could not have been written in the manner shown on Lehmann's sketch
( f i g . 2 ) , but must have been placed perpendicularly to this o r in the s a m e
direction as the footprints. The place name Teyecahuaztli ( f r o m t e ( t l ) - v ecahuaztli) means " s t o n e l a d d e r " . It might r e f e r to a mountain o r perhaps
to s o m e kind of pass among r o c k s o r s t o n e s .
The third place sign on this fragment is to the left, just above the second
r i v e r (Hierogl. II). It is accompanied by an inscription in Spanish ( f i g s . 2
and 5): " E l pu(ebl)o de tlaxmalaca. . n e s de Mateo V a z q u e s " which m a y b e
translated as " t h e village of T l a x m a l a c a . . n belongs to Mateo V a z q u e s " .
Guzmán read the name of the town as " T l a x m a l a c a n " , while it was r e c o n structed by Lehmann a s " T l a c h m a l a c a l a n " (6),
The glyph c o n s i s t s of a £ ¿ l i i . s i g n , destroyed at the lower part, but p r a c tically identical to those which s y m b o l i z e the villages on " F r a g m e n t No. 1 " .
At the part, where the fragment was t o r n , Lehmann placed the following
note (fig. 5): " O n a sheet which apparently f o r m s the continuation, in the
upper (part to the) right and below a Spanish legend of 8 lines, is the year
1576" (7).
Lehmann was apparently not certain about the reading of the y e a r , but it
d o e s look like 1576. T h e p r o b l e m o f this legend and the date will be d i s c u s s e d
further b e l o w .
Above the mentioned sign f o r " h o u s e " is a drawing of a b a l l - c o u r t (tlachtli
in Nahuatl) without r i n g s . It is shaped like the letter " I " , with the extreme
ends coloured r e d . If Lehmann's sketch (fig. 5) is c o r r e c t , it s e e m s that
s o m e attempt had been made to give the ends a different shape, i . e . to judge
f r o m the left e d g e , to make them join the side walls of the court at a wide
angle, and to make the outer wall rounded. Into the ball-court (or behind it)
is stuck a pin with a decorated whorl (in Nahuatl malacatl), coloured with
r e d . The spindle contains thread. T h e r e can be no doubt that this glyph r e presents the village of T l a x m a l a c , situated in the municipio of Huitzuco, a
few k i l o m e t e r s to the northeast of T e p e c o a c u i l c o , G u e r r e r o . The sign in
question strongly r e s e m b l e s that which s y m b o l i z e s Tlaxmalac on page 15 of
the " M a t r í c u l a de T r i b u t o s " and folio 37r of the " C o d e x Mendoza" .
These
and
of which
upon by
phonetic
glyphs f o r T l a x m a l a c ( o r T l a c h m a l a c ; f r o m
the latter being a suffix meaning " i n " , used
end in a vowel) and the meaning of the word
various authors. Is the glyph pictographic,
(8) ? What is the etymology of Tlaxmalac ?
tlach(tli) - malaca(tl)
with nouns, the r o o t s
have been commented
ideographic, o r is it
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Barlow and MacAfee ( 1 9 4 9 : 2 4 ) simply show the phonetic value ( i . e .
malaca) of the " m a l a c a t e " which represents the last syllables of " T l a c h m a l a c a c " in the " C o d e x Mendoza" .
Garibay (inSahagun 1956, III: 225; IV : 362) accepts T l a c h i m a l a c . which,
however, is writtenTlachimalacac in Sahagún's section on the Couixca and
Tlapaneca. The s a m e author translates the word a s " e n agua de e s c u d o "
[presumably f r o m t l a - c h i m a l ( l i ) - a ( t l ) - c l .
Penafiel (1885: 207), in his study of the glyphs in the " M a t r i c u l a de T r i b u t o s " , says the f o l l o w i n g :
" E l juego de pelota, tlachtli. y delante un huso 6 malacatl. con su hilo
y algodón, tal c o m o s e usa todavía entre los indígenas, expresan fonéti camente, T l a c h - m a l a c a - c ; pero ignoramos su significado; tal vez en e s t e
lugar hubo un redondel de juego de pelota" .
If this interpretation is c o r r e c t , the rounded wall in the glyph on " F r a g ment No. 2 " may really signify something.
C o o p e r Clark (1938, II: 39) has also commented upon the glyph f o r Tlax malac depicted in " C o d e x Mendoza" as follows:
" T l a c h m a l a c a c ( T l a c h - m a l a c a - c ) . The important part of this glyph is the
carefully drawn spindle and whorl, with spun, and unspun cotton (PI. XII).
The b a l l - c o u r t , not being shown in its proper c o l o u r s , stands f o r an i d e o graph. Tlachtli = b a l l - c o u r t , ideograph for t l a ^ = to throw o r c a r t . £ = in. "In the place of the thrown s p i n d i e - w h o r l " .
C o o p e r Clark may be right in emphasizing the significance of the lack of
c o l o u r on the glyph f o r Tlaxmalac in the codex in question. It is painted in
one c o l o u r only, to judge f r o m the copy I have s e e n , a dull g r e y i s h - l i l a c
with s o m e darker spots, probably representing earth. The b a l l - c o u r t s which
s y m b o l i z e two towns named Tlachco ( T a x c o ) , f o r example, in the s a m e d o c ument a r e divided into f i e l d s , painted in different c o l o u r s . The page which
shows the tribute paid by the " p r o v i n c e of Quahuacan" has a village called
T l a l l a c h c o , symbolized by a b a l l - c o u r t , painted in the s a m e manner a s that
of T l a x m a l a c . In the f o r m e r c a s e , the glyph appears to be phonetic [ i . e .
f r o m tlal(li)-tlach(tli) - c o ] .
I have doubts with r e s p e c t to the c o r r e c t n e s s of C o o p e r C l a r k ' s explanation
of the glyph f o r " Tlachmalacac " , as the ending - c in Nahuatl is not used
with verbal nouns.
Yet another explanation has been given by Corona Nunez ("Explicación de
la c o l e c c i ó n Mendoza" 1964: 82; " M a t r í c u l a de T r i b u t o s "
1968: 39):
" T l a c h m a l a c a c : donde s e hacen malacates (husos para hilar). El j e r o -
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g l í f i c o es un juego de pelota: tlachtli. que deja al verbo tlachihua: hacer
algo a menudo, y un huso o rueca para hilar: m a l a c a t l " .
F o r r e a s o n s of g r a m m a r , I do not agree with this interpretation.
It is p o s s i b l e that the glyph f o r Tlaxmalac is purely phonetic (or phoneticideographic), and that the meaning of the word has nothing to do with a b a l l c o u r t . Various possibilities of explaining it in this manner e x i s t .
The ball-court may represent the syllable tla and r e f e r to tlalli (land,
earth), but then the name should have been " T l a l m a l a c a c " .
It has been suggested to me that the f i r s t syllable may have something to
do with tlachcuitl. " a mound of e a r t h " (see S i m e o n 1963: 511), in which
c a s e tlachmalacatl would r e f e r to a " mound of earth in the shape of a spindle
w h o r l " , i . e . rounded o r perhaps conical (9). In this c a s e , s o m e attempt may
have been made to make the glyph in question pictographic-ideographic ,
that is to say by adding the rounded wall at the end rather than leaving it in
the conventional shape of an " I " , in this manner expressing the " r o u n d n e s s "
twice.
Finally and possibly the simplest solution is that tlachmalacatl stands f o r
the ring o r " h o o p " set in the centre of the walls of b a l l - c o u r t s as g o a l s , i . e .
the tlachtemalacatl ( f r o m tlachtli- te(tl). stone, and malacatl), "the ballcourt ring of stone" . T h e s e need not always have been of stone, however ,
o r the " s t o n e - e l e m e n t " may have been omitted f r o m the t e r m . " C o s t u m b r e s de la Nueva España " (1943: 59), in the section which deals with the
ball g a m e , states that tlaxtemalacal is the " r u e d a del j u e g o " and elsewhere
that:
"jugauan o de las c a d e r a s o de la palma. . . y el que acertaua a m e t e r la
pelota p o r el tlaxmalacal ques la Rueda que estaua a l o s l a d o s . . . "
If this last interpretation is c o r r e c t , T l a x m a l a c a c would have been " In
the P l a c e of the B a l l - c o u r t Ring" o r " t h e B a l l - c o u r t T a r g e t " , as the object
in question could have been like one of those found archaeologically in G u e r r e ro and Teotihuacán, painted on the mural known as " T l a l o c a n " in the latter
c i t y , and depicted in the " C ó d i c e Vindobonensis" too (see Cepeda Cárdenas
1970). It should, h o w e v e r , be noted that the p e r s o n who wrote the " R e l a c i ó n
de Iguala " (Toussaint 1931: 224) in 1579 ignored the " malacate-element "
translating the name as f o l l o w s :
•(
" L a c a b e s e r a d e t a s m a l a c a ( s i c ) . . . quiere d e z i r en nuestra lengua, j u e go de pelota: que s e solia jugar mucho a su m o d o . . . "
According to the " M a t r í c u l a de T r i b u t o s " and " C ó d i c e Mendoza" (see
Barlow 1949: 15-22),
T l a c h m a l a c a c (now Tlachmalac o r Tlaxmalac) was
o n e o f the towns which constituted the "tributary p r o v i n c e " of T e p e c o a c u i l c o .
F r o m Sahagún ( o p . c i t . , III: 204-205; " F l o r e n t i n e C o d e x " , 1961:187) we
103
learn that the people of " T l a c h i m a l a c a c " o r " T l a c h m a l a c a c " w e r e Couixca
and Tlapanecs like those of T e p e c o a c u i l c o and Chilapan (today Chilapa).
Further c o r r o b o r a t i o n of our identification of the glyph under study may be
found in other 16th century s o u r c e s . As shown above, the legend attached
to the glyph says that Tlaxmalac " b e l o n g s t o " Mateo V á z q u e z . In " T a s a c i o n e s de i n d i o s " (1937: 204-205), written in 1559, we find the following i n formation:
" £ 1 pueblo de Tasmalaca (sic) que tiene encomyenda Mateo Bosques de
C i s n e r o s en onze de otubre de myll e quynientos e cinquenta e nuebe se t a saron. . . "
This encomendero must be identical with Mateo Vazques r e f e r r e d to in
" F r a g m e n t No. 2 " . This opinion is confirmed by a passage in " R e l a c i ó n d e
los pueblos de indios de Nueva España que están encomendados en p e r s o n a s
p a r t i c u l a r e s . . . " (Paso y T r o neo so 1940, IX: 25), dated 1560:
" T o s m a l a c a y Mayanala c o m a r c a de T a b a s c o (Taxco) encomendados en M a teo Vázquez h i j o d e Juan A z u e r o s ( C i s n e r o s ? ) que fué p r i m e r o tenedor, están
tasados en dinero, m a í z . . ."
" M a y a n a l a " is the present Mayanalan in the municipio of T e p e c o a c u i l c o .
situated to the south of T l a x m a l a c .
" L i s t a de pueblos de i n d i o s . . . " which is contained in " Relación de l o s
o p i s p a d o s " (1904: 174), written in the second half of the I6th century r e f e r s
to the encomendero of Tlaxmalac t o o :
" Tasmalaca é Mayonola (Mayanalan) en el Arzobispado de M é x i c o , fueron
encomendados en Juan de C i s n e r o s , conquistador p r i m e r o tenedor, p o r c u y a
muerte sucedieron en Mateo Vazquez, su hijo, y l o s p o s e e " .
T h i s document f r o m 1559 i n f o r m s that a certain Luis de Godoy held T e p e c o a c u i l c o in encomienda (op. c i t . : 204), whereas " L i s t a de pueblos de i n d i o s " relates that T e p e c o a c u i l c o in the a r c h b i s h o p r i c of M e x i c o was given
to Hernando de T o r r e s , the c o n q u e r o r , and after his death it s u c c e e d e d to his
daughter. Doña Bernardina de T o r r e s , who later m a r r i e d a certain Luis D e l gado (op. c i t . : 176). The latter is identical to Luis de Godoy, because the
list f r o m 1560 (op. c i t . : 23) s a y s :
" T e p e c o a c u i l c o c o m a r c a de T a s c o encomendado en Luis de Godoy p o r c a sado con hija de Hernando de T o r r e s que fué p r i m e r o tenedor. . . "
1
This i s f u r t h e r m o r e confirmed by an account written in 1569 by the curate
of T e p e c o a c u i l c o (" D e s c r i p c i ó n del a r z o b i s p a d o " 1896: 192-199). This s o u r c e
also contains a description of Tlaxmalac (written T e s m a l a c a o r Tasmalaca)
f r o m the same year written by the curate whose name was Antonio F e r n á n dez (op. c i t . : 104-112). The latter relates that the " c a b e c e r a " of Santa Ana
Tlaxmalac and that of la Asumpción de Ntra. S r a . Mayanala were held in
encomienda by Mateo Vázquez de C i s n e r o s . Apart f r o m t h e s e , the priest a l 104
s o had under his c a r e the c a b e c e r a s of Sant Agustín Oapan (mentioned on
" F r a g m e n t 1") and Sant Josepe Huitziltepeque, now Huixiltepec, situated
to the south of Oapan, on the eastern side of the Rio Zopilote in the m u n i c i pio of Zumpango del R i o , Both these towns were held in encomienda by Don
Luis de V e l a s c o , the v i c e r o y (see also P a s o y T r o n c o s o 1940: 39).
The priest gives v e r y detailed information on the r e s p e c t i v e c a b e c e r a s and
their estancias, such as data on the total number of inhabitants, subdivided
a s t o a g e , sex and civil status, and the number of tributaries and c o n f e s s o r s .
He d i s c u s s e s matters pertaining to books of baptisms and m a r r i a g e s , the
existence of churches o r chapels in the _cabecera§.and their estancias . the
" m o r a l state" of the people and their poverty and d i s e a s e s ( o p . c i t . : 102112). With respect to the linguistic situation, we learn that these villages
were in the " p r o v i n c i a que s e dice C u i x c o " , that the language generally
spoken was " m e x i c a n a " , but that there was also one estancia with fifty Indians who spoke " T u s t e c a " , although the men knew Mexican too (op. c i t . :
105). The priest lists all the estancias of the c a b e c e r a s , but unfortunately
he only gives their Saints' names (10).
The " R e l a c i ó n de Iguala" , written in 1579 (Toussaint o p . c i t . : 221-225)
relates that the " p r o v i n c i a " o r " p a r t i d o " of Iguala fell under the c r o w n , the
c o r r e g i d o r being Fernando Alfonso de Estrada. This jurisdiction contained
seven c a b e c e r a s with their r e s p e c t i v e subject tovms and estancias: Iguala,
T e p e c o a c u i l c o , T a s m a l a c a ( s i c ) . Izuco (Huitzuco), Mayanala, Evapa (Oapan) and C o c u l a . This document (op. c i t . :222-223) includes a long d e s c r i p tion of T e p e c o a c u i l c o (11):
" L a c a b e s e r a de Tepe(co)aquilco: de la dicha p r o v i n c i a . d i s t a del pueblo
de Iguala una legua a la parte del oriente: quiere dezir s e r r ó donde hay p i e dras menuditas esta sitiado al pie de un s e r r i l l o llamado del nombre do t o mó la denominación.
Es beneficio : aunque hasta agora e r a bicaria y de presente lo e s el padre
(en blanco en el original).
Es poblasen de 200 tributarios que solia s e r de mucha jente : que s e an
gastado c o m o los demás tiene muchas estancias e s u j e c t o s que s o n : Apasapan: S a c a c u y o c Tzatzamilco : Apizahoacan Atenzingo : Hostozintlan : J o chitlan: Atemantlan: Xalapan: Pantlan: Atintintla (? : s i c ) Sinacantan T o tocintlan : Asumpan: Tochopan: Tetelzingo Achiosingo Tetisingo : T e t o z o can:Istontepeque: Cuapanaguasco : Colotlan: Acayaguaico : Tecoyametlan :
Otrametlan Agacuatitan: Palula (on " F r a g m e n t N o . l " ) : Itlanguacan: Oistul a : S a c a p a l c o : Chalchitepeque: Cuamuchititlan: Axochitlan (on " F r a g m e n t
N o . l " ) : Acuacuyula: Ascala Pochonsingo Aguatlan Gueitepeque: Iztululutla
T e p o z o n a l c o A m e c a p a l c o : A c l a l m a n e : Tlinlan: Tlanyaquantán (? ; sic) y
o t r a s muchas y en ellas uno y dos indios : estas estancias son sujetos a
Tepecuaquilco que c o r r e n veinte leguas hasta el r i o grande de Mescala: hazia el sur : que pasan de la otra parte otras muchas estancias: que son M a s cala (Mezcala; on " F r a g m e n t N o . l " ) . Suchipala (Xochipala; on " F r a g m e n t
105
No, l " ) I s c o a s i n g o C h i c h i g u a l c o (Chichihualco;on " F r a g m e n t No. 1 " ) ,Yotlan
Camotepeque son juridicion de el alcaldía de Chilapa (Chilapa was part of the
" A l c a l d í a Mayor de las Minas de Z u m p a n g o " ) : confina con el alcaldía de
Iscateupa (Ixcateopan) todos son bisita (visita) de el beneficio de T e p e c u a quilco que son mas de 25 leguas las mas en longitud: y de latitud quatro y
cinco e s tierra toda doblada de s i e r r a s peladas tierra muy calida c o m o e s ta dicho sin agua y los pueblos que caen de aquella parte del r i o : son a r cabucos de r o b l e s y enzinas y p i n o s . y mucha agua : serán tributarios con la
c a b e c e r a 130 á cada uno ocho reales y media hanega de m a i z .
Fueron dados de paz c o m o toda la provincia en el tiempo del m a e s e ( M a estro) de Campo Sandoval fue dada en encomienda a un conquistador l l a m a do Vernardíno de T o r r e s que c a s o . , . (sic) x e r o (sic) que ubieron una hija
llamada Doña Bernaldina de T o r r e s en cuya encomienda oy e s t a , que c a s o
esta señora con dos c a b a l l e r o s llamados (Pedro) Hosorio (Osorío) de quien
no vbo hijos y segunda vez con Luys de Godoi de quien tiene una hija.
Tenían los s e ñ o r e s de Mexico en este pueblo en tiempo de su gentilidad
p r e s i d i o de gente de guarnición que cobravan los tributos: y r e c o j i a n d e t o da la c u í s c a (Cuixca) que eran mantas y algodon y maíz y otras c o s a s : hasta
su p o s t r e r o s e ñ o r Montesuma: el cacique y señor mas natural que ai oy e s
Don Alonso de Santiago m o s o de 23 años casado con hija del governador Don
F r a n c i s c o Gonzalez que murió todos l o s demás son muertos s i r v e esta c a b e s e r a y sujectos dichos en las minas de T a s c o cada una semana con 550
indios y un tupiles o alguazíl que los lleva son mas bejados que los o t r o s de
la provincia por venir de laxos.
Es la mas jente chontales y muchos mexicanos advenedizos & c . "
The same document ( o p . c i t . : 223)says that Mayanala was three leagues
f r o m T e p e c o a c u í l c o , five f r o m Oapan, and four f r o m Iguala. Mayanala was
given in encomienda to a c o n q u e r o r , Martin D i r c i o , who had been a page of
C o r t é s , Don Martin married Doña María Mendoza, the daughter of Antonio
Mendoza, the v i c e r o y . They had a daughter called Doña María D i r c i o , who
married Don Luis de Velíizco, who b e c a m e v i c e r o y of New Spain, and who
at the time in question held Oapan in encomienda (op. c i t . : 2 2 3 - 2 2 4 ; s e e a l so " S u m a de v i s i t a s " , P N E 1,1905:296).
The information given in " R e l a c i ó n de Iguala" (op. cít.:224) on T l a x m a lac is the following :
" L a c a b e s e r a de T a s m a l a c a : esta de Iguala t r e s leguas, hazia la parte
del n o r d e s t e : quiere d e z i r en nuestra lengua, juego de p e l o t a : que se s o lia jugar mucho a su modo : esta el pueblo sitiado entre unas muy altas s i e r r a s p o r una parte pasa un rio pequeño la poblasen a la traza de toda la p r o vincia de c u í s c a .
Diose de paz c o m o toda la provincia y encomendóla el marques a un c o n quistador llamado Juan de S i s n e r o s : y a Mayanala c o m o esta dicho y s u 106
cedió en Mateo Basques (Vázquez) de S i s n e r o s su hijo en cuya cabesa oy
esta e s p o b l a s e n : la c a b e s e r a y diez sujectos que tiene de 400 tributarios
que s e llaman: Sant F r a n c i s c o : Sant Miguel: los T r e s Reyes Magos: Sant
Mateo: Santiago, San Juan: otra San L u c a s : otra Sant Miguel: San P e d r o
fue poblasen de mucha gente quando s e conquistó y encomendó que s e ha
gastado c o m o tengo muchas v e c e s d i c h o : c o r r e n estos sujectos hazia la
parte del o r i e n t e : parten términos con el Marquesado y T a s m a l a c a con las
minas de T a s c o : pagan un peso de tributo de a o c h o r e a l e s y media hanega
de m a i z .
Ay en este pueblo un nieto, (sic) del señor natural que s e llama don Juan
de S i s n e r o s gobiérnase c o m o los demás que elijen dos alcaldes y R e g i d o res cada un a ñ o : Rictos y c o s t u m b r e s modo de pelear y con que a r m a s : e s
general en toda la provincia de que hare un capitulo breve p o r a v e r muchos
que lo han e s c r i t o : y cumpliré con guardar el horden de la instrución t r a tando en general por cada uno de ellos de toda la p r o v i n c i a . "
With r e s p e c t to Huitzuco, we a r e told in the document in question that this
town was one and a half leagues f r o m Tlaxmalac and four " large leagues"
f r o m Iguala. It was first granted in encomienda to a c o n q u e r o r named C o ronillas ( s i c ) . who b e c a m e a Franciscan monk. Then it was given to Y s i dro Merino de M o r i l l a s , who m a r r i e d Catalina de C a s a s o l a . T h e i r oldest
son was Bernardino de C a s a s o l a , the e n c o m e n d e r o at the time the " R e l a c i ó n " was written (op. c i t . : 2 2 4 ) .
" L a s encomiendas y tributos que hay en M é x i c o " f r o m 1597 (Paso y T r o n c o s o 1940, XII1:38,40) again c o n f i r m s that Mateo Vázquez had Mayaula (sic)
and T a s m a l a c a ( s i c ) . An undated list of c o n q u e r o r s and their sons in New
Spain (Paso y T r o n c o s o 1940, X I V : 1 5 1 , 154) mentions " e l hijo de Juan de
C i s n e r o s " , Mateo Vázquez t o o , i . e . the p e r s o n whoaccording to t h e " F r a g ment N o . 2 " held Tlaxmalac in encomienda.
On " F r a g m e n t N o . 2 " , there Is one m o r e glyph on the s a m e side of the
r i v e r as Tlaxmalac (Hierogl. III). According to Lehmann ( f i g s . 2 and 3) ,
it " s e e m s to depict two houses ( c a l l i ) " . It is v e r y damaged and shows no
g l o s s . The two structures in question appear to be standing at different l e v e l s , o r one may have been higher than the o t h e r . They may well have been
different f r o m the calli s y m b o l s , which c h a r a c t e r i z e many of the villages
on this map. T o judge f r o m the dotted line which presumably r e p r e s e n t s a
torn edge (see f i g . 3), it s e e m s likely that the upper part of the sign in question had pKiinted towards T l a x m a l a c .
The last glyph of the fragment is placed on the opposite side of the r i v e r
( H i e r o g l . I V ; f i g s . 2 and 3). On figure 3 , it can be seen that Lehmann made
two notes. One says " t e p e t l . 3 o r 4 t i m e s " , the other "tetelli ? " ( s i c ) . The
glyph c o n s i s t s of two signs f o r tetl (stone), attached to three destroyed o b j e c t s , which look like stones t o o . What Lehmann meant by " t e p e t l " . i . e .
" h i l l , mountain", I do not know. Perhaps he meant to write " t e t l " J ' T e t e l li_" might represent the legible part of a g l o s s , but m o r e likely it i s L e h 107
mann's interpretation of the glyph. T e t e - may be the plural f o r m of tetl. o r
the word could have been tetella - " a stony r o a d , mountainous land full of
r o c k s " according to S i m é o n (1963: 463; s e e a l s o Molina 1944: 1 0 6 r ) , o r t e . telan ( f r o m tetetl. indicating abundancv and - I a n , meaning " i n , n e a r " o r
" a m o n g " ) . It could stand f o r " T e t e l t z i n c o " t o o , an estancia of T e p e c o a c u i l c o . H o w e v e r , there are many other manners in which this sign might be
r e a d , so it s e e m s a i m l e s s to speculate further. T o judge f r o m Lehmann's
sketch, the p r e s e r v e d part of the stones might have pointed towards the r i v e r , " u p w a r d s " , o r it might have been placed " s i d e w a y s " as it d o e s on f i g ure 3, with the destroyed part at the right hand edge of the f r a g m e n t .
" Fragment
No . 3" .
" F r a g m e n t No. 3 " is No. 6 of the" Manuscripta Americana 10" ( s e e B a n k mann o p . c i t . ; 1 3 5 ) . According to Lehmann's notes, it was about 60-65 c m .
long and 36 c m . wide (fig. 6). Eulalia Guzman has 52 x 30 c m . Lehmann's
sketch shows a r i v e r with a tributary, depicted in the s a m e manner as those
we have seen on " F r a g m e n t s Nos. 1 and 2 " . Next to the r i v e r is written
" a t l " . i . e . " w a t e r , r i v e r " , which probably represents Lehmann's i n t e r pretation of the sign f o r the r i v e r . It is placed on the left side of the d r a w ing. On the opposite side (fig. 5), Lehmann wrote " l e g e n d " (Handschrift) ,
which probably r e f e r s to the location of the inscription mentioned at the b o t tom of the sketch: " T h e legend has 8 l i n e s , the last half of the f i r s t 4 a r e
almost completely d e s t r o y e d , signed p ° moran. , . " (12).
Guzmán (personal communication) read the n a m e o f " Juan Leyva" too (see
also Bankmann: l o e . c i t . ) .
B e l o w the word " l e g e n d " is a drawing, which may show the outlines of
the fragment in question, o r possibly the outlines of the legend r e f e r r e d to
above.
Between the branches of the r i v e r is a destroyed sign, which looks like
the lower part of the calli s y m b o l s on the other f r a g m e n t s .
It will be r e m e m b e r e d that the inscription placed on this fragment also
included the year 1576 (see f i g . 5 ) , and that Lehmann thought that " F r a g m e n t
No. 3 " was a continuation of " F r a g m e n t No. 2 " . The s a m e author i n t e r preted both of these fragments as having been part of a "land document "
(see Bankmann o p . c i t . : 134). S o f a r , I have found no evidence which a l lows m e to identify the two p e r s o n s named" P ( e d r ) o M o r a n . . " and"Juan L e y v a " r e s p e c t i v e l y . According to the notes made by Guzmán, P e d r o ( ? ) M o ran appears to have been the judge, and the legend dealt with s o m e conflict
o v e r landovmership.
108
3. COMMENTS AND CONCLUSIONS
I have attempted to join together the two sketches made by Lehmann and
in turn " f i t " them into " F r a g m e n t N o . l " . I believe I have found a solution ,
which is shown in figure 7. The sketches are probably not drawn to s c a l e ,
and my solution rather depends on whether the sign which looks like the
lower part of the " h o u s e s y m b o l s " would fit into the upper part of the glyph
f o r T l a x m a l a c . The River T e p e c o a c u i l c o is f o r m e d by three c o u r s e s of wat e r , which a r i s e in the municipio of Huitzuco, T h e s e a r e the T l a x m a l a c , the
Atetetla and the Huitzuco (see López 1942:278). Tlaxmalac is situated b e tween two branches of a r i v e r (see f i g . 8 ) , The fact that the map extended
much further to the northeast than I had f o r m e r l y thought, does not s u r p r i s e me now, after having learnt that T e p e c o a c u i l c o in the 16th century
bordered with a town within the jurisdiction of T a x c o called Tlamacazapa
(see below).
" F r a g m e n t s Nos. 2 and 3 " should be attached to " N o . l " a little to the
north of the supposed sign f o r T e p e c o a c u i l c o , with the fragments added s o
that the single branch of the r i v e r would f o r m a continuation of the T e p e c o a c u i l c o (see f i g s . l and 7). This makes sense geographically (see f i g s .
8 , 9), and unless m o r e fragments of the codex a r e found with other evidence ,
this is my conclusion with r e s p e c t to the relationship between the three
fragments (13).
Tlaxmalac f o r m e d part of the tributary province of the T r i p l e Alliance,
which Barlow (1949 : 15-22) has named " T e p e q u a c u i l c o " , because the glyph
f o r this town is the f i r s t shown on page 15 in the " Matrícula de Tributos "
and on f o l i o s 36v-37r in the " C o d e x Mendoza" . The same author assumed
that the introductory glyph on each page represents the most important town
of the region f o r which the tribute is r e c o r d e d in these s o u r c e s . With r e spect to T e p e c o a c u i l c o , this opinion is further justified by a passage in the
" R e l a c i ó n de Iguala" ( o p . c i t . : 223; s e e also Barlow o p . c i t . : 2), which states that T e p e c o a c u i l c o was " p r e s i d i o de gente de guarnición que cobravan
los tributos : y r e c o j i a n de toda la c u i s c a (Couizca o r Coixcatlalpan)" .
The " p r o v i n c e of T e p e c o a c u i l c o " was constituted by the following towns
(in alphabetical order) : Alahuiztlan, Atenango (near T a s c o , to the n o r t h east of Huitzuco), Cuetzala, Chilacachapa, Chilapa, Huitzuco, Ohuapa (Oapan), Teloloapan, T e p e c o a c u i l c o , T l a c h m a l a c , Ixcateopan (Ichcateopan) and
Yohuallan (Iguala). T o this l i s t . Barlow ( o p . c i t . : 15-20) added a number of
villages of minor importance which a r e not included in the tribute l i s t s .
These are Mayanalan, Otlatlan, Quecholtenango, Tenepantla, T e t e l a , T l a c o t e p e c , Tonalli imoquetzayan (Tonaliquizaya) and Zompango (Zumpango del
Rio). Brand (1943: 666)furthermore included Tlatlaya. The witnesses in the
" Información f r o m 1554" (Scholes and Adams 1957 : 44-45) r e f e r to " T e p e c o a c u i l c o and thirteen tovms" , which paid tribute together to Moctezuma.
109
The province of T e p e c o a c u i l c o included the area between Tetela del Rio
and Tlalcozauhtitlan, f r o m the region to the north of the Rio Balsas to the
Rio Papagayo (Barlow 1948 a ;.'fig. 10). It was limited by the zone dominated
by the T a r a s c a n s to the west, by the province of T l a c h c o (Taxco) to the
north, by the provinces of Quauhnahuac (Cuernavaca) and Tlalcozauhtitlan
to the east, and the independent " s e ñ o r í o " of the Yope and the p r o v i n c e of
Cihuatlan to the south (see Litvak 1971). This area was linguistically as
well as politically divided. The zone of the Rio Balsas was f i r s t invaded by
the Colhua Mexica under the reign of Itzcoatl (1428-1440), and T e p e c o a c u i l co is said to have been conquered by this ruler (see Toussaint 1931: 11-12;
Jimenez Moreno 1 9 5 8 : 5 6 ; " R e l a c i ó n de Ichcateopan y su p a r t i d o "
1905;
T e z o z o m o c 1 9 4 4 : 3 4 2 - 3 4 5 ; 1 9 4 9 : 9 0 - 9 1 ) . T h e s e conquests continued under
the following r u l e r s . Tlaxmalac was conquered by Moctezuma I, who also
reconquered T e p e c o a c u i l c o (Torquemada 1943, 1: 57). However, the c o n quest of the area was impeded by frequent rebellions of the Chontals and
other peoples as well as by the p r o b l e m s presented by the expansion of the
Tarascans (see Barlow 1948a; 1948b; 1949: 15-22 and Map). Alahuiztlan,
Oztoman and Teloloapan were destroyed in the reign of Ahuitzotl, and " m i timaes " o r colonies established in these towns ( T e z o z o m o c 1944: 338-354;
Duran 1955,1: 360-367). The s e t t l e r s were gathered together f r o m " all parts
of the r e a l m " , and the list of towns cited is indeed i m p r e s s i v e , including
many which were not directly subject to the T r i p l e Alliance. It is also made
quite c l e a r that the populations to be resettled did not go voluntary in spite
of all the gifts and facilities which were p r o m i s e d them. Thousands of p e o ple were m o v e d , s o m e of whom settled in Teloloapan" c o m o p o r guarnición
de aquella ciudad" (Duran o p . c i t . : 367). The most principal went to O s t o man and the remainder to Alahuiztlan, Duran ( l o e . c i t . ) adds that " a s í quedaron aquellas ciudades pobladas de mexicanos hasta el día de oy y sujetas
á M é x i c o " .It is therefore a question f o r debate why T e p e c o a c u i l c o was c h o sen as " c a p i t a l " of the province in question, and not one of the three towns
which had been repopulated. This may, of c o u r s e , have been the c a s e in
T e p e c o a c u i l c o t o o , as the " R e l a c i ó n de Iguala" ( o p . c i t . : 223) mentions that
" e n este pueblo en tiempo de su gentilidad" w e r e " p r e s i d i o de gente de g u a r nición" . It s e e m s very doubtful that the A z t e c s and their allied w e r e able
to maintain l a r g e , standing a r m i e s on the b o r d e r s of their s o - c a l l e d " e m p i r e " , and it is t h e r e f o r e p o s s i b l e that the t e r m s " p r e s i d i o " and " g u a r n i c i ó n " in the early colonial s o u r c e s r e f e r to a r m i e s made up of emigrants
in conquered territory acting as " g a r r i s o n s " . Such settlements w e r e g o v erned by M e x i c a n " v i c e r o y s " , also known as tlacatectli o r tlacochtectli. o r
other Mexican o f f i c i a l s (see " C o d e x Mendoza" : f o l i o s 17r, 18r). In"Codex
Mendoza" ( l o e . c i t . ) , " v i c e r o y s " a r e s y m b o l i z e d by the xiuhuitzolli. the
blue diadem of the r u l e r . It is p o s s i b l e that the policy of resettlement by
" m i t i m a e s " like those of the Incas was m o r e commonly practised in M e xico than is generally realized (see also T e z o z o m o c o p . c i t . : 155-166; Duran o p . c i t . : 228-244; " C ó d i c e R a m i r e z " 1 9 4 4 : 1 8 3 ; Torquemada 1 9 4 3 , 1 :
162, 181, 207-208; Diaz del Castillo 1 9 6 0 , 1 : 2 9 0 ) .
110
Under the reign of Moctezuma II, T e p e c o a c u i l c o s e e m s to have been f i nally defeated and organized as a tribute paying province of the T r i p l e A l liance. The eastern part of this province was known as Coixcatlalpan," Land
of the Lizards " (see Barlow 1 9 4 9 : 2 0 ; Toussaint o p . c i t . : 2 2 1 ) . According to
" D e s c r i p c i ó n del arzobispado de M e x i c o " (1897: 105), Tlaxmalac was the
most northernly town of a " s u b p r o v i n c e " , which may f o r m e r l y have been
united in s o m e manner, at least linguistically, which was called " c u i x c o "
o r Coixcatlalpan (see " D e s c r i p c i ó n del pueblo d e T e x a l u c a " 1 9 0 5 : 8 6 ; " M e moria del partido de Tlalcu9autitlan" 1 9 0 5 : 2 4 9 ) . Barlow (1949: 17-18) has
demonstrated that this " p r o v i n c e " must have stretched beyond Tlaxmalac
to the north towards Cuernavaca, and to the east into the p r o v i n c e of T l a l cozauhtitlan. Apart f r o m T l a x m a l a c . Coixcatlalpan included the towns of
Iguala, Cocolan (Cocula), Mayanala, Huitzuco, Chilapan and Zumpango del
Rio.
We know little about the linguistic situation in G u e r r e r o in pre-Columbian
t i m e s . Undoubtedly it was extremely c o m p l i c a t e d . O r o z c o y B e r r a , f o r e x ample, lists seventeen languages which have disappeared, while the l a n guages still spoken were Nahuatl, Mixtee, T l a p a n e c , A m u z g o , T a r a s c a n ,
Cuitlatec and Popolucan (see Mariano F l o r e s 1 9 5 9 : 9 6 - 9 7 ; Barlow 1949:1718). Couixca appears to have been a dialect of Nahuatl, a language which
s e e m s to have been spoken in G u e r r e r o b e f o r e the invasions of the Mexicans
f r o m Tenochtitlan (see Jimenez Moreno 1958': 11; Barlow 1 9 4 8 b : 184;1949:
17-18), and thought to have a r r i v e d in different waves (see Swadesh 1959:
13; Vivó 1 9 4 6 : 2 8 8 ; Armillas 1944: 166; Mariano F l o r e s 1959 : 105; " R e l a ción de Ichcateopan" 1905: 116, 137-138, 145-146). An unclassified language
called T e x o m e was spoken in the present municipio of T e p e c o a c u i l c o . while
Chontal, a "guttural language" , unclassified to date (Swadesh o p . c i t . : 13),
was spoken in the s a m e region too, in T e p e c o a c u i l c o and in towns such as
T a x c o , Iguala, Cocula, Ixcateopan, Ostoma and Teloloapan ( s e e Vivó o p .
c i t . : 288; Mariano F l o r e s o p . c i t . : 102; B a r l o w 1946: 106; 1949:17-18;" R e lación de Alauistlan" 1905 : 100) in the north-central part of the state.
At present we know little about how the local communities were organized
internally in the various towns which w e r e subjected by the T r i p l e Alliance
and united in the province of T e p e c o a c u i l c o . T h e r e is no evidence, f o r e x ample, that the " c a p i t a l " established f o r tribute purposes exerted p o l i t i cal control o v e r the individual communities of the p r o v i n c e . " G a r r i s o n s "
and calpixques (tribute c o l l e c t o r s ) were installed in certain towns, but their
major function was apparently to ensure the tribute to the rulers of the T r i ple Alliance. Although the Aztecs must s o m e h o w have controlled "external
political a c t i v i t i e s " , it is p o s s i b l e that the local communities were allowed
to continue to function autonomously with their native hierarchies of r u l e r s
and institutions. Such s e e m s largely to have been the c a s e in the early p e r i o d , after the Spaniards had taken o v e r . It was generally thought an a d vantage, when p o s s i b l e , to p r e s e r v e the local indigenous s y s t e m of g o v ernment. The grants known as encomienda w e r e consignments of Indians to
Spaniards, who were entitled to r e c e i v e labour and tribute, but they did not
111
imply political o r juridical jurisdiction, which was largely left to the Indians themselves (see Gibson 1 9 6 4 : 5 8 - 9 7 ) , After the Conquest, T e p e c o a cuilco did not b e c o m e the "capital" of a c o r r e g i m i e n t o o r alcaldía m a y o r .
By 1579, this c a b e c e r a had b e c o m e divided between those of Iguala to the
north and Chilapa to the south (see above).
With r e s p e c t to the b o r d e r s of the c a b e c e r a of T e p e c o a c u i l c o at the p e riod the map was made, i . e . probably in the second half of the I6th centur y , there is evidence to be found in various " R e l a c i o n e s " , " D e s c r i p c i o n e s "
and tribute lists pertaining to the epoch in question. The b o r d e r s to the west
must have been those of the towns which by 1579 had c o m e to f o r m the c o r r e g i m i e n t o s ( a jurisdiction which fell under the Spanish crown) called Ichcateopan (now Ixcateopan) and Iguala, such as C o c u l a , C u e t z a l a , Tetela del
Rio and T l a c o t e p e c . " Relación de Ichcateopan" ( o p . c i t . : 123, 132) actually
relates that T l a c o t e p e c bordered with s o m e " estancuelas " of T e p e c o a c u i l c o
towards the e a s t . T o judge f r o m the information given by the priest in T e pecoacuilco in 1569 ( " D e s c r i p c i ó n del a r z o b i s p a d o " : 193-199), I do not think
that the area shown on the map (see " Fragment No. 1") could have extended
much beyond the estancia of Chichihualco to the south. T o the southeast lay
the Alcaldía Mayor (a jurisdiction under the Spanish crown) of Zumpango
(see " R e l a c i ó n de las minas de Zumpango" 1905: 313-322). T h e " R e l a c i ó n "
made in 1582 ( o p . c i t . : 315-316) relates that this jurisdiction had its boundaries to the west with T e p e c o a c u i l c o and to the north with Oapan (see also
" R e l a c i ó n de Chilapa" 1905 : 177; " Relación de Iguala" 1 9 3 1 : 2 2 3 ) . If the
" Map of T e p e c o a c u i l c o " ("Fragment No. 1 " ) is compared, with a modern
map, one wonders whether a destroyed place sign on the left bank of the
Rio Zopilote might not have represented Zumpango del R i o . The glyph f o r
this town does not appear in any of the tribute r e c o r d s . A c c o r d i n g to the
" R e l a c i ó n " , " ^ u n p a n g o " (sic) means " v n arbol que l l e v a v n a f r u t a c o l o r a da, a manera de chocho de Castilla "(" Relación d é l a s minas de Zumpango"
1905 : 314). The glyph to be expected would be either a s k u l l - r a c k ( t z o m pantli) o r a banner with hair (tzontli - pantli) like those shown in the " C ó dice Aubin" o r in the "Matrícula de T r i b u t o s " f o r towns of that name (see
Peñafiel 1 8 8 5 : 2 2 8 ) . The glyph on " Fragment N o . l " c o n s i s t s of two r e c tangular shaped o b j e c t s , each of which is divided longitudinally in the m i d dle and has one half painted red and the other white. There is also a n e a r ly illegible legend which s e e m s to say "tlatlauhq(ui). . . de Vialtepe(c). . " ,
which is difficult to identify with the town in question.
With r e s p e c t to the b o r d e r s to the e a s t , 1 have already mentioned the town
of Huitziltepec, now in the municipio of Zumpango, which was held in e n comienda by Luis de V e l a s c o , but which is r e f e r r e d to as falling under the
jurisdiction of Zumpango in the " R e l a c i ó n " ( o p . c i t . : 317) f r o m that town (see
also " Relación de Chilapa" 1905 : 174). Further to the northeast lies Oapan ,
which was held by Luis de V e l a s c o too C D e s c r i p c i ó n del arzobispado" 1905:
105; " R e l a c i ó n de Iguala"). T o the north of Oapan l i e s Mayanala , today a
town in the municipio of T e p e c o a c u i l c o . In 1569-1579, it was held in e n c o mienda by Mateo Vázquez de C i s n e r o s , the p e r s o n who also had T l a x m a -
112
l a c . T o the north of Mayanala is Huitzuco, a town held in encomienda by a
certain F r a n c i s c o Moreno de Casasola in 1569-1579 ( " D e s c r i p c i ó n del a r z o b i s p a d o " 1905: 76-81; " R e l a c i ó n de I g u a l a " ) . It is quite probable that
s o m e of these towns (or their estancias) which according to various s o u r c e s
f o r m e d the b o r d e r s of the jurisdiction of T e p e c o a c u i l c o in the I6thcentury,
had also been shown on the map under study. However, those parts of the
map where we should expect to find them a r e m i s s i n g .
To the northeast and north, T e p e c o a c u i l c o b o r d e r e d with the town of T l a x m a l a c , with Tlamagagapa (now Tlamacazapa), with T a x c o and with Iguala
(see " R e l a c i ó n de las minas de T a s c o " 1905 : 275; " S u m a de visitas" 1905:
255, 287). Tlamacazapa also f o r m e d the b o r d e r w i t h T l a x m a l a c . T a s c o and
Iguala were both held by the c r o w n at the period in question (" Tributos de
pueblos de indios" 1 9 4 0 : 2 0 7 , 210). The encomendero of T e p e c o a c u i l c o in
1569-1579 was Luis de Godoy ( " D e s c r i p c i ó n del a r z o b i s p a d o " 1897: 192;
" R e l a c i ó n de Iguala" 1 9 3 1 : 2 2 3 ) .
It is probable that the " Map of T e p e c o a c u i l c o " was painted to s e r v e as
evidence in a litigation concerning a dispute o v e r the jurisdiction of land,
between individuals o r communities. The latter s e e m s m o r e likely. T o which
extent the r e s p e c t i v e encomenderos and o f f i c i a l s of the crown might have
been involved is impossible to s a y . The fact that the c a b e c e r a of T e p e c o a cuilco had been divided might have been a cause f o r contest. The c o m m u nities o r indigenous authorities concerned must have been those of T e p e c o a c u i l c o , Oapan, Tlaxmalac and probably o t h e r s . In spite of the d i s c o v e r y
of two missing f r a g m e n t s , the " M a p of T e p e c o a c u i l c o "remains incomplete.
F u r t h e r m o r e , the contents of the inscription of eight lines on the " F r a g ment No. 3 " a r e illegible, apart f r o m the names of two people, whom I have
not been able to identify. This inscription might have been the principal one
of the document, explaining its p u r p o s e . Except f o r the legends which r e f e r
to the boundaries o r " s u j e t o s " of T e p e c o a c u i l c o , there is not evidence to
the e f f e c t that the map was painted in T e p e c o a c u i l c o o r that the subject m a t ter treated was concerned in particular with that town. We do not know, f o r
example, who gave the document its present name. On the other hand, we
p o s s e s s no evidence which contradicts the assumption that the map in q u e s tion depicted the area which was under the jurisdiction of the c a b e c e r a of
T e p e c o a c u i l c o (or that claimed by the indigenous authorities of the town,
f o r example) as well as its f r o n t i e r c o m m u n i t i e s , supplying s o m e i n f o r m a tion too on the r e s p e c t i v e positions of the towns as " s u j e t o s " , " c a b e c e r a s "
o r " encomiendas " and also on the people involved in the dispute.
T h e r e i s , however, another possibility with r e s p e c t to the purpose f o r
which this map was painted, which cannot be completely d i s c a r d e d . It could
have been made to accompany a " R e l a c i ó n " like those which have c o m e f r o m
several towns in the region in question. However, unless the date of 1576
is vwong, this is unlikely, because the d e c r e e about the r e p o r t s to be made
was issued by Philip II in 1577 (see Nuttall 1 9 2 6 : 4 6 ) . The " R e l a c i ó n de I g u a l a " , f o r instance, was written in 1579. Could the" Map of T e p e c o a c u i l -
113
c o " represent the missing map made to accompany the " R e l a c i ó n " of the
f o r m e r town? O r could it be the map made to accompany an unknown " R e lación de T e p e c o a c u i l c o " ?
T o judge f r o m the handwriting and the style in which the " Map of T e p e c o a c u i l c o " was painted, a date in the second half of the 16th century s e e m s
f e a s i b l e . It could have been in 1576, because in this y e a r Mateo Vazques
de C i s n e r o s , the encomendero of T l a x m a l a c , was still a l i v e .
The " Map of T e p e c o a c u i l c o " must be turned in o r d e r to make p o s s i b l e
the reading of the elements contained in it. It d o e s not present landscape
(see Robertson 1959: 1 8 2 f f . ) . The use of native conventions suggests that
the draughtsman had been trained in the hieroglyphic tradition. The codex
is also quite accurate if compared to a modern map. The relationship b e tween places is apparently c o r r e c t , and the painter must have used a s c a l e .
The latter is not considered a p r e - C o l u m b i a n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . However,this
opinion is based on very little evidence, because no purely geographical maps
are left f r o m that p e r i o d . We know, f o r example, that C o r t e s made use of
indigenous m a p s . This suggests that they did have m a p s , m o r e " a c c u r a t e "
in our sense of the word than those of the " H i s t o r i a T o l t e c a - C h i c h i m e c a "
o r the "Mapa de T e o z a c o a l c o " , f o r example. The use of conventional s i g n s ,
such as the " h o u s e s " which represent villages in the " M a p o f T e p e c o a c u i l c o " , rather than " images of nature" , is supposed to be part of the native
tradition.
The d i s c o v e r y in Germany of the five pages with notes and sketches made
by Walter Lehmann many y e a r s ago has been a great aid in the d e c i p h e r ment of the " Map of T e p e c o a c u i l c o " . The contents of " F r a g m e n t s Nos, 2
and 3 " have largely confirmed the conclusions I made with r e s p e c t to " F r a g ment No, 1 " . The f o r m e r a r e important, because they have furnished m o r e
solid evidence f o r solving the p r o b l e m s of the dating of the map and the p u r pose f o r which it was painted. I think it is likely that this was done in 1576,
and that the p u r p o s e , f o r which it was meant, was to s e r v e as evidence in
a contest o v e r the p o s s e s s i o n of land, probably concerned in particular with
the question of boundaries of the jurisdiction of T e p e c o a c u i l c o in G u e r r e r o . The g l o s s e s and text were added to make it understood by the Spanish
administrators f o r whom it was surely intended.
NOTES
(1)
114
I wish to thank M r . Ulf Bankmann, Berlin, f o r providing c o p i e s of the
papers with sketches and notes made by Walter Lehmann - here called
" F r a g m e n t s Nos. 2 and 3 " - the originals of which a r e in the" LehmannBibliothek" in the Ibero-Amerikanisches Institut, West Berlin. I am
also grateful to S t a . Eulalia Guzman, M e x i c o City, f o r permitting me
to s e e s o m e of her notes on the papers she studied in Berlin.
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
(6)
(7)
(8)
(9)
(10)
(11)
(12)
(13)
"Hieroglyphen und Schriftstücke in M e x i c a n i s c h e r S p r a c h e , im Ganzen zehn, auf Agavepapier, aus d e r Capilla de Nu. S e n . auf d e r P y ramide von Cholula."
" 9 Blätter mit S c h r i f t und Bildern auf A g a v e - P a p i e r , kürzlich aus M e xico gebracht."
" V o n den 9 Fragmenten scheinen m i r nur 3 d e r Publikation wert zu
s e i n , da die übrigen zu s e h r beschädigt s i n d . "
" T e i l e eines Grundstückdokumentes, z e r r i s s e n , c c . 45 c m , lang, 40
c m , b r e i t . - Wir bemerken oben und unten einen F l u s s . "
Tlachmalacalan (tlachmalacallan), f r o m tlachtli-malacatl-llan (=tlan),
the latter being a locative meaning " i n , upon, n e a r " . Had the locative
been - c a n , i . e . Tlachmalacan, this name would have been a verbal
noun, implying action.I believe Lehmann's reconstruction is m o r e c o r r e c t , although the original name of the town appears to have been T l a c h malacac.
"Auf einem »offenbar die Fortsetzung bildenden Blatt findet s i c h rechts
oben unter e i n e r spanischen S c h r i f t v o n 8 Z e i l e n die Jahreszahl 1576."
By phonetic writing I mean the use of homonyms ( m o r e o r l e s s exact)
to e x p r e s s the sound in question. Phonetic writing may be used in a d dition to a p i c t o g r a m . Ideographic writing r e f e r s to the setting down of
the representation of an idea by a naturalistic f o r m (or its abbreviation)
of the concept to be e x p r e s s e d without considering its phonetic f o r m .
Signs are often based on the combined use of ideographic and phonetic
expressions.
Thelma D. Sullivan, M e x i c o , D . F .
It should be noted that the parochial r e p o r t s should be used with s o m e
caution. Civil boundaries were often unknown (or not taken notice of)
to the c l e r g y , who might visit a village belonging to an adjoining town
and list it as a " s u j e t o " of their monastery,
Except f o r the use of capital letters in personal names andplace names,
I have made no changes in the citations which f o l l o w .
" D i e Handschrift ist Szeilig, die letzten Hälften der ersten 4 sind fast
ganz z e r s t ö r t , unterzeichnet pO m o r a n . . . "
I cannot, of c o u r s e , completely exclude the possibility that the single
branch of the r i v e r shown on " F r a g m e n t No. 3 " may have been a c o n tinuation of the Rio Balsas, i . e . to the east where " F r a g m e n t No, 1 "
is torn (see f i g , 1), However, if this v/ere s o , the r i v e r in question
would have made an abrupt turn to the north, which does not s e e m to
c o r r e s p o n d to the actual situation.
It should be noted that modern maps are probably not too accurate
with r e s p e c t to m i n o r r i v e r s and s t r e a m s in the region with which we
a r e dealing. R i v e r s , which existed at the time the map was painted ,
might also have changed their c o u r s e s o r dried up.
115
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FIGURES
F i g . 1 : The " Map of T e p e c o a c u i l c o "
("Fragment No. 1 " ) .
F i g . 2 : T h e "Map of T e p e c o a c u i l c o "
("Fragment N o . 2 " ) .
F i g . 3 : Glyphs on " F r a g m e n t No. 2 " .
F i g . 4 : " F r a g m e n t N o . 2 " . Glyph f o r Teyecahuaztli.
F i g . 5 : " F r a g m e n t N o . 2 " . Glyph f o r T l a x m a l a c .
F i g . 6 : The " Map of T e p e c o a c u i l c o " ("Fragment No. 3 " ) .
F i g . 7 : Sketch showing how " F r a g m e n t s Nos. 2 and 3 " might be joined t o gether.
F i g . 8 : Map showing the location of places depicted on the northeastern part
of the " M a p of T e p e c o a c u i l c o " .
F i g . 9 : Map of the region of T e p e c o a c u i l c o .
F i g . 10: The tributary province of T e p e c o a c u i l c o (after Barlow 1949).
F i g , 1: The " M a p of T e p e c o a c u i l c o " ("Fragment N o , l " ) .
It is necessary to turn the map in o r d e r to read all the glyphs and g l o s s e s .
The majority of the signs were meant to be read in such a manner that the
south might m o r e logically have been put to point upwards like the north of
a modern map. However, in o r d e r to make c o m p a r i s o n with a modern map
e a s i e r , I have placed the manuscript s o that its upper edge points to the
north.
1. Rio Balsas (Rio Grande).
2 . Rio T e p e c o a c u i l c o .
3. Rio Zopilote.
4. Tepecoacuilco ( ? ) .
5 . La estancia de apacy/pa suzeto (sujeto) a t e p e / q u a q u v l c o . " T h e estancia of Apazipa is a sujeto of T e p e c o a c u i l c o . "
€>, El pu(ebl)o de palula suzeto a /tepequaquilco. " T h e town of P a l u l a i s a
sujeto of T e p e c o a c u i l c o . "
7 . El pu(ebl)o de asuchitlan / s u z e t o a tepequa/quilco. " T h e town of A xochitlan is a sujeto of T e p e c o a c u i l c o . "
8 . La estancia de m a x c a l a / q u e s t a . . .al Rio Grande. " T h e estancia of
M e z c a l a , which is ( c l o s e t o ? ) the Rio Grande (the B a l s a s ) . "
9 . El pu(ebl)o de suchipala cabe9era / Atepequaquilco suzeto / ay deste
pu(ebl)o a estancia / y t i e r r a s de la de . .uentes ( ? ) dos leguas. " T h e
town of Xochipala is a sujeto of the c a b e c e r a of T e p e c o a c u i l c o ( o r p e r haps : the town of Xochipala is a c a b e c e r a , a sujeto of T e p e c o a c u i l c o ) .
There a r e f r o m this town to the estancia and lands o f . .two l e a g u e s , "
10, La estancia de . . .squah/gango junto a chichihualco. " T h e estancia of
Izquauhcingo ( ? ) is c l o s e to Chichihualco."
11, Aqui esta un perrito / entre estas dos estancias / qu(e) diz quiautepet l e . " H e r e is a small hill between these two e s t a n c i a s , which is called
Quiauhtepetl."
12, Tlatlauq. . . d e V i a l t e p e . . ,
"Tlatlauhqui ( ? ; r e d ) . . "
13, Qotlayotzintlan m o z o n e r a (mojonera) de bapan y Tepequaquilco. " Z o tlayotzintlan ( ? ) is the boundary of (between) Oapan and T e p e c o a c u i l co,"
14, , , . y tequitzcan. . .
Fig.l
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Fig. 3
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o
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o
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LAGUNA DE
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o"^
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Fig.9
PROVINCE
MIC HO AC AN
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^^
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CUAUHNAHUAC
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"
CUAUHNAHUAC
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TtnniniA ^
I
„ Teloloapan
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Oztuma ° r- \
°
° Tlaxmalac
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o
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o Huitzuco
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°
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o Cuetzala
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' Mayonala
^
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TARASCAN ZONE
y
^ ^ j^t^i^
Mezcolao
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Ohuapa ^ ^
XochipalaV
^ ^ ° Zunipango*
Otlatlan
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PROVINCE
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\ SEÑORIO DE
o Chilapa
Quecholtenangov q /
YOPITZINCO
Fig.10