Series Health in Brazil 5 Violence and injuries in Brazil: the

Transcrição

Series
Health in Brazil 5
Violence and injuries in Brazil: the effect, progress made, and
challenges ahead
Michael Eduardo Reichenheim, Edinilsa Ramos de Souza, Claudia Leite Moraes, Maria Helena Prado de Mello Jorge,
Cosme Marcelo Furtado Passos da Silva, Maria Cecília de Souza Minayo
Although there are signs of decline, homicides and traffic-related injuries and deaths in Brazil account for almost twothirds of all deaths from external causes. In 2007, the homicide rate was 26·8 per 100 000 people and traffic-related
mortality was 23·5 per 100 000. Domestic violence might not lead to as many deaths, but its share of violence-related
morbidity is large. These are important public health problems that lead to enormous individual and collective costs.
Young, black, and poor men are the main victims and perpetrators of community violence, whereas poor black women
and children are the main victims of domestic violence. Regional differentials are also substantial. Besides the
sociocultural determinants, much of the violence in Brazil has been associated with the misuse of alcohol and illicit
drugs, and the wide availability of firearms. The high traffic-related morbidity and mortality in Brazil have been linked
to the chosen model for the transport system that has given priority to roads and private-car use without offering
adequate infrastructure. The system is often poorly equipped to deal with violations of traffic rules. In response to the
major problems of violence and injuries, Brazil has greatly advanced in terms of legislation and action plans. The main
challenge is to assess these advances to identify, extend, integrate, and continue the successful ones.
Published Online
May 9, 2011
DOI:10.1016/S01406736(11)60053-6
Introduction
This is the fifth in a Series of
six papers on Health in Brazil
Violence and injuries have been prominent causes of
morbidity and mortality in Brazil since the 1980s; by 2007,
they accounted for 12·5% of all deaths, mostly in young
men (83·5%).1 The pattern in Brazil differs from other
parts of the world in some respects: most deaths are due
to homicide or are traffic related (figure 1), by contrast
with most WHO member countries where 51% of deaths
due to external causes are suicides and 11% are due
to wars and civil conflicts.2 In 2007, there were
47 707 homicides and 38 419 traffic-related injuries and
deaths in Brazil, which together constituted 67% of the
total 131 032 deaths from external causes. However, Brazil
is not so different when compared with other Latin
American countries.3
Domestic violence is another major concern that needs
attention. Although not contributing much to mortality
from external causes, several studies (reviewed by Krug
and colleagues2) suggest that it is a very large problem and
leads to serious and lasting consequences for individuals,
families, and society.
Insecurity felt by many Brazilians should thus not be
unexpected. This feeling stems from a combination of
high crime rates—especially interpersonal violence—
overseen by an often inefficient and corrupt police, as
well as by impunity at large.4 In many respects, use of
alcohol and illicit drugs, along with a large amount of
weapons in circulation, form the backdrop to the violence.
Longstanding insufficient and inadequate responses of
the public-security forces and the justice system helped
to increase the sense of impunity.
After a steady rise over the years, a declining trend
in homicides and traffic-related injuries and deaths
has been recorded over recent years, albeit not
homogeneously across all regions. Factors that might be
influencing this downward trend are still uncertain, but
some hypotheses have been proposed. Trends for
domestic violence are unknown since there are few
studies on this subject.
A renewed commitment of civil society and public
agencies to build a national consciousness about violence
and injuries has been witnessed over recent years. The
See Online/Comment
DOI:10.1016/S01406736(11)60433-9,
DOI:10.1016/S01406736(11)60354-1,
DOI:10.1016/S01406736(11)60318-8,
DOI:10.1016/S01406736(11)60326-7, and
DOI:10.1016/S01406736(11)60437-6
Department of Epidemiology,
Institute of Social Medicine,
Rio de Janeiro State University,
Rio de Janeiro, RJ, Brazil
(Prof M E Reichenheim PhD,
Prof C L Moraes PhD);
Latin-American Centre for
Studies on Violence and Health
Key messages
• Violence is an important public health problem in Brazil due to it being the source of a
large proportion of morbidity (sixth leading cause of hospital admissions and a high
prevalence of domestic violence) and mortality (third place in mortality). This results
in high individual and collective costs.
• Young, black, and poor men are the main victims and perpetrators of community
violence, whereas poor black women are the main victims of domestic violence.
• In Brazil, physical violence between intimate partners has a regional pattern, with
higher prevalence in the northern regions—less developed, with a strong patriarchal
culture and characterised by gender inequality—as opposed to the historically most
developed southern regions.
• Despite some successful experiences in recent years, public safety largely operates by
confrontation and repression rather than sharing intelligence and prevention.
• The Brazilian transport system gives priority to roads and private-car use without
offering an adequate infrastructure, and is poorly equipped to deal with the
infringement of traffic rules.
• Widespread corruption and impunity provide a culture of permissiveness that
surrounds violence and its consequences.
• Besides the sociocultural determinants, much of the violence in Brazil is associated
with the misuse of alcohol and illicit drugs and wide availability of firearms.
• In response to the major problems of violence and injuries, Brazil has advanced greatly
in terms of legislation and action plans. The main challenge is to assess these advances
to identify, extend, integrate, and continue the successful ones.
www.thelancet.com Published online May 9, 2011 DOI:10.1016/S0140-6736(11)60053-6
1
Series
(CLAVES), National School of
Public Health, Oswaldo Cruz
Foundation, Rio de Janeiro, RJ,
Brazil (E R de Souza PhD,
M C de Souza Minayo PhD);
Mestrado Profissional em Saúde
da Família, Estácio de Sá
University, Rio de Janeiro, RJ,
Brazil (Prof C L Moraes);
Department of Epidemiology,
Public Health Faculty,
University of São Paulo,
São Paulo, SP, Brazil
(Prof M H P de Mello Jorge PhD);
and Department of
Epidemiology and Quantitative
Methods in Health, National
School of Public Health,
Oswaldo Cruz Foundation,
Rio de Janeiro, RJ, Brazil
(C M F P da Silva PhD)
Correspondence to:
Dr Michael E Reichenheim,
Instituto de Medicina Social,
Universidade do Estado do Rio
de Janeiro, Rua São Francisco
Xavier 524, 7° andar, Rio de
Janeiro, RJ 20559-900, Brazil
[email protected]
29·3%
36·4%
6·8%
1·4%
6·3%
6·5%
8·7%
Homicides
Traffic-related deaths
Suicides
Falls
4·6%
Homicides
Drownings
Injuries of undetermined intention
Other accidental injuries
Other external causes
Scale of the problem
Figure 1: Proportional distribution of deaths by external causes, 2007
Original (ad-hoc) analysis (n=131 032) with the Brazilian Ministry of Health’s
Mortality Information System database.1
Panel: Information sources for reviews and data analyses
We include original analyses of secondary data retrieved from the Brazilian Ministry of
Health’s Mortality Information System,1 the Information System on Hospital Admissions,5
the 2000 Brazilian census obtained from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and
Statistics and the Institute of Applied Economic Research. Our analysis of homicides
covered 1980–2007, in addition to data from 2008 for Brazilian municipalities (counties)
with 100 000 inhabitants or more. We assessed traffic-related deaths for 1996–2007 with
data from the Mortality Information System, and for 2007 and 2008 with data from the
Information System on Hospital Admissions. We used International Classification of
Diseases (10th revision) codes X85-Y09 and Y87.1 for assault involving homicide, Y35 for
legal intervention, and V01-V89 for traffic-related deaths.6
The original health data on homicides and traffic-related deaths are complemented by a
review of published work. Besides police reports, police inquiries, court cases, and other
official documents, our review is mainly based on data from the Brazilian National
Department of Motor Vehicles, the Mobile Emergency Care Service,7 and the System for
Surveillance of Accidents and Violence recently created by the Ministry of Health.8,9
As with homicides, the Information System on Hospital Admissions is the best source of
data on traffic-related injuries and deaths, since it covers deaths at any time after the event
and not only those at the time of the accident. Meanwhile, data from DENATRAN cover
only about 70% of all traffic-related deaths,10 so comparisons need to be viewed with
caution when using publications based on different data sources.9,11 Records on outpatient
morbidity after accidents and violence are usually only partial. The existing data are from
admissions to hospital recorded in the Information System on Hospital Admissions
database and the Mobile Emergency Care Service.7 Both provide better information on
accidents (compared with violence), although the Mobile Emergency Care Service is still
not organised as a nationwide system. The System for Surveillance of Accidents and
Violence, established in 2006, contains reports of cases of violence that reach outpatient
clinics and emergency services.8,9 Based on the profile of patients admitted to hospital, we
have measured morbidity due to traffic-related injuries since 1998.12
(Continues on next page)
2
urgency about the need for social and institutional
changes has been a catalyst for various movements and
actions by civil society and government alike. For several
health-related problems covered in this Series, violence is
certainly one that has strongly affected the health sector,
demanding a restructuring and organisational overhaul
to respond to its effects: traumas, injuries, and deaths.
Based on several primary and secondary sources (panel),
as well as specific reviews of published work, we provide
an overview of violence and traffic-related events affecting
the health of Brazilians. We focus on the most relevant
aspects and describe strategies used by federal, state, and
municipal governments and Brazilian society in general
to confront the problems of homicides, domestic violence,
and traffic-related injuries and deaths.
Homicides, since the 1980s, have been largely responsible
for the rise in violence-related mortality in Brazil.
Mortality rose from 26·8 per 100 000 people in 1991 to
31·8 per 100 000 in 2001; however, since 2003, there has
been a downturn (figure 2). By 2007, levels had returned
to what they were in 1991 (26·8 per 100 000). Homiciderelated mortality is still greater than that reported in
China (1·2 per 100 000 in 2007) and Argentina
(5·2 per 100 000 in 2007), yet is below that of other
countries such as South Africa (36·5 or 100 000 in 2008)
and Colombia (38·8 per 100 000 in 2007).20
In Brazil, men are at ten-times greater risk of dying
from homicides than women (figure 2); the differences
by age group are equally striking. In the 1980s the
increase in mortality was mainly in children (0–9 years)
and adolescents (10–14 years), whereas in the next decade
homicides also reached young adults aged between 15 and
29 years. In the 2000s, mortality dropped in nearly all age
groups, except those aged 50 years and older.21
Epidemiological profile, determinants, and risk factors
The north, northeast, and centre-west regions (the areas
of agricultural frontiers and serious conflicts over land)
had the highest mortality due to homicide, whereas the
southeast and south (the most heavily populated and
developed regions) had the lowest (table 1). Over the
period assessed there has been a general reduction in
mortality in the southeast, north, and centre-west regions,
but it has increased in the northeast and the south.
Although the most populous regions are those with the
lowest homicide rates, the highest rates are in the larger
cities. Some studies have given the intense urbanisation
beginning in the 1990s as an explanation,22 although
others point to social disorganisation and decreased law
enforcement capacity.23 A strong association between
homicide, drug trafficking, and the possession of illegal
weapons has also been surmised.22,24
Several factors have been implicated in the increase of
homicides in Brazil. Many of these factors are common
Series
(Continued from previous page)
All rates are standardised according to the WHO standard population in 2000.13 Data
corrected for under-reporting according to region of the country, sex, and age strata.
The webappendix accompanying the Series paper by Victora and colleagues has details
of the mortality calculation.14
It is difficult to obtain reliable data on child abuse and neglect, intimate partner violence,
and domestic violence against the elderly. Mortality data are problematic, since they
assume deaths from external causes as a proxy for the problem. Mortality and morbidity
databases from law enforcement agencies have many missing data, especially regarding
the aggressor, thus hindering interpretation of the data. Surveillance data from reports to
health services or Tutelary Councils have limited coverage in different regions of Brazil and
tend to emphasise certain aspects of violence more than others.15 Primary morbidity data
are more specific and provide a more detailed picture. We thus chose to prioritise primary
sources for our review of published work and as the underlying data for the original
analyses. There are few such studies with a nationwide scope in Brazil. So far, only three
population-based surveys were identified that specifically assessed domestic and
intimate-partner violence and covered states from all regions of the country.16–19
Men
Women
Total
60
55
50
45
40
35
Rate
to Latin American countries and other parts of the world,
but some are particular to Brazil, such as the blending of
different cultural aspects of Brazilian society. As in many
countries, young brown and black men and poorly
educated people are the main victims.21 In 2007, for
instance, men accounted for 43 890 (92%) of
47 707 homicides and 36 124 (81·7%) of 44 216 admissions
to hospital involving violence at large. The most heavily
affected age-group was 20–29 years, both for deaths
(19 226 [40·3%] of 47 707) and admission to hospital
(13 928 [31·5%] of 44 216). Of the 47 707 victims of
homicides, 26 287 (55·1%) were mixed race (42·5% of the
total Brazilian population is mixed race; 79 571 900 of
187 228 000) and 3912 (8·2%) were black (7·5% of the
population; 14 042 100 of 187 228 000).25 Of the
30 107 homicides (63·1%) for which information on the
victims was available, 13 458 (44·7%) had 4–7 years of
schooling whereas only 1174 (3·9%) had schooling for
more than 12 years.
High consumption of alcohol and the use of illicit drugs
are also common in Brazil. For example, in the state
capital in southern Brazil 99 (76·2%) of the 130 victims or
the perpetrators tried between 1990 and 1995 were
intoxicated at the time of the crime.26 Similarly, a
toxicological analysis at the Institute of Forensic Medicine
in a city of São Paulo State found cocaine in six of the
blood samples taken in relation to 42 violent deaths.27
Brazil has high homicide rates involving firearms
(19·5 per 100 000 people in 2002), compared with both
high-income countries like Canada, France, and the USA
(from fewer than one per 100 000 to three per 100 000),
and other low-to-middle income Latin American
countries such as Argentina and Mexico (from three
per 100 000 to seven per 100 000).28 The proportion of
homicides committed with firearms increased from 50%
to 70% between 1991 and 2000, an increase mostly due to
the use of smuggled weapons in organised crime. During
this period, while homicides increased by 27·5% overall,
those involving firearms increased by 72·5%.29 According
to data from 2007, firearms were used in 71·5% of
homicide deaths and 24·4% of admissions to hospital
due to assaults.
From a macrostructural standpoint, Brazilian
researchers have underscored the severe economic
stagnation that took hold of the country in the 1980s and
aggravated a historical and enduring concentration of
wealth. This stagnation was in the wake of a process of
accelerated urbanisation that had already begun in
previous decades, a process that led a large portion of the
population to move into the peripheries of towns and
cities without matching provisions of infrastructure and
services. Unprecedented growth of the young population
due to the baby boom of the 1960s and the ensuing high
rates of unemployment and informal employment of
these young people, especially in those with lower levels
of formal education, might have also added to the
escalating homicide rates.
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007
Year
Figure 2: Total homicide mortality (per 100 000 inhabitants) and by sex, 1991–2007
Original (ad-hoc) analysis with Brazilian Ministry of Health’s Mortality Information System database.1 Rates are
standardised according to the WHO standard population in 2000.13 Data corrected for under-reporting according
to region of the country, sex, and age strata.
Contextual factors also made a great contribution to the
increase in homicides in the 1980s and 1990s. Notable
factors are the intensification of the trade in illicit drugs,
smuggling and trafficking of firearms and other
merchandise, urban turf wars between criminal gangs,
police violence, conflicts in rural towns with agricultural
frontiers, and land disputes.23,30–32
For more on data from the
Brazilian Institute of
Geography and Statistics see
http://www.ibge.gov.br/home/
Consequences
Brazilian National Department
of Motor Vehicles see http://
www.denatran.gov.br/
The high homicide rate has major emotional and social
costs. Homicide leads to the breakdown of families and
affects friends and acquaintances of victims, causing
suffering, revolt, fear, and despair, in addition to various
psychiatric disorders.33 Even a non-fatal assault almost
always leaves temporary or permanent sequelae.
Institute of Applied Economic
Research see http://www.
ipeadata.gov.br/ipeaweb.dll/
ipeadata
For more on DENATRAN see
http://www.denatran.gov.br/
3
Series
1991
1995
2000
2007
Difference
North
39·0
32·0
Northeast
30·8
31·6
31·1
34·1
–12·6%
32·0
36·8
Centre-west
32·6
29·9
34·6
19·5%
29·6
–9·2%
Southeast
26·9
28·5
South
16·5
13·8
34·6
22·9
–14·9%
16·0
18·2
10·3%
Original (ad-hoc) analysis with Brazilian Ministry of Health’s Mortality
Information System database.1 Rates are standardised according to the WHO
standard population in 2000.13 Data corrected for under-reporting according to
region of the country, sex, and age strata.
Table 1: Homicide mortality per 100 000 inhabitants by macro-regions
of Brazil, 1991–2007
According to the Institute of Applied Economic
Research, violence cost Brazil almost US$30 billion
(more than R$87 billion) in 2004. Of this, the cost to the
public sector was $9·6 billion (almost R$28 billion).34
The Unified National Health System (SUS) spent an
estimated $39 million (almost R$114 million) in 2004 on
admissions to hospital due to assaults, a large share of
which related to attempted homicides.9
Studies have shown that homicides interfered in the
urban layout and negatively affected the real-estate sector.
These changes led to the closing off of public spaces and
sparked the construction of private gated communities
for those purporting to shield themselves from violence.35
According to simulations for certain neighbourhoods in
Belo Horizonte (capital of the State of Minas Gerais), a
50% drop in the homicide rate would increase rental
values by 12–16·6%.36 Perversely, homicides also led to
increases in the economy and generated income for the
security industry—because of the demand for electric
fences and gratings, armoured passenger cars, and alarm
systems—and the weapons industry. Homicides also
helped the private security industry, which showed an
increase of 73·9% in the number of companies from 1997
to 2007; this represented 45·5% of the security services
system37 and automobile insurance industry.38
Domestic violence
Another major public health problem in Brazil is child
and adolescent maltreatment by parents, intimate-partner
violence, and domestic violence against elderly people.
Although sexual abuse is a serious public health problem
in Brazil, it is discussed separately in the webappendix
(p 1) since it is not necessarily a domestic form of violence
and involves specific determinants and consequences
compared with other forms of intimate violence.
The webappendix (p 3) summarises the populationbased and services-based studies on domestic violence in
Brazil between 1995 and 2010. Most studies are from the
southeast, especially from the metropolitan areas of
São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro.
According to the 11 studies on child abuse and neglect
that we have reviewed, the number of cases of
4
psychological and physical violence against children and
adolescents are conspicuously high.39,40 Regarding
physical abuse, for instance, the average period prevalence
according to studies published over the past 15 years was
15·7%. Although lower than in some countries such as
India (36%), Egypt (26%), and the Philippines (37%), it is
far higher than in other countries in the continent such
as Chile (4%) and the USA (4·9%).2 Although national
studies highlight the importance of child neglect as part
of child and adolescent maltreatment,41,42 there are no
population-based studies accounting for its extent.
Mortality statistics suggest that one woman is killed every
2 h in Brazil, which places the country in 12th position in
the world’s rankings for the homicide of women.4 Morbidity
data underlines this startling picture. The first large-scale
Brazilian survey in 16 major cities, focusing on how couples
resolved disputes arising day-to-day, showed that the overall
prevalence of psychological aggression in couples was
78·3%, for so-called minor physical abuse was 21·5%, and
for severe physical abuse was 12·9%; roughly in agreement
with the out-of-pregnancy average prevalence (63·5% of
psychological aggression and 22·8% of any type of physical
abuse; webappendix p 3).17 On narrowing down to violence
perpetrated against women by their partners, the study
showed 67·5% psychological aggression and 7·1% severe
physical abuse. The 12-month prevalence of any type of
physical abuse was 14·3%, about average if compared with
all studies reviewed by Heise and colleagues,43 Jewkes and
colleagues,44 and Taft and colleagues.45 Prevalence was far
greater than the mean estimates in North America (2%),
moderately greater than those in Europe (8%) and subSaharan Africa (9%), and close to the levels reported from
Asia and Oceania (12%). Yet, the aggregate rate (16 cities)
was well below the mean reported from North Africa and
the Middle East (33%). The overall prevalence was also
lower than Latin America’s average of 21%, but closer to the
rates in Mexico (15%) and Uruguay (10%).
Brazilian estimates were higher when assessing lifetime
intimate-partner violence. The WHO Multi-Country Study
on Women’s Health and Domestic Violence reported
prevalence of about 27% for São Paulo (city) and 34% for
the State of Pernambuco’s costal region.46 Intimatepartner violence is also common against pregnant
women. A study in Rio de Janeiro showed a 9-month
period prevalence of 18·2% for physical assault,47 which is
at the upper limits reported by other investigators.48
Research on domestic abuse of elderly people is still
scarce in Brazil. Two population-based studies show
prevalence rates of about 10% for physical abuse by family
members or caregivers (webappendix p 3),49,50 which is
substantially higher than those reported in the USA
(2%),51 England (2%),52 and the Netherlands (1·2%).53
Table 2 shows the profile of conflict-resolution related
intimate-partner violence.17 Focusing on women as
victims, there are some regional differences in prevalence,
Series
as well as women’s age and schooling. In all regions,
about three-quarters to two-thirds of the women reported
that they were the recipients of at least one act of
psychological aggression in the 12 months before they
were questioned. About one in five (north and northeast)
to one in eight (centre-west, southeast, and south) women
reported an episode of physical force during the same
period. There is a clear regional gradient with regard to
the form of severe physical abuse such as punching,
beating, choking, or even brandishing or actually using a
knife or firearm. The findings are also consistent with
higher levels of intimate-partner violence in lowerincome strata, a profile similar to that found in other
studies.2,47,56 The pattern with regard to women’s age is
less regular: in the south, adolescents are the more
common victims of intimate-partner violence; whereas
in the north, the victims are older women.
Although table 2 centres on women as victims, additional
findings depict a more intricate pattern. Defining a
positive case of intimate-partner violence as one act
perpetrated within the 12-month recall period, women
were shown to be at the same level as men for committing
violent acts.17,47 However, and most importantly, male
perpetrators consistently committed more such acts, and
consequences to women victims were more severe. A
document prepared by the Institute of Public Security of
Rio de Janeiro57 shows that women accounted for 27 149
(88%) of 30 851 cases of grievous bodily harm registered at
police stations in 2008, and that the perpetrators were the
present or former partners of the victims in more than
half of these cases. This is clearly a very asymmetrical
situation that relates to power structures within couples
that might lead to a greater potential for one partner to
hurt and severely injure the other.
Many Brazilian studies have identified sociocultural
risk factors for domestic violence such as sex inequality,58
permissiveness towards violence in childhood education,59
devaluation of elderly people,49,60 precarious socioeconomic
conditions,17 a weak network of support, and social
isolation.61 A history of violence in the family62 and use of
alcohol and illicit drugs also plays an important part.58,61
Physical violence against children is more common in
boys, children with health problems, and in families with
concomitant intimate-partner violence.63,64 This violence
against children tends to happen in younger couples, but
also in those couples with more children and household
crowding.17,58,65 As in other countries, intimate-partner
violence in Brazil also seems related to a history of
childhood sexual abuse, multiparity, lack of financial
autonomy for the woman, informal partnership, and if
consent was given at first sexual intercourse.58 Women
married to men who do not practise any religion or
women who are housewives are also at higher risk.66
Consequences
Research in Brazil shows that the health consequences of
violence in childhood can happen in different aspects of
North
(n=828)
Northeast
(n=1920)
Centrewest
(n=772)
Southeast
(n=2008)
South
(n=1246)
Aggregate
(n=6797)
Psychological aggression
Age of women (years)
<20
79·8%*
69·2%
65·6%
75·3%
76·2%†
73·9%†
≥20
73·3%
66·6%
62·2%
66·7%
66·2%
66·8%
Duration of schooling (years)
≤7
75·7%
70·7%*
64·6%
67·0%
68·5%
68·4%
>7
73·6%
64·6%
62·2%
68·2%
67·3%
67·5%
Total
74·1%
66·8%
62·7%
67·4%
67·2%
··*
<20
21·0%
16·0%
10·8%
13·1%
20·9%‡
14·9%
≥20
24·2%
19·3%
13·0%
12·8%
11·1%
14·5%
Physical abuse (any)
≤7
29·6%†
27·8%†
14·1%
19·2%†
16·6%†
21·2%‡
>7
20·1%
12·4%
11·9%
9·9%
10·5%
11·2%
Total
23·8%
18·9%
12·8%
12·4%
12·0%
··‡
Physical abuse (severe)
<20
7·8%
3·7%
4·3%
9·4%†
5·5%
12·6%
11·7%
7·5%
5·9%
4·9%
7·4%
≤7
16·9%‡
18·6%‡
7·6%
10·4%‡
9·6%‡
12·3%‡
>7
8·4%
5·7%
6·9%
3·6%
3·7%
4·5%
Total
11·8%
11·3%
7·1%
5·6%
5·4%
··‡
≥20
6·1%†
Original (ad-hoc) analysis with data from the Household Survey on Risk Behaviours and Reported Morbidity from
Non-Communicable Diseases.15 Portuguese (Brazilian) version of the Conflict Tactics Scales used to measure
intimate-partner violence.53,54 Point-estimates and p values were calculated with Stata 10 svy allowing for design effect
(stratified, multi-stage sampling with unequal sampling fractions). *p <0·05. †p<0·01. ‡p <0·001.
Table 2: Period-prevalence (12 months) of psychological and physical abuse against women by region
growth and development, and extend into adulthood.
Physical traumatic effects tend to leave visible marks,
mainly on the skin and in the musculoskeletal system.
Less tangibly, studies have shown associations between
child abuse and psychiatric disorders in general,67 drug
use,68 depression and low self-esteem in adolescence,39,69
conduct disorders,70 post-traumatic stress disorder,71 and
transgressive behaviour in adulthood.62
Intimate-partner violence also has serious consequences.72
Brazilian studies have reported many health problems,
ranging from scratches to death. The consequences on
women’s mental health are substantial.73,74 Intimate-partner
violence during pregnancy threatens not only the mother’s
health but also that of the infant;75–78 it has also indirect
effects, as in other contexts, children who witness violence
between their parents also suffer serious repercussions.62,79,80
There is little evidence in Brazilian published work on the
consequences of domestic violence against elderly people,
so international work has been relied upon to raise the
awareness of government agencies and civil society of the
relevance of domestic violence and the importance of
implementing measures to deal with it.
5
Series
Centre-west
North
South
50
45
Brazil
Northeast
Southeast
40
35
Rate
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007
Year
Figure 3: National traffic-related mortality (per 100 000 inhabitants) and by macroregions, 1991–2007
12
Pedestrian
Occupant
Motorcyclist
Cyclist
Bus or heavy vehicle
Rate
9
6
3
0
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
Year
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
Figure 4: Traffic-related mortality (per 100 000 inhabitants) by type of victim, 1996–2007
Traffic-related injuries and deaths
The first epidemiological studies on traffic-related deaths
in Brazil date to the 1970s and already showed high and
rising mortality.81,82 Based on the profile of patients
admitted to hospital, it has been possible to measure
morbidity from traffic-related injuries since 1998.12 The
VIVA System,8 established in 2006, has allowed the
characteristics of patients treated in emergency services
to be identified (panel).
In 2007, traffic-related deaths represented almost 30%
of all deaths from external causes in Brazil (figure 1).
Figure 3 shows the mortality trend from 1991 to 2007.
Mortality peaked by 1996 and 1997 (28·1 per
100 000 inhabitants per year). This rate was still greater
than the world’s average (19·0 per 100 000) and all low-tomiddle-income countries put together (20·2 per 100 000),
6
and far greater than in high-income countries
(12·6 per 100 000). The decline happened by 1998 and
rates stayed at about 23 per 100 000 thereafter. Brazil’s
position remained close to the Latin America and
Caribbean average (26·1 per 100 000), yet still above some
countries such as Argentina (9·9 per 100 000) and Chile
(10·7 per 100 000), although below others such as
El Salvador (41·7 per 100 000).83 The decline—about
14%—might be attributable in part to the new Brazilian
Traffic Code, enacted in 1998, which includes, not only
strict enforcement of seatbelt use and drinking-anddriving laws, but also provides severe sanctions for
offending drivers.84 The sharpest fall was in the centrewest region, although it remained with the highest rate at
the end of the 16-year series (figure 3). There was also a
small decline in the southern regions (south and
southeast), similar to the aggregate Brazilian trend. Rates
in the northeast were stable at about 28 per 100 000.
Pedestrians are the largest category of traffic-related
deaths (34·6%; figure 4), even with the decrease of 40·4%
over the study period. In 2007, mortality of pedestrians
was 6·2 per 100 000; however, the worst problem today
concerns motorcyclists. Motorcycle deaths as a proportion
of total traffic-related deaths rose from 4·1% in 1996 to
28·4% in 2007; the risk increased at an alarming
pace (820%), with rates rising from 0·5 to 4·2
per 100 000 inhabitants. Contributing to this increase was
the huge expansion in the country’s motorcycle fleet,
which almost doubled from 2001 to 2005.10 Until the 1980s,
motorcycles were still seen as pleasure vehicles in Brazil,
but their low cost and agility in heavy traffic has, since
the 1990s, turned them into work vehicles, initially to
transport merchandise and to act as couriers (motor-boys)
and more recently to transport passengers (motor-taxis).85
Traffic-related deaths mostly involve men (81·2% of
deaths in 2007); the male-to-female ratio depends on the
type of accident. This ratio is greater for cyclists (9·8 men
killed for every woman), motorcyclists (8·1 men killed),
and occupants of heavy vehicles and buses (6·8 men
killed). The sex ratios are lower for the occupants of cars
(3·5:1) and pedestrians (3·1:1). The elderly population
(≥60 years) has the highest death rates as pedestrians,
although individuals aged 40–59 years also make up a
large share (table 3). Motorcycle-related and car-related
deaths are more common in young adults (aged
20–39 years).
Several studies have attempted to clarify the risk factors
for traffic-related injury and death.86 Human factors
include drinking and driving, stress, fatigue, and
drowsiness. The latter is particularly common in taxi,
lorry, bus, and ambulance drivers because of their long
and exhausting work hours.87–89
Drinking is an important factor beginning at early ages.90
Galduróz and Caetano91 refer to two important studies.
One study, done in 1997 in three State capitals (Curitiba,
Series
Recife, and Salvador) and the Federal District (Brasília),
showed that in 865 victims, 27·2% had blood alcohol
content greater than 0·6 g/L, the amount allowed before
the law changed in 2008. The other study, done in 1995 by
the Centre for Studies on Drug Abuse (Centro de Estudos
e Terapia do Abuso de Drogas) in the city of Salvador
showed that 37·7% of drivers involved in traffic-related
injuries had been drinking. Injuries as a consequence of
heavy drinking were most common at night and on
weekends; most of the intoxicated drivers were young
single men.92 To these factors one must add speeding,
sleepiness, and inexperienced young drivers, clearly a very
dangerous and sometimes fatal combination.
Roadway-related factors include deficient traffic signs
and poor road maintenance, bad or non-existent lighting,
poor maintenance of the road surface, lack of highway
shoulders, and inadequate inclines, embankments, and
curves—all common in Brazil. Vehicle-related factors
include inadequate maintenance of engines, brakes, and
tyres, lack of airbags in economy vehicles, and hazardous
car design.86 Surprisingly, figures suggest that the increase
in the number of cars in Brazil did not have a
corresponding effect on mortality. From 1998 to 2007,
motor vehicles increased by 104% (cars 75% and
motorcycles 270%); however, according to our original adhoc analysis with a database provided by the National
Traffic Department death rates decreased between 1998
and 2007 from 23·9% to 23·5%, and from 27·3 to 23·5
from 1991 onwards. This decrease suggests that other
factors are involved such as speeding, driving under the
influence of alcohol, and the lack of use of safety
equipment (seatbelts, airbags, harnesses for children, and
helmets for motorcyclists).86
Consequences
Brazilian traffic accidents have a high personal and social
cost: at the individual level, there is not only high
mortality, but also major physical and psychological
sequelae in injured survivors, especially in young victims.
In 2005, for example, 500 patients were discharged from
Brazilian hospitals with spinal-cord injuries related to
traffic accidents.93 Data from the Hospital Information
System for 2007 show that there were 17 265 admissions
to hospitals because of traffic-related injuries.5
In 2006, the Brazilian Government’s Institute of
Applied Economic Research estimated the economic
costs of traffic-related injuries in urban regions.94 The
total annual cost was about $9·9 billion (almost R$22
billion), or the equivalent of 1·2% of Brazil’s gross
domestic product that year. This total included $2·9 billion
(R$6·4 billion) on federal highways (45% from lost
productivity and 25% on patient treatment), $6·4 billion
(more than R$14 billion) on State highways, and about
$632 million (almost R$1·4 billion) on municipal
roadways. Although the mean duration of hospital stay
for injuries resulting from traffic-related injuries and
death is shorter than that for other external causes,
Pedestrian
(n=6·2)
Cyclist
(n=1·0)
Motorcyclist
(n=4·6)
Car occupant
(n=4·9)
Occupant of heavy
vehicles and buses
(n=0·5)
<10 years
2·7
0·2
0·1
1·3
0·1
10–19 years
2·5
0·7
3·4
2·4
0·2
20–39 years
5·1
1·1
9·4
7·0
0·8
40–59 years
8·5
1·6
4·1
6·6
0·8
15·0
1·5
1·5
5·2
0·4
≥60 years
standardised according to the WHO standard population in 2000.13 Data corrected for under-reporting according to
region of the country, sex, and age strata.
Table 3: Traffic-related mortality per 100 000 inhabitants by type of victim and by age group, 2007
admission to hospital as the result of traffic-related injury
are far more costly than others.95
Social responses to violence and traffic-related
deaths and injuries
Past and present policies and measures
Several measures have been undertaken to reduce the
number of homicides. Macrostructural measures
implemented by the Brazilian Government feature
initiatives for young people like the First Job Programme
and Family Grant Programme (Programa Bolsa Família)
that aim to keep children and young people in school.
In 2004, the government created the National Public
Security Force (Força Nacional de Segurança Pública) to
address urban violence and reinforce the State’s presence
in regions with high-crime rates. More recently, in 2008,
Brazil launched the National Public Security Programme
with Citizenship (Programa Nacional de Segurança Pública
com Cidadania) to link strict security policies with
preventive social measures in projects for women at risk
and young people in trouble with the law.96
In 2003, the National Congress passed Law 10 826—
known as the Disarmament Statute—ruling on the
registration, possession, and commercialisation of
firearms and establishing the National Weapons System
(Sistema Nacional de Armas). In 2004, a major campaign
for voluntary disarmament, led predominantly by nongovernmental organisations, resulted in more than
450 000 guns being turned in. However, a subsequent
national referendum in 2005 did not enforce the control
of the possession of illegal firearms, since 67% of the
population voted against a ban on the sale of guns and
ammunition. Regional governmental and nongovernmental initiatives have however implemented
comprehensive programmes of gun control.97–101
We do not know whether the noted decline in recent
years is consistent and widespread. In the absence of
specific studies, one cannot pinpoint what the effects of
such initiatives really are. However, the downturn in
mortality since 2003 might be the result of a combination
of socioeconomic, demographic, and specific measures.
For one, there is the influence of recent improvements in
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the quality of life, such as rising education levels, income,
and purchasing power.102 The drop in the proportion of
young in the population might also play a part.103 At a
more specific level, besides the stricter enforcement of
the purchase and possession of firearms and the
country’s disarmament campaign,104 there is the growing
Name or number
incarceration rate,105 preventive social projects, investment
in public security actions, and use of intelligence for
planning interventions.96
Table 4 provides a brief history of the key actions taken
in the past 30 years to deal with domestic violence. As the
Brazilian women’s movement grew in the late 1970s,
Details
Intimate-partner violence
1980
Convention on the elimination of all forms of
discrimination against women (I)
Brazil joins the international movement for sex equality and signs the bill passed 3 years previously by the UN
General Assembly
1985
National council for women’s rights
Women’s defence precinct
Founding of the council
Created in the State of São Paulo; first in country
1986
Special precinct for women
Created in the State of Rio de Janeiro; first in country
1988
Convention on the elimination of all forms of
discrimination against women (II)
Brazilian Government ratifies the UN Convention in full
1995
Inter-American convention on the prevention,
punishment, and eradication of violence against
women
Brazil also signs the Convention in a meeting that came to be known as the Convention of Belém do Pará
2003
Law number 10 778
Executive order 103
Providing for nationwide mandatory reporting of violence against women by public and private health services
Creation of the Special Secretariat for Women’s Policies
2004
National policy for comprehensive women’s health care Aimed at developing policies for women’s health in liaison with other technical areas of the Ministry of Health
Its role is to develop technical standards, technical manuals, publications on topics related to women’s health and
Law number 10 886
provide technical support to states and municipalities in developing and implementing policies
1st National Conference on Women’s Policies, Brasilia
Adding paragraphs to Article 129 of Decree Law number 2848 of the 1940 penal code, and specifically defining
domestic violence
Ministry of Health formally acknowledges intimate-partner violence as a health problem, according to the National
Policy for the Reduction of Morbidity and Mortality from Accidents and Violence and the National Plan for the
Prevention of Violence
2005
Women’s hotline (180)
Implemented as a free 24 h, 7 days a week telephone service with nationwide coverage
2006
Law number 11 340
The so-called Maria da Penha law
2007
2nd National Conference on Women’s Policies
Follow-up of the 1st National Conference in 2004
2008
Publication of the 2nd National Plan for Women’s
Policies
Strengthens the political will of the federal government to reverse the pattern of inequality between men and
women, guided by the principles of equality and respect for diversity, equity, Brazilian women’s autonomy, secularity
of the state, universality of policies, social justice, transparency of public acts, participation, and social control
Children and adolescent maltreatment
1988
Article 227 of the Brazilian Constitution
Aims to ensure protection of children by the family, society, and state
1990
Law number 99 710
Law number 8069
Brazil adopts in full the text of the International Convention on the Rights of Children, passed by the UN General
Assembly in 1989
Passage of the Statute of Children and Adolescents creating the so-called Tutelary Councils (for minors)
1991
Bill of Law number 8242
Creation of the National Council for the Rights of Children and Adolescents
1998
Implementation of the Information System on
Childhood and Adolescence
In support of the work by the Tutelary Councils and the Councils for the Rights of Children at the municipal, state, and
federal levels
1999
Ruling number 1354 by the Rio de Janeiro State Health
Secretariat
The first major step towards mandatory reporting of child abuse
2001
Ministry of Health Ruling number 737
Institutes the National Policy for the Reduction of Morbidity and Mortality from Accidents and Violence
Makes it mandatory for health services nationwide to report confirmed and suspected cases of child and adolescent
abuse
2002
National Programme to Combat Sexual Violence
against Children and Adolescents
Created in response to demands by the National Plan to Combat Violence Against Children and Adolescents
2003
Programme for the Protection of Children and
Adolescents Threatened with Death (I)
Aim at providing accommodation to threatened children and adolescents; social programmes aimed at full
protection; legal, psychological, pedagogical and financial support and assistance; and support in case of civil and
administrative obligations that require their attendance
2004
Establishes the reporting service, reporting forms, and referral flows
2007
Decree number 6231
Officially establishes the Programme for the Protection of Children and Adolescents Threatened with Death
started in 2003
The Programme launched a social agenda for children and adolescents, especially with regards to violence related
deaths in children and juveniles
2010
Law project ruling out corporal punishment and
degrading and cruel treatment against children and
adolescents
Submitted to the National Congress on July 14, 2010, in commemoration of the 20 year anniversary of the Statute of
Children and Adolescents
(Continues on next page)
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Name or number
Details
(Continued from previous page)
Domestic violence against elderly people
1994
National Policy for the Elderly (law 8842)
1999
Ruling 1395/99
Launched by government creating the National Council for the Elderly
Enacts the National Policy for the Health of the Elderly
2003
Law 10 741
Law 10 741, and Articles 19 and 57
Establishes the Statute of the Elderly, after the International Action Plan for Aging approved by the 2nd UN World
Assembly on Aging in 2002
Makes it the responsibility of health professionals and institutions to report abuses against the elderly to the Council
for the Elderly (Municipal, State, or Federal)
2005
Action Plan to Combat Violence against Senior
Citizens (I)
Presentation of the plan by the National Under-Secretariat for Human Rights, Office of the President
Scheduled for implementation in 2005 and 2006
2006
Ruling number 2528
Updates the National Policy for the Health of the Elderly of 1994
2007
1st National Conference on the Rights of the Elderly
The initial step in establishing the National Network for the Protection and Defence of the Elderly
Table 4: Important benchmarks in tackling domestic violence in Brazil, by year
intimate-partner violence was the first form of domestic
violence to become a priority. The initial measures were
small, but have since gained impetus, establishing
specialised and multidisciplinary care in police precincts
and mandatory reporting of suspected and confirmed
cases of intimate-partner violence. The process led to
passage of the so-called Maria da Penha Law, which
defined domestic violence as a human-rights violation
and led to changes in the penal code. The law provides for
measures to protect women whose lives are endangered,
such as restraining orders or the arrest of aggressors.106
Advances in legislation have been accompanied by
accomplishments aimed at expanding services to women
in situations of violence. There has been an increase of
Offices of Public Defenders, specialised courts, dedicated
police precincts for women, shelters for handling
emergency situations, and referral centres. However, this
work is unfinished since the coverage of services is still
concentrated in the south and southeast regions,
especially in big cities.107
Another important step was the enactment of the
Statute of Children and Adolescents (Estatuto da Criança
e do Adolescente) in 1990, when it became mandatory to
report suspected or confirmed cases of domestic violence
to the authorities. The health sector was also made
responsible for reporting and preventing cases, in
addition to providing psychosocial and medical care for
confirmed cases.72
Prevention of violence against elderly people is a more
recent concern. The Statute of the Elderly, enacted in 2003,
was the first specific stance to guarantee the rights of
citizens older than 60 years. Civil society and governmental
institutions have also been uniting efforts. For instance,
as an important strategy arising from the Action Plan for
Combating Violence against the Elderly,108 precincts for their
care (Centros Integrados de Atenção e Prevenção à Violência
contra a Pessoa Idosa) have been set up by the Special
Secretariat for Human Rights. At present, 16 states in
Brazil have such centres in operation.
The 20 years of mobilisation seems to be paying off.
The mandatory reporting of suspected or confirmed
cases of violence is a reality in most Brazilian cities.109 So
too are the calls to complaints free-phone services
(disque-denúncia).110 Registrations in specialised precincts
have grown steadily, as well as the number of institutions
focused on equality of the sexes and in reducing violence
against children and elderly people.60,107,109,111 Fruitful
initiatives for assessing the effectiveness of programmes
and policies such as those developed by some nongovernmental institutions are still isolated and sparse
(eg, the Institute PROMUNDO and NOOS ).
Several Brazilian institutions have taken measures to
deal with the problem of traffic-related injuries and deaths
(table 5). The important role of driving under the influence
of alcohol in traffic-related injuries and deaths, for
example, led to the setting of maximum permissible blood
alcohol concentrations. In 1998, the Brazilian Traffic Code
specified the legal limit at 0·6 g/L.84 In 2008, Law 11 705
was passed, widely known as the Dry Law, which revised
the legal blood alcohol limit to zero.112 Although it is still
too early to assess the Law’s effects, some studies have
shown a reduction in morbidity and mortality from trafficrelated injuries and deaths since it was enacted.95,113
The growing demand for emergency services, hospital
admission, and rehabilitation led the Ministry of Health
to launch, in 2001, the Project for the Reduction of Traffic
Accidents in several cities. The aim was to integrate the
efforts by health services with that of the transport
sector;114 another initiative was the Policy for Emergency
Care. The guidelines have been used to finance and
organise the prehospital-care system through the Mobile
Emergency Care System, a crucial service for survival of
victims and the reduction of sequelae.115 Nongovernmental sectors in Brazil have also responded to
the problem of traffic-related injuries and deaths,
organising social movements of parents and relatives of
victims to lobby for heavy punishment for drunk drivers
that have caused injuries and deaths.
Although several of the initiatives might contribute to
the reduction of traffic-related injuries and deaths, the
Brazilian rates are still high when compared with many
Latin American countries, and still little is known about
For more on the Institute
PROMUNDO see http://www.
promundo.org.br/en/
For more on NOOS see http://
www.noos.org.br/
9
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Name or number
Details
1966
Law 5108
Establishes the Brazilian National Traffic Code
1974
Law 6194
Rules on compulsory insurance for personal damages caused by automotive vehicles, or by their cargo, to
third parties, both occupants and non-occupants
1997
Law 9053
Enacts the new National Traffic Code, which regulates Brazilian traffic along with complementary rulings;
The States and municipalities also complement this legislation with their own rulings and ordinances and
are free to enforce specific details concerning their own traffic
The law includes the mandatory use of seatbelts by drivers and passengers on all roadways in Brazil
2001
Law 10 350
Amends the National Traffic Code by making periodic psychological tests mandatory for professional drivers
2006
Law 11 275
Law 11 334
Alters articles 165 277, and 302 of the National Traffic Code in relation to driving under the influence
of alcohol
Amends article 218 of the National Traffic Code, altering the speed limits for purposes of defining
violations and penalties
2007
··
The Senate Committee on the Constitution and Justice issues a positive review on a bill to ban the sale and
consumption of alcoholic beverages in service stations and convenience stores within city limits and on
Federal highways
Some States, like Pernambuco, Rio de Janeiro, and Espírito Santo enacted this bill into law
2008
Executive Decree number 415
Ruling 277 of the National Traffic Council
Law 11 705
Places a nationwide ban on the sale of alcoholic beverages along Federal highways
Rules on the transportation of children younger than 10 years and the use of restraining devices for
children in motor vehicles
Better known as the so-called Dry Law
Sets a zero limit on blood alcohol content and places strict penalties on driving under the influence of alcohol
2009
Law 12 006
Law 11 910
Adds an article to the National Traffic Code to establish mechanisms for displaying and broadcasting
traffic awareness messages, like advertising and campaigns
Amends article 105 of Law number 9503, establishing mandatory use of complementary restraining
device (airbag)
Table 5: Measures related to traffic-related injuries and deaths in Brazil, by year
their effectiveness since there are very few studies assessing
these interventions. Although not comprehensive, there
are suggestions of some improvements (figure 3).
Brazil has always been a violent country: national
development began with the enslavement of Indians and
Black Africans, and the scars of the country’s colonial
past persist to this day. This unfavourable legacy of
exclusion, inequality, poverty, impunity, and corruption,
often led by the state itself, has for centuries failed to
fully guarantee basic social and human rights like safety
and security, health, education, housing, work, and
recreation.116,117 Aggravating such violations are deeply
rooted cultural values that are often used to justify various
expressions of violence in subjective and interpersonal
relationships, like machismo, patriarchalism,118–120 and
prejudice and discrimination against blacks, poor,
women, elderly people, and homosexuals.109,121
Yet, despite this legacy, in the past 15 years there has
been a shift at the macro-level. This change ranges from
improved quality of life, reduction of poverty and
inequality (social protection schemes etc), reduction of
unemployment, increased and more universal access to
schooling, social mobility, and promotion of social
inclusion with recognition of rights of the individual.102
There has been widespread mobilisation by society and
government to respond to the challenges raised by the
scale of violence; this is shown in the large and diverse
board of nationwide debate forums, new policies, and
enactment of specific laws.
However, there is still an enormous task ahead. Beyond
a well established legal framework now available, the
10
challenge now rests in implementing and assessing
specific action plans. The difficulties in monitoring and
enforcing laws and policies are huge, because of the size
of Brazil and its cultural diversity. From the perspective
of management there are also barriers, such as corruption
and the lack of prioritisation of resources to upgrade
infrastructure. An example, one of the most contentious
issues in Brazil today, is that despite the sanctioning of
the drink-and-drive law across the country, some cities
still lack breathalysers needed to enforce it.
However, supported by the emerging legislation and
policies, various National Plans with well established
guidelines and priorities were developed, providing for
financial, operational, and technical support. However,
there are still no comprehensive large-scale studies to
assess the effect of actions to reduce homicides, domestic
violence, and traffic-related injuries and deaths. What one
finds are localised process assessments done for the sole
purpose of guiding actions. These assessments have
consistently raised concerns and emphasise an urgent
need for intrasectoral and intersectoral integration. It has
become clear that there is discontinuity and lack of
communication between programmes and actions, both
within the same sector of government, and across different
sectors such as health, justice, welfare, and education.
Specific measures are also needed. In the case of
homicides, the law enforcement sector is still dominated
by ineffective policies based primarily on repression.
Widespread impunity for crimes committed by common
criminals, as well as by businessmen and politicians,
fuels the perception that crime pays. It is thus important
Series
to reinforce and redefine actions for fighting drug
trafficking and crime in general, drawing on experiences
that respect and promote human rights.97,98 This involves
strict control of smuggling and illegal possession of
firearms, improving police investigation methods, and
providing a swifter judicial system to speed up potential
convictions and thus curb impunity. Along with
structural changes aimed at broadening opportunities
for teenagers and young adults—many of whom do not
attend school, are unemployed, and are away from their
families, and thus at risk of involvement in crime.
Attention must also be paid to the implementation of
socioeducational schemes for convicted young people;
this, in turn, needs a complete restructuring and
overhaul of the institutions aiming at reintegrating
offenders, which could be extended to the substandard
prison system as a whole.
Brazilian society should strive for equitable and
respectful interaction between partners and family
members that promotes sex equality and the rights of
children, adolescents, and elderly people. Replacing the
common punishment-based and aggression-based
disciplining of children, communication between
partners, and caring for elderly people, with strategies
that foster dialogue and affection should be encouraged.
To this end, the involvement of media campaigns that
promote peace and condemn violence are crucial to
enhance cultural change. Introduction of these issues in
the curricula of elementary and secondary schools could
lead to positive results in the future.
From the health-service perspective, integrating
professionals so that they become the backbone for the
formation and strengthening of intersectoral networks
for care and protection of victims is crucial. There is a
need for expanding programmes concerned with mapping
local vulnerabilities, such as unwanted pregnancy in
adolescents, alcohol and drug misuse, and family history
of violence. These programmes need to be based on
multidisciplinary and geographically well distributed
teams, including health-care workers drawn from the
communities as many thousands already operating within
the Brazilian primary health care strategy the Family
Health Programme (widely known as Programa Saúde da
Família).122
Only focusing on prevention or early detection of cases
is clearly not enough. So far, the Brazilian health system
is poorly prepared to deal with cases of domestic violence.
Properly trained personnel must be able to decide
whether the situation should be handled locally or be
referred. Liaison with other sectors is vital. The expansion
and coordination of a safety net of specialist care for
victims of violence should include welcoming police
precincts, specialised courts, guardianship councils,
shelters, rights councils, and health services directed at
the care of victims and perpetrators.
Brazil’s traffic problem needs the strong implementation of laws derived from the Brazilian Traffic
Code and others related to traffic safety. There needs to
be stricter enforcement and prosecution of traffic
violations. Better, honest, and credible policing is
indispensable; as is improving the quality and
integration of several information systems concerning
traffic-related deaths and injuries used by police and the
health sector. There is also an urgent need to intensify
measures to tackle drinking and driving, as provided by
the so-called Dry Law; although this law has received
strong public support in many parts of the country, its
implementation is far from complete. A solid
infrastructure remains to be made universally available.
Restrictions on alcoholic beverage sales along intercity
highways and roads might be considered, as are
campaigns to discourage drinking and driving. The
cooperation of mass media would be crucial, not just to
promote proactive educational campaigns of the need of
defensive and responsible driving, but also to avoid
advertisements and entertainment programmes that
encourage speeding and reckless driving.
Efforts should be geared towards improving the
automotive fleet and the transport network as a whole.
Stricter annual licensing procedures would ease the
withdrawal from circulation of unroadworthy vehicles.
The introduction of modern safety features to all new
vehicles sold would also help. Renewing and improving
the mass transport systems and restoring the partly
dilapidated extant road networks are also of utmost
importance; this involves improving the quality of
asphalting and extending the number of highway and
road tracks across the country, adequately signposting
roads, and providing walkways for pedestrians. Because
of the great increase in motorcycle crashes, it is now
essential to regulate motorcycle use for work purposes,
create exclusive traffic lanes for motorcycles, and
enforce the use of protective equipment by motorcyclists. From the perspective of health care, there is
still room for development, such as in expanding the
coverage and quality of hospital emergency care—
before and during admission—and by the upscale of
rehabilitation services for the survivors of trafficrelated incidents.
Advances have been made in the study of violence and
injuries. Growing investment by national research
agencies led to an increase in the number of dedicated
research groups (seven in 2000 to 80 in 2009).123 Yet,
research efforts have mostly concentrated on the size,
determinants, causes, and consequences of violence. It is
time to go further and also focus on assessing the ever
increasing number of public policies and related plans.
More and better placed investment should go to studies
on monitoring methods, systematic and in-built process
assessments, and studies on effect that should be
sufficiently comprehensive to guide actions.
Finally, to reduce violence, Brazil must take a proactive
stance and complete its full democratisation process,124
especially with regards to strengthening and organising
For more on human rights in
Brazil see http://www.
pactopelavida.pe.gov.br/
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Series
the state, providing education for all, and fostering
dialogue between law enforcement and the poorer
segments of society, without which the legal efforts to
tackle this serious social problem will be insufficient to
deal with its enormous complexity.
16
Contributors
MER, ERS, MHPMJ, and CMFPS participated in the original data
analysis. All authors participated in the search of published work and the
writing of sections of the report. All authors revised subsequent drafts of
the article and approved its final version.
18
Conflicts of interest
We declare that we have no conflicts of interest.
19
20
Acknowledgments
MER, ERS, CLM and MHPMJ were supported by the Brazilian National
Research Council (CNPq), grants PQ-301221/2009-0, PQ-300515/2009-0,
PQ-302851/2008-9 and PQ-310503/2009-4, respectively. CLM was also
supported by grant E-26/101.461/2010 from the Rio de Janeiro State
Research Foundation (FAPERJ). We are grateful to the National Cancer
Institute (CONPREV/INCa) for providing data of the Household Survey
on Risk Behaviors and Reported Morbidity from Non-Communicable
Diseases used in some analyses (intimate-partner violence). This survey
was financed by the Health Surveillance Secretariat (Secretaria de
Vigilância em Saúde) of the Brazilian Ministry of Health, with counterpart
funds from INCa. We thank Tatiana Ribeiro for her collaboration in
organising the references and Christopher Peterson for his meticulous
Portuguese-to-English translation.
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