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The Debate regarding Foreign Policy in the area of Brazilian Security in the
regional context
Graziene Carneiro de Souza*
Abstract: The level of debate regarding Brazil’s Foreign Policy in relation to its security in
South America has been increasing since the re-democratization process. The number of
scholarly works on this subject have been increasing, due mainly to the increase in the number of
Foreign Relations university faculty members in Brazilian universities needed to serve the
growing demand for these courses over the recent decades. Scholars representing different
schools of thought on this subject have analyzed Brazil’s regional Defense and Security
performance in the international arena differently. This debate has led to new views with respect
to the International Politics that the country is engaged in. Understanding each of these views
becomes essential to understanding the debate and its evolution a propos the performance of
Brazil on the international stage. The purpose of this article is to demonstrate how scholars may
offer analyses of policies adopted by Brazil in conducting its foreign policy as a regional leader
in South America under the Cardoso (1995-2002) and da Silva (2003-present) governments,
demonstrating how the scholars exchange dialogue, and present their ideas while considering
their theoretical framework.
Key Words: Foreign Policy, Security, South America, Regional Leadership.
Resumo: O debate sobre a Política Externa na área da Segurança do Brasil na América do Sul
tem ganhado força desde o processo de redemocratização. O desenvolvimento de literaturas
recentes sobre este tema tem crescido, principalmente em virtude da ampliação do curso de
Relações Internacionais nas universidades brasileiras nas últimas décadas. Acadêmicos de
diferentes escolas analisam de formas distintas a atuação brasileira na arena internacional em
Defesa e Segurança na região. Dessa forma, discutem o tema a fim de acrescentar novas visões e
conceitos a respeito da Política Internacional em que o país está envolvido. Conhecer cada uma
destas visões se torna essencial para compreender o debate e sua evolução acerca da atuação
internacional do Brasil. A intenção do artigo é mostrar como os acadêmicos podem oferecer
perspectivas de avaliação das ações e das políticas desenvolvidas pelo Brasil na condução da
política externa sobre a liderança regional na América do Sul, nos governos de Cardoso (19952002) e Lula (2003-atualidade), apontando como os autores dialogam entre si, apresentando suas
idéias e considerando o arcabouço teórico e estratégico aos quais se remetem.
Palavras Chaves: Política Externa, Segurança, América do Sul, Liderança Regional.
*Mestranda do PPGEST-UFF (Programa de Pós-Graduação em Estudos Estratégicos sobre
Segurança e Defesa Internacional da Universidade Federal Fluminense). Turma 2010.
The Debate regarding Foreign Policy in the area of Brazilian Security in the
regional context
“Sir, a span of land, in being Brazilian, should be defended by Brazilians through iron,
fire, and blood!”
José Maria da Silva Paranhos Júnior – Baron of Rio Branco.
INTRODUCTION
The level of debate regarding Brazil’s Foreign Policy in relation to security, principally in
South America, has been increasing due to the expansion of studies in International Relations in
Brazil as a specific field. Since the 1970’s, with the creation of first undergraduate degree
program in International Relations in the country, 1 the process of institutionalization in the
1980’s by the IPRI, and in the 1990’s with the creation of the first post graduate programs in the
field, the discussion vis-à-vis Brazil’s international performance had been based on the
environment of production, characterized by the performance of its diplomats and their academic
influence.2 In recent years, the growth in the labor market coupled with government incentive
has favored growth in the field, largely due to the founding of new centers of study on the
subject of security, as well as partnerships of the Ministry of Defense with educational
institutions.
The growth in the number of studies regarding Brazilian Foreign Policy in the area of
Security has caused an increase in debate concerning Brazilian performance in South America
and has proven that academic faculty members share differing opinions regarding Brazil’s
position as well as its policies and actions, especially in regards to its ambition of being the
regional leader.
1
HERZ, Mônica. O crescimento da área de Relações Internacionais no Brasil. Contexto Internacional. Rio de
Janeiro, vol. 24, nº 1, janeiro/junho 2002, pp.7-40.
2
PINHEIRO, Letícia e VEDOVELI, Paula. Autorização e Legitimidade nos Estudos de Política Externa Brasileira.
Trabalho apresentado no V Congresso da Associação Portuguesa de Ciência Política realizado na Universidade de
Aveiro, Portugal, em março de 2010.
This article proposes to illustrate the academic debate, both Brazilian and foreign, a
propos Brazil’s performance in South America. First, the concepts of Regional Power, Average
Power and Regional Leader will be explained in order to be able to comprehend the debate.
These explanations will be limited to an outline of the ideas of how some authors explain and
understand the measures of Brazilian Foreign Policy in regards to security and defense in the
region. In this way, an analysis of each idea will not be made, and primary sources will not need
to be utilized to outline the chosen subject-matter. Through an understanding of the authors’
ideas, they will be divided into analysis groups, and characterize them in accordance to their
perspectives, in order to present the debate in a clear and comprehensive manner.
BRAZIL AND REGIONAL LEADERSHIP
The academic debate concerning Brazil’s role in South America has gained emphasis
since the da Silva government assumed a more assertive posture in the region. (LIMA E HIRST,
2006, ALMEIDA, 2004, CEPIK, 2005) Since that time, the policy to view South America as a
strategic importance became a part of various analyses of the new Brazilian government’s
foreign policy. (ALMEIDA, 2004) In this way, it is essential to be able to understand that the
strategic importance is linked to a larger goal of Brazil’s foreign policy, the ambition of regional
leader. However, for this ambition to be understood, it is necessary to first comprehend the
concepts of Regional Leader, Regional Power and Average Power.
The discussion concerning the concepts of Regional Leader, Regional Power and
Average Power involves the authors NOLTE, 2006, PEDERSON, 2002, FLEMES, 2007,
HURRELL, 2006 e SCHIRM, 2006, KEOHANE, 1969, among others. For these authors, the
concept of Regional Power is related to the power of emerging states in relation to their
resources, such as geography, economy and military capacity. Schirm defines it as “(…) all
countries discussed under the rubric of emerging or regional powers dominate their neighbors in
terms of ‘power over resources’, this is, population, territory, military capacity and gross
domestic product”.3 Keohane (1969: 298) defines an average power as “states whose leaders
consider that they cannot act alone effectively, but may be able to have a systemic impact in a
small group or through an international institution.”4
Average power and regional power are independent concepts that describe distinct
realities. An average power may act on either the global or regional level or both levels
simultaneously. To define a country as an average power, it must be evaluated primarily on its
global impact, and the condition of regional power refers to the influence it exercises in its
proper region. (GRATIUS, 2007)
Meanwhile, the success of Regional Leader depends on relevant resources, ambition, and
successful resistance. (NOLTE, 2006, PEDERSON, 2002) For these authors, leadership has to be
accepted by the neighboring countries in order to offer the regional powers the base of power
necessary to project this power regionally and globally, for instance, in the building of an
international coalition. (SCHIRM, 2006)
The concept of Regional Leader understood by Flemes to be a state that:
“is part of region which is geographically, economically, and politico-ideologically
bounded; articulates claim to a position of leadership in the region; influences the
geopolitical boundaries and the politico-ideological construtc of the region; is
economically, politically, and culturally interconnected to the region; has a significant
influence in regional relations; excercises its influence through a regional governing
structure; defines the regional security agenda in a significant way; is recognized as
leader state or at least respected by the other states, inside and outside the region; is
3
SCHIRM, Stefan A. Leadership in Regional and Global Politics: Why do Emerging Powers (Sometimes) Fail
to Reach Their Goals? Artigo preparado para o Workshop “The Rise of (New) Regional Powers in Global and
Regional Politics”, German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg, December 11.-12., 2006.
4
Citado por FLEMES, Daniel. Emerging Middle Powers’ Soft Balancing Strategy:State and Perspectives of the
IBSA Dialogue Forum. GIGA Research Programme:Violence, Power and Security. N° 57 August 2007.
integrated into the inter-regional and global forums and in institutions where it acts in a
rudimentary way as the representative of the interests of the region.”5
GROUP 1 – THE BRAZILIAN PERSPECTIVE OF SOUTH AMERICA.
In this first group will be discussed the authors who formulate an analysis of Brazilian
foreign policy in relation to security and defense on the perspective of Brazilian interests in
South America. In this way, authors LIMA e HIRST, 2006; CEPIK, 2005; ALMEIDA, 2004;
OLIVEIRA, 2007; GRATIUS, 2007; SPEKTOR, 2008; SARAIVA, 2007; OLIVEIRA and
ONUKI, 2000; argue that da Silva’s Brazilian foreign policy assumed a more assertive position
regionally compared to Fernando Henrique Cardoso’s government. They argue that, for the new
government, South America has strategic importance topping Brazil’s ambitions. 6
This group characterizes itself by its more realistic analysis of regional relations in order
to understand the real possibilities Brazil has as regional power to exercise its greater role as
leader. In this way, the authors concentrate on the necessity of recognition by neighboring
countries to Brazilian leadership, which they judge to not be explicit. For them, Brazil views
itself as a Regional Power and is a self proclaimed leader, but “the neighboring countries don’t
look to Brazil as a leader and it is not clear if they agree whether Brazil is capable to regulate
regional order.” (SPEKTOR, 2008)
These authors affirm that Brazil encounters difficulties in effecting regional integration,
emphasizing the country encounters problems to establish and consolidate a strategic relation of
formulation and implementation of policies to contribute towards South American integration, in
spite of having committed itself to MERCOSUL (The Southern Common Market), the USAN
5
FLEMES, Daniel. Brazil’s strategic options in a multiregional world order. Disponível em http://www.gigahamburg.de/english/content/rpn/conferences/flemes.pdf. Acesso em 05 de julho de 2010.
6
Neste caso, os autores acreditam que a América do Sul é essencial para a Política Externa Brasileira. O termo
“importância estratégica” está relacionado neste artigo aos termos geopolíticos desenvolvidos por Shiguenoli
Miyamoto quando se referia ao destino brasileiro na região.
(Union of South American Nations), and the IIRSA (Initiative for the Integration of the Regional
Infrastructure of South America). To Brazil, these institutions are seen as essential factors
contributing to stability in South America.
They also emphasize that Brazil acts as a mediator in regional conflicts in order to
increase its power of influence over its neighbors, this soft power being necessary to
counterbalance the North American hegemony in South America as it fears an intervention by
the United States in the region and wishes to be guaranteed more influence in international
relations. Lima and Hirst highlight:
“Assuming the role of a regional power has generated unprecedented demands on Brazil
and seems to require capabilities that go beyond Itamaraty’s unquestioned diplomatic
skills. Since 2003 Brazil has intervened in political crises in Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador
and Haiti. Brazil led the ‘group of friend of Venezuela’ (which also included Chile,
Colombia, Mexico, Portugal, Spain and the US). The aim was to try to bridge the
misunderstandings between the Chavez government and the opposition groups and find a
political solution that would not violate democratic principles. In Bolivia, Brazil,
together with Argentina, helped mediate in the Lozada–Mesa transition and acted as a
stabilizing force during the 2005 riots which finally led to a new presidential replacement
and the call for general elections. In Ecuador, Brazil quickly became involved in the
political turmoil which led to the sudden interruption of the Gutíerrez administration. In
Haiti, Brazil has led a UN peacekeeping mission (MINUSTAH), in which other countries
have participated, since 2004”.7
The United States represents a threat to Brazilian ambition and intention to make the
region a part of its security agenda due to American pressure on certain neighboring countries.
The authors also see Venezuela as a limiting factor to the Brazilian advances of plans to become
a regional leader owing to similar aspirations from Chavez. “From the point of view of Brazil
and Regional Security, a Colombia-Venezuela dyad constitutes the biggest problem towards
achieving political and economic integration in the region, as they are the two countries with the
largest capacity for interaction in the northern region of South America, whose current
7
LIMA, Maria Regina Soares de Lima. HIRST, Mônica. Brazil as an intermediate state and regional power:
action, choice and responsibilities. International Affairs. n 82. I (21-40). 2006.
governments represent polar opposites – pro and anti-US – that are placed concretely in the event
of failure of the most recent attempt at integration.”8
The authors of this group defend the idea that leadership in the region represents,
accordingly, a way to strengthen Brazil’s bargaining power on the global landscape, principally
in multilateral organizations like the UN and the WTO. In this way, they emphasize that
Brazilian foreign policy makers believe that regional leadership is essential for their global
ambitions, though they do not believe that this leadership has been consolidated.
GROUP 2 – THE SECURITY INSTITUTIONS OF SOUTH AMERICA ARE BRAZIL’S
ROLE
In this group will be discussed the authors who formulate an analysis of Brazil’s role in
the security and defense institutions in South America, represented by authors such as HERZ,
2004, 2008; FLEMES, 2004 and FARIA, 2007. These authors focus on the cooperation of the
countries in South America with regard to the issue of security policy and defend a positive view
about the concern to create a security doctrine in the region. To this effect, they believe that
Brazil is considered as a representative of the underdeveloped and developing nations in the
North-South security policy debate. Nevertheless, Herz defends that “Brazil’s foreign policy for
the region has favored the cooperation between states and, at the same time, has complicated the
strengthening of institutions of regional security as robust, collective mechanisms of security.”9
For these authors, Brazilian foreign policy, jointly with US foreign policy is responsible
for the lack of effectiveness of these regional institutions. Brazil’s foreign policy uses the
8
CEPIK, Marco. Segurança na América do Sul: traços estruturais e dinâmica conjuntural. Análise de
Conjuntura OPSA n 9. ISSN 1809-8924. Agosto de 2005.
9
HERZ, Mônica. El Sistema de Seguridad Latinoamericano. 2004.
“institutionalism of the semi periphery” as an economic and political strategy to consolidate
legroom to realize its own economic and commercial interests. (FARIA, 2007) Through an
ambiguous foreign policy, the country possesses a preoccupation as much offensive as it is
defensive. It tries to offset power structures that may damage Brazil’s development and
influence in international regimes like the OAS (Organization of American States), at the same
time as it attempts to neutralize the unilateral actions of the US, as well as taking a control of
political processes regarding security and defense in neighboring countries, where there is danger
of overflow into Brazilian territory, through conflict mediation.
The difficulty for the OAS to act may also be seen as a reflection of the non-intervention
tradition of regional countries, which complicate the creation of a more robust institution.
Military questions also inhibit this process. Flemes affirms that “military institutions chase their
own interests, which can be opposite to those of the representatives of the government in the
formulation of security policy, and eventually the military officials attempt, in secret or semipublic commissions, to co-opt political representatives.” In this sense, Flemes considers there to
be “danger that the autonomy of the armed forces, existing with different levels of magnitude in
the ABC (Argentina, Brazil and Chile) states carry, together with social and political deficits,
non-cooperative security policies.” 10
The authors believe that there exists a divergence between the countries in the region
regarding the security architecture. They consider that regional institutions such as USAN are
weak, creating a necessity to have more trust between neighbors, like the development of
meetings like that of the Conference of South American Defense Ministers. However, they
affirm that institutions like the OAS are important for the resolution of regional conflicts by
10
FLEMES, Daniel. Rumo à comunidade de segurança no Sul da América Latina– uma corrida de obstáculos.
http://www.iai.spk-berlin.de/fileadmin/dokumentenbibliothek/Iberoamericana//14-flemes.pdf.
pacific means, and for the creation of possibilities of conflict prevention inside the states, as Herz
states:
“(…) the OAS has developed two new roles in norm generation: a leading role in
supporting the confidence-building agenda in the hemisphere; and a central role in
generating the hemispheric democratic paradigm that associates security and
democracy, allowing the organization to have an active role in preventing intra-state
conflicts. In addition, the OAS remains an important pillar of the norm of peaceful
solution of disputes, which is an historical legacy of previous periods. Insofar as the
states participate in norm construction and behavior is changed, one can see these norms
functioning as preventive diplomacy mechanisms. Secondly, (…) the OAS prevented a
number of international and domestic disputes from turning into violent conflict and was
essential in diffusing several crises.11
The authors believe that trust between regional neighbors will be accelerated by the
democratization of dialogue regarding politics and security, for example in organizations such as
USAN, Defense Council, CASA and the like. In this effect, they claim that these divergences
exist due to different positions regarding a continental security and defense system.
From the point of view of these authors, Brazil is a key member within the South
American institutions. Brazilian foreign policy concerning security and defense in organizations
such as OAS, USAN, CASA and Brazil’s responsibilities in relation to the effectiveness of
certain ad hoc treaties, such as the Inter-American Reciprocal Assistance Treaty (Rio Pact), Rio
Group, besides others, is seen as essential for regional stability. Likewise, cooperative actions,
such as the peace missions to Haiti jointly with other regional countries, favor a Brazilian foreign
policy seeking to be a leader on the subcontinent. 12
GROUP 3 – BRAZIL AND MILITARY POWER IN SOUTH AMERICA
11
HERZ, Mônica. Does the Organization of American States Matter? Working Paper. London School of
Economics, 2008.
12
OLIVEIRA, Andréa Benetti Carvalho de. Plano de ação 2009 do Conselho de Defesa Sul-americano (CDS) da
UNSASUL. Disponível em http://mundorama.net/2010/04/13/plano-de-acao-2009-do-conselho-de-defesa-sulamericano-cds-da-unasul-um-balanco-por-andrea-benetti-carvalho-de-oliveira/. Acesso em 5 de julho de 2010.
This group of speaks about the military capacity of the region. Authors such as ALSINA,
2009; ALVES e HEYE, 2008; MITRE, 2009 and VILLA, 2008 debate about regional peace and
the growth in number of armaments in neighboring countries. The subcontinent has enjoyed a
considerable and growing peace, within which is distinguished and owing to the existence of
international conferences and treaties to solve conflicts. The countries of South America are
relatively successful on the foreign front, but on the other hand seem to be prone to domestic
violence and civil war. (MITRE, 2008)
The existence of a reasonable normative consensus, the permanence of the equilibrium
between power and pacific Brazilian diplomacy, relative stable too are primordial aspects for the
formation of a zone of low incidence of wars in South America.
The debate concerning peace in South America is important and interesting because at
the same time, one cannot escape debate regarding the possibility of a South American arms race
due to the growing investment in military equipment. ALVES and HEYE, 2008 and ALSINA,
2009, disagree regarding an arms race, emphasizing the existence of equilibrium in regional
power. ALVES and HEYE argue that the growing investment is related to the variation in prices
of primary resources in the international market and not a consequence of an arms race headed
by Venezuela. ALSINA believes that initiatives by Venezuela are the results of “a grand process
of refitting concentrated in time – something that Chile has also been doing, but during a longer
time frame and with less boasting.” 13
VILLA concludes that the empirical evidence is far from providing a consensus, since
they cannot distinguish a “militarized zone” from a “calm ocean.” MITRE comments that “this is
owed, in part, to the difficulty of establishing objective criteria which one may use to determine
13
ALSINA, João Paulo Soares. Corrida armamentista na América do Sul: falácia conceitual e irritante político.
www.seguridadregional-fes.org/upload/4062-001_g.pdf s/d. Acesso em 05 de julho de 2010.
with which conditions a process of refitting of the armed forces stops obeying a conventional
dynamic and passes to express the logic of an arms race.” 14
The authors agree that there is not a state that could be pointed to as hegemonic;
however, they diverge in regards to the capacity of the Brazilian military as the leader. ALSINA
states that Brazil maintains a low military profile which does not distinguish itself from the other
states of the region and adds that “in the real world, our forces are not capable of defending the
sovereignty of the country in situations that are any longer than punctual.” 15 ALVES and
HEYE, however, state that Brazil is the biggest military power in the region, with the capacity to
project aero naval power in the open ocean.
“Taking inot account material and immaterial aspects, it seems undeniablr that Brazil
has the most powerful military aparatus on the continent. It has competition and is
certainly inferior in certain aspects – Argentine anti naval capacity, Chilean sheilds,
Chilean and Venezuelan fighter jets – primarily, if you take into account the latest
purchases in the area. Overall, the country is, still, relative to conventional war,
positively the number one of the continent.” 16
The authors still discuss the significant role Brazil plays in the region, stating that its
performance is decisive for the current peaceful situation to be maintained. All the same, they
admit that the Brazilian “uni-polarity” in the subcontinent is unstable in face of the fragility of its
military apparatus. (ALSINA, 2009) In this sense, in the aspect of military capacity, Brazilian
leadership in South America possesses divergences, since there is not a consensus that Brazil
military power superior to that of the surrounding countries of the region for the application of
projecting power to the extent of defining regional order and achieving the ends of its foreign
policy in regards to security and defense.
14
MITRE, Antonio. Relaciones Peligrosas: Estado y guerra en América Latina.
http://www.plataformademocratica.org/Arquivos/Relaciones%20Peligrosas.pdf. Acesso em 05 de julho de 2010.
15
ALSINA, João Paulo Soares. Corrida armamentista na América do Sul: falácia conceitual e irritante
político. www.seguridadregional-fes.org/upload/4062-001_g.pdf s/d. Acesso em 05 de julho de 2010.
16
ALVES, Vágner C., HEYE, Thomas. Tamanho é Documento? O Brasil e o equilíbrio de poder na América do
Sul. Observatório Político Sul-Americano. Análise de Conjuntura n 08. ISSSN 1809-8924. Agosto de 2008.
CONSENSUS AND DIFFERENCES
Inside the debate in academia regarding Brazilian foreign policy in the area of regional
security, there exists consensus and differences. For the majority of the authors, Brazilian
diplomacy in South America uses the region as a way to gain international influence. They agree
that MERCOSUL has great strategic importance for Brazilian foreign policy, in the ambition to
become a regional leader. The authors agree that the position of regional leader is not
consolidated, although Brazil has an important role in the regional security and defense
organizations and a great responsibility regarding the effectiveness of these institutions.
The differences with regards to the performance of Brazilian foreign policy in the area of
security and defense refer to Brazil’s ability to interact regionally. Authors such as SPEKTOR
believe that Brazil is not capable of implementing regional integration, due to the high costs that
this process requires. Concerning the aspect of institutions, some authors emphasize the lack of
effectiveness of regional organizations, stating that they are weak institutions, while others
believe that these organizations are essential to regional stability. On the subject of perspective
military policy, which finds itself in the middle of dissent in relation to its cooperative process,
the authors disagree regarding the role which Brazil plays in the region. While some authors,
like SARAIVA believe that Brazil assumes a role most similar to hegemony in South America,
other authors, like GRATIUS, insist that Brazil is not a firm regional power.
CONCLUSION
Without a doubt, the academic debate with regards to Brazilian foreign policy in the area
of security in South America is growing in Brazilian universities. More analysis, dissertations
and theses within the Centers of Security Studies are essential, for even to improve the
development of Brazilian diplomacy in the region and in international relations. To understand
and discuss national interests signifies to guarantee that our governments see different visions
and perspectives concerning a subject. This article demonstrated how academics, both Brazilian
and foreigners, analyze a complexity of the regional system. Through concepts and visions with
regards to Brazilian performance, the regional institutions and the military evolution between the
neighboring countries, the article discussed how Brazil is inserting itself into Latin America.
This debate does not have a specific conclusion regarding Brazilian leadership on the
subcontinent, however, it is valuable to understand each explanation of the authors who have
presented different aspects of regional reality.
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