State of the Art and Socio-Demographic Background

Transcrição

Orientations of Young Men and Women to Citizenship and European Identity
Workpackage 1 – Socio-demographic Background
Austria
Reingard Spannring, Institute for Advanced Studies,Vienna
1
DEMOGRAPHY .............................................................................................................. 2
2
THE AUSTRIAN WELFARE SYSTEM AND LEGAL FRAMEWORK ................. 2
3
CITIZENSHIP.................................................................................................................. 2
4
EDUCATION AND TRAINING .................................................................................... 3
5
EMPLOYMENT AND UNEMPLOYMENT ................................................................ 5
6
FAMILY............................................................................................................................ 7
7
XENOPHOBIA................................................................................................................. 9
8
ATTITUDES TOWARD THE EUROPEAN UNION ................................................ 10
9
NATIONAL IDENTITY AND PRIDE IN AUSTRIA ................................................ 10
10
BIBLIOGRAPHY ON YOUTH AND LIVING CONDITIONS IN AUSTRIA ... 13
11
BIBLIOGRAPHY ON NATIONAL IDENTITY IN AUSTRIA............................ 16
12
APPENDIX A: THE SCHOOL SYSTEM IN AUSTRIA....................................... 19
13
APPENDIX B: ATTITUDES TOWARD THE EUROPEAN UNION ................. 20
1
Austria
1
Demography
As in other European countries, the proportion of young people and children in the population is
shrinking, although their numbers are expanded somewhat by immigration.
In 1998 0,921 million people in Austria were aged between 15 and 24 (11.6%).1 The demographic
scenario for this age cluster forecasts that there will be 12 % of people aged between 15 and 24 in
2010. As in other European countries the ratio between the 15 to 24 year olds and the 55 to 64 year
olds is decreasing.
2
The Austrian welfare system and legal framework
Austria can be characterised as a typical corporatist family-based, conservative type of welfare regime,
in the typology of Esping Anderson2, which means that young people are regarded as the
responsibility of the family, but this familial responsibility is regulated and built into the general
provision of welfare. Since the general levels of affluence are high, young people are relatively well
off even if they do not enjoy the kind of state supported independence described in Denmark or
Sweden. They remain dependent upon their families for long periods, although not to the same extent
as in Southern European countries.
Austria has an insurance-based welfare system. Young people are covered by the health insurance of
their families until aged 18. This kind of insurance can be prolonged until age 27 if they are students.
After that, if they are still not working, their insurance is based upon voluntary contributions at
cheaper rates. This can become a problem with the lengthening of time before young people enter the
labour market as full time workers. The separately administered unemployment insurance is under the
control of the Labour Market Service (Arbeitsmarktservice), which is also responsible for active
labour market policies. A young person has to have worked and paid unemployment insurance
contributions for 12 out of 24 months before he/she is illegible for unemployment benefits.
The Austrian judicial system has a very strong federalist component. In many areas the federal law
only sets the framework whilst the nine Federal Regions (Burgenland, Vienna, Lower Austria, Upper
Austria, Tyrol, Vorarlberg, Styria, Carinthia and Salzburg) are responsible for detailed legislation and
execution. Responsibility for Youth policy and the Youth Protection Law is to a great extent devolved
altogether to the nine Federal Regions with the result that there is often inconsistency as to young
people's citizenship rights between the Federal Regions.
3
Citizenship
The Austrian law distinguishes between children (who are persons up to their 7th birthday), non-legally
liable minors (who are aged 7 to 14) and legally liable minors (who are aged 14 to 19). Non-legally
liable minors are deemed not competent to enter contracts and not legally responsible for their actions
in the Youth Criminal Law. Legally liable minors on the other hand, are deemed legally competent to
enter contracts to a limited extent and they are legally responsible for their actions under the Youth
Criminal Law. At the age of 19 people are deemed fully competent to enter contracts and fully
1
2
ÖSTAT (ed.), Austrian Statistical Yearbook 1999, Vienna 2000; p50
Esping Anderson, G. (1990) The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism Polity Press: Cambridge
2
Austria
responsible for their actions under the Criminal Law. Hence, the period of ‘youth’ extends legally
from ages 14 to 19.
Young people have a right to maintenance from their parents up to the age of 19 and even up to the
age of 27 if they are not able to support themselves (for example during a University course).
The following minimum ages exist in Austria:
• heterosexual sex: 14
• Permission to work full time: 15
• Visiting pubs, restaurants or public events: in most Federal Regions 16
• Smoking and drinking: in most Federal Regions 16
• Driver’s license for small motorbikes: 16; for cars: 17
• Homosexual sex: 18; no regulations for lesbian relationships
• Marriage: 19 for men, 16 for women
• Voting: 18. Since 1945 the voting age (21 years) has been lowered three times (in 1949 to 20
years, in 1970 to 19 years and in 1992 to 18 years). The age limit for eligibility for
parliamentary elections (29 years in 1945) has also been reduced (in 1949 to 26 years, in 1970
to 25 years, in 1979 to 21 years and in 1992 to 18 years). The eligibility for presidential
elections (35 years) has remained the same since 1945.
However, these legal age limits are not consistent throughout Austria. Some of these regulations come
under the Youth Protection Law. Since this is a matter of legal administration at a Regional level,
there are variations between the nine Federal Regions. For example, concerning alcohol, “excessive
consumption “ is forbidden for 16 to 18 year olds in Upper Austria although in Salzburg they are
allowed to drink alcohol so long as there is „no impairment of the consciousness of the young person”.
In Carinthia, young people may start consuming alcoholic beverages and mixed beverages with higher
alcohol content than 12 % at age 16.3 The consumption of beverages with a high alcohol content (e.g.
liquors) is forbidden for the 16 to 19 year olds in all Federal Regions.
The Youth Protection Laws regulate the protection of young people under age 19 and in these laws
young people are regarded as legal objects (to be protected) rather than legal subjects in their own
right.
4
Education and training
The development of the educational system in the last 50 years generally shows increasing numbers of
educational institutions and rising attendance in upper secondary and tertiary education. While the
apprenticeship training (dual system) has been well developed since the 1950s, the expansion of
intermediate and higher education did not start until the late 1960s. In 1970 approximately three
quarters of all certificates were obtained in general secondary educational programmes. By the 1990s
this share had declined steadily to less than 50 %. At the same time the proportion of women
graduating increased. Today more than half of all graduates in higher secondary schools are women;
nevertheless a gender-specific segregation still exists with regard to the various fields of study.4
The school leaving age in Austria is 15. Students who do not go into an apprenticeship or continue
education have to complete a polytechnical training course for one year.
3
Children and Youth Protection in Austria. Ministry of Environment, Youth and Family, August 1999.
4
Das Schulwesen in Österreich (Public Education of Austria). Schuljahr 1996/97 (Ed.: ÖSTAT). Heft 1.262,
Vienna 1998 und Österreichische Hochschulstatistik. Studienjahr 1997/98. (Ed.: ÖSTAT). Heft 1.283, Vienna
1999.
3
Austria
In order to ensure equal educational opportunities in the educational system, various "transitions" or
"bridges" were created between the different levels and pillars of the system, such as from one type of
school to another. A further method for ensuring equal opportunities is the permeability of the
Austrian educational system so that students can move in and out of it at different stages. Thus, by
ensuring the compatibility of the curricula of the General Secondary Schools and the lower level of the
general higher schools there is an attempt to create a smooth transition between them. In addition,
there are a number of possibilities for adults to pass a special form of Matura (Abiturentenlehrgang
and the Studienberechtigungsprüfung) and go on to university. Since 1998 this is also possible for
graduates of apprenticeships (Berufsreifeprüfung).
There has been a dynamic expansion of tertiary education since the early 1970s due partly to the
increase in the number of higher educational institutions. In 1998/99 62% of enrolments in the tertiary
sector were at universities, 11% at colleges, followed by Polytechnics (10%), teacher training colleges
(9%). The Polytechnics, which were first initiated in 1994, have immensely expanded their offers. In
1998 there are 46 courses ranging from technology, media, marketing to tourism. Accordingly, they
have the highest growth rate in student numbers. The growth rate of colleges for social work comes
second (50%). There is also a steady increase in numbers of university entrants among school-leavers
since the 70s. In 1970 the percentage of university entrants among all youngsters of the same age was
7.7%, while in 1998 it was 25.5%.5 Among the students who had passed their Matura (higher school
leaving certificate) in 1997 about 50% enrolled at a university within the following one and half years.
Altogether, 70% of those who obtained their Matura at a general higher school went on to university.
This is true for only 31% of those who came from vocational higher schools.6
Since the early 1990s the number of female students has been higher than the number of male
students. In 1998 the percentage of female university entrants among all young women at this age was
26.1%, while for the young men it was only 17.7%. However, there is still gender segregation with
respect to the kind of courses that people take. Young women dominate teacher training colleges,
medical colleges and academies for midwives. On the other hand they are under-represented in the
Polytechnics. 7
Altogether, 75.7 % of the 15-19-year-old Austrians are students and 16.8 % of the 20-29-year-old
Austrians are students.8 In international comparison, these values are low. The reason for the former
low figure is the relatively early school leaving age in Austria at 15 years. In the countries with higher
school leaving age therefore also the numbers of students are higher. The latter figure is low because
apprenticeships, professional schools and grammar schools normally finish at age 19. Unlike in
Germany, Austrian grammar school graduates do not later go into apprenticeships. Another reason
may be that even with a lower educational level (especially with an apprenticeship) there is little
problem in integrating into the labour market, leaving less incentive to go on into Higher Education.
The proportion of 15 and 16 year olds who do not continue any education after compulsory school is
about 8% and their numbers are increasing. Girls tend to leave school with minimum qualifications
more often than boys. The percentage of 15 to 24 year olds in education has increased from 45% to
50% between 1987 and 1998. However, this is most probably an effect of the prolongation of
educational careers rather than an increase in rates of participation.9
5
Österreichischer Hochschulbericht, 1999. Bundesministerium für Wissenschaft und Forschung, Vienna 1999.
p112
6
ibid, p 106
7
ibid, p105
8
IARD (2001), Study on the State of Young People and Youth Policy in Europe, research report: Milan
9
Evaluation of the National Plan of Action for Employment (Begleitende Bewertung der Umsetzung des nationalen
Aktionsplanes für Beschäftigung im Jahr 1999), Austrian Institute for Economic Research (WIFO) and Institute for
Advanced Studies (ed.), Vienna 1999; p 89 f
4
Austria
The number gaining a higher education qualification in Austria has always been low. However, during
the 1990s a new layer of Higher Education Institutions offering shorter degrees with more professional
qualifications and practical skills were introduced – the Polytechnics (Fachhochschulen). This may
have improved the enrolment rate of young people in Higher Education. The relative low tertiary
education completion rate may be explained by the long duration of university courses. This is partly
due to a shortage of teaching staff in many disciplines and overloaded curricula. Many students have
to drop out to finance themselves. Students can receive financing only up to the age of 27, although
increasingly their courses continue after this time.
In Austria 26.3 % of the 15-19-years-old are both students and employed (including work-study
programmes).10 This rate is high because a large number of young people in this age group are in the
apprenticeship system or in a professional middle or higher school. Although the latter two
trajectories are school based, they include compulsory work during school holidays.
The group of youngsters who are most at risk are those who do not even graduate from secondary
school (Hauptschule and Polytechnicum). Those who are only on the 7th school level (instead of the
9th) at age 15 (because they have had to re-take years that they have failed) are very unlikely to achieve
the minimum qualification. Between 1985 and 1998 there has been a rather stable proportion of 5% of
an age cohort who are in this risky position every year (not including pupils who attend schools for
handicapped children). There are courses offered by institutes for adult education and schools to
compensate for lack of secondary school completion. However, there are not enough of them as yet to
cover the whole group at risk.11
5
Employment and unemployment
The employment structure of Austria is dominated by labour-intensive service industries (tourism,
culture and the expansion of state employment) and most people work in very small enterprises.
These small enterprises offer training and employment for young people but this provision is highly
regulated and is locked into a corporatist national training and continuing educational system offering
a variety of employment pathways. Traditionally this offered the apprentice-learner-master career
path in a variety of trades and crafts to young men in particular, who were not permitted to set up as
independent tradesmen without these relevant qualifications. In the past ten years this traditional
career path has been overlaid by a variety of technical qualifications offered by the educational and
training system.
One of the dominant characteristics of youth conditions in Austria in comparison with other European
countries is that there has always been low unemployment for young people in comparison with other
European countries. The general unemployment rate was 7.2 % (national) in 1998 and 6.7 % in 1999.
The youth (15 – 19 year olds) unemployment rate in 1998 was 4.5 % and 4.4 % in 1999.12
Unemployment rate (2000):
in Austria: 5,8% of labour force potential (employed and unemployed)
in Vorarlberg: 4,3%
in Vienna: 7,2%
10
11
Evaluation of the National Plan of Action for Employment (Begleitende Bewertung der Umsetzung des nationalen
Aktionsplanes für Beschäftigung im Jahr 1999), Austrian Institute for Economic Research (WIFO) and Institute for
Advanced Studies (ed.), Vienna 1999; p 85 ff.
12
Statistical News 12/1999 and 5/2000. ÖSTAT. Vienna 1999, 2000.
5
Austria
Unemployment rate for age group 15-19:
Total: 2,6%
for women: 3,5%
for men: 2,0%
Unemployment rate for age group 19-25:
Total: 6,3%
for women: 5,9%
for men: 6,6%
Rate of youth unemployment (of total unemployment), age group 15- under 25:
in Austria: 15,8%
in Vienna: 10,8%
in Vorarlberg: 19,6%
Generally, labour market opportunities for young people are rather good in comparison with other
parts of Europe. On account of the integrated "dual system" of vocational training, schooling and
employment a high number of young people are employed from as early as the age of 15.
Nevertheless, during the past 10 years labour market participation has declined from 64% in 1991 to
59% in 1997 in the age group of 15 – 25 year olds. This decline has mainly occurred in the younger
age group (15-19) for whom labour force participation mainly means participation in the
apprenticeship system. However, one can observe many ups and downs in the demand for apprentices
since the 1970s. At the beginning of the 1990s the demand was higher than the supply. Towards the
end of the 1990s this relation was reversed so that the supply was higher. In 1998 40 600 new
apprentices were needed while 41 600 youngsters were looking for an apprenticeship and altogether,
39 100 young people actually started an apprenticeship.13 Since the 1970 there is an almost linear
upward trend in the number of unemployed apprentices, which calls into question the extent to which
the "dual system" can continue to absorb youth employment under new economic conditions.14
A major trend, which exists in all European countries, is the flexibilisation of conditions of work.
There are a growing number of part time jobs, marginal jobs (less than 10 hours per week; no social
security insurance) and fixed contract jobs. The government has been trying to adapt the statutory
social insurance system in order to cover those people who are found in the new forms of employment
and self-employment. Those flexible, “new” forms of work are particularly important for adolescents
who are entering the labour market and often have to put up with “precarious” jobs for periods of time,
jobs which do not pay their living expense and only partly cover their social insurance, or are based on
fixed term contract which makes planning for the future difficult. In many cases young people need to
boost their income with informal jobs. The black economy as a percentage of the whole economy is
estimated to be about 8%, using European Union methods of calculation.15 However, according to our
assumptions, this may be higher for particular groups of young people.
In total, 54.2 % of the 15-24-year-old Austrians are employed, 4.4 % are unemployed, 41.5 % are not
active.16 In international comparison, Austria has a high rate of employment for young people. The
13
AMS (Austrian Labour Market Service), Lehrlinge und FacharbeiterInnen am Arbeitsmarkt. Vienna 1999
14
Lorenz Lassnig, Youth Labour Market Policy in Austria 1980-1997. Institute for Advanced Studies Vienna 1999; p5
15
ÖSTAT, Department of the "Volkswirtschaftliche Gesamtrechnung". Source: Statistical News 2/2000. Vienna
2000.
16
6
Austria
high numbers are due to the early school leaving age, the low rate of unemployment and the
continuing importance of the apprenticeship training that facilitates the transition from school to work.
Correspondingly, only 47.5 % of the 15-24 year-old Austrians are in education or in training.17
Most unemployed youths are among the least educated members of the youth cohort, having only the
minimum education from school or apprenticeships. Among young male unemployed it is most
common to have only an apprenticeship qualification (9 000 to 13 000 persons per year), followed by
minimum compulsory schooling (6 500 to 9 500 per year), whilst among young women the highest
numbers of unemployed have finished only the minimum education (7 000 to 10 500 per year),
followed by apprenticeships (5 500 to 7 000) and medium level vocational schools (2 000 to 3 000).
The unemployment figures of graduates from upper-level secondary schools are below 2 000 and
those from higher education below 500. These figures have to be interpreted in the light of the
opportunities that are open to the young people. Those who have graduated from an apprenticeship are
entitled to unemployment benefits. They are therefore inclined to register with the Austrian Labour
Market Service to claim unemployment benefit and to use their services in order to find a new
employment. Graduates of upper secondary schools are entitled to go on to university and can
therefore choose tertiary education as an alternative to an immediate transition to employment.
Graduates of medium level secondary schools do not have any of these advantages. 18
Income sources mirror the favourable situation on the youth labour market and the high rate of
employment among the 15 to 24 year olds: 46% live primarily on their regular job (65% in Denmark,
25% in Finland).19 Unemployment benefits are very rarely the major source of income because many
adolescents are not entitled to unemployment benefits yet. Parents, partners, casual and illicit work
assume great importance for those youngsters who are unemployed or who only have a part-time or
marginal (less than 10 hours/week) job.20
The low figures of adolescents who live in conditions of poverty21 also reflect the high rate of youth
employment as well as a well-elaborated welfare-system. Accepting low income as a student or trainee
is for many young people an investment in their future and does not reflect a long-term risk of social
exclusion. Young people are also substantially supported by their parents and this is also a legal
requirement up to age 27. Therefore, it would be more useful to consider the role of family poverty
more generally if we wish to understand the poverty of young people. Families with many children
and single parents are most at risk.22
6
Family
Growing up
In 1990/91 38% of all first children were born to unmarried women. However, the proportion of all
babies under the age of one who lived with only a single parent was only 20% and those with
unmarried parents was only about 7%. Obviously, many couples marry soon after the birth of their
17
ibid
18
Lorenz Lassnig, Youth Labour Market Policy in Austria 1980-1997. Institute for Advanced Studies Vienna 1999; p3
19
20
Reinprecht, Ch.; Spannring R. (2000), Jugendliche am prekären
Arbeitsmarkt. Unsicherheiten und Einstellungen. In: SWS-Rundschau 4/2000
21
22
Austrian Family Report 1999, Ministry for Environment, Youth and Family (ed.), Vienna 1999; p 645 ff.
7
Austria
first child rather than continuing as single parents, as in Scandinavian countries or Britain. By the time
the child is in its fourth year, the percentage of married parents had risen to 80%. At school age the
risk of living with a single parent increases due to divorce. The divorce rate is higher in urban areas. In
1991 90% of all school aged children in rural areas lived with both their parents while this only
applied to 70% of the school children in Vienna. The number of siblings has decreased significantly
during the past decades. While at the beginning of the 1970s most children in rural areas grew up with
three or more siblings, this is very rare today even in rural areas. The family with two children
predominates everywhere. At the same time the number of single children has increased from 17% in
1971 to 24% in 1991.23
Leaving the parental home
In 1995 65% of the young Austrians between 20-24 years old lived with their parents.24 As in other
countries adolescents stay longer in their families’ homes than in the past. This can be explained by a
number of factors – longer education, later labour market entry and lack of cheap housing. The latter
reason seems to be more important in Austria than in other countries. On average Austrian youngsters
leave home at age 24.25 This is not necessarily regarded as a problem: according to one qualitative
study, Austrian young people idealise family life as a primary and affective shelter from the outside
world, a place where they can seek comfort and support.26 Many families build additional
accommodation within the house to accommodate the needs of young people.
Apart from the trend to stay with parents longer, there is a trend towards later marriage and
parenthood. In 1971 13% of the 25 to 29 year old men were married without a child and 48% were
married with a child/children. In 1997 this rate had decreased to 8% and 20% respectively. Among the
women in this age group 63% were married with children in 1971, but only 36% in 1997. Over the
same period alternative forms of living became more common. Cohabiting without a child rose from
1% to 8% among young men and women, cohabiting with a child rose from 1% to 4% among young
men and to 5% among young women. There were also many more singles in this age group: 9% in
1971 and 15% in 1997 among young men; 5% in 1971 and 12% in 1997 among young women.
Living arrangements of young people aged 25-29 in199727:
Living with parents
Single parent
Married, no child
Married with child/children
Cohabitation, no child
Cohabitation with child/children
Single
Other forms
total
Men
39
0
8
20
8
4
15
6
100
women
16
6
11
36
8
5
12
4
100
23
Austrian Family Report 1999, Ministry for Environment, Youth and Family (ed.), Vienna 1999; p173 ff.
24
25
Jugendwertestudie 1999. Chr. Friesl et al, Vienna 1999; p49
ibid; p49 f
27
Bundesministerium für Umwelt, Jugend und Familie (eds.) (1999), Familie – zwischen Anspruch und Alltag.
Österreichischer Familienbericht 1999
26
8
Austria
Only 9% of Austrians aged 20-24 lived alone as compared with 24% in Finland, 18% in Germany and
none in Spain, reflecting the different models of leaving home in different parts of Europe. However,
of those aged 25-29, the numbers had risen from 17% to 18% between 1987 and 1995 compared with
23% in Germany (in 1995) and 23% in Finland (1995) but only 1% in Spain and 6% in Greece.
Austria therefore lies between the Northern model of youth independence and the Southern model of
remaining in the family for long periods.28 This diversity of living arrangements decreases again as
young adults grow older. At the age of 40, the married couple with children is by far the most common
form of living: 62% among men and 65% among women. There is an interesting difference between
urban and rural areas. The young people who remain in their families longer are almost exclusively
found in the rural areas. Especially for young men (aged 24-29), living with their parents was by far
the most common arrangement in rural areas. The figure increased from 33% in 1971 to 45% in 1997.
The nuclear family (marriage and children) is also most common in rural areas, while the diversity of
living arrangements is found only in urban areas.29
7
Xenophobia
Xenophobia may have had an important impact in politics in recent years with the gains made by the
explicitly anti-foreigner Freedom Party (FPÖ) but surveys generally show that younger people,
especially those with Higher Education are less xenophobic than other population groups.30
The findings of the WVS 1990 indicate that 4% of the Austrian respondents would not like to “people
of a different race” as neighbours (11% in Belgium, 2% in the Netherlands). However, 17% would not
like to have “immigrants/foreign workers” as neighbours (16% in Germany, 2% in Ireland)31.
In the Austrian qualitative study on youth values (1999) the respondents were asked about the feelings
they have when they meet members of the following groups at night: drunkards, drug addicts,
foreigners, homosexuals, punks, members of the extreme right. Those who inspire most fear are the
members of the extreme right. They are seen as a potential danger by one third of the respondents.
Here, the picture of hooligans and skinheads, of violence, xenophobia and intolerance are associated
and are seen negatively.
The attitude towards foreigners is ambivalent. Most respondents can be described as neutral-neutral.
Many talk about negative experiences with foreigners and at the same time they emphasize that one
should not have prejudices. In the Austrian youth value study (1999) the respondents distinguished
clearly between tourists, refugees and foreign workers.32 This reflects also the continuing second-class
citizenship of guest workers and their children in Austria, who are regarded as foreigners.
28
Data from Eurostat Labour Force Survey, cited in Bendit, R., Gaiser, W., and Marbach, J.H. (eds.) Youth and Housing in
Germany and the European Union. 1999, Leske and Budrich, Opladen
29
30
Austrian Family Report 1999, Ministry for Environment, Youth and Family (ed.), Vienna 1999; p178 ff.
Wallace, C. (1999). Xenophobia in Transition: Austria and Eastern Europe Compared. Final Report to the BMWV.
Vienna: Institute for Advanced Studies. See also homepage of research studies on xenophobia under
www.bmwf.gv.at/4fte/frem/themen.htm
31
32
Youth Value Survey 1999. Chr. Friesl et al, Vienna 1999; p117
9
Austria
8
Attitudes toward the European Union
In 1994 the Austrians voted with an overwhelming majority (two thirds) for the membership in the
European Union. However, massive information and advertising campaigns by the government
preceded the poll which included scientific expertises and prognoses as well as pronounced pro-EU
statements by leading politicians. The putative disadvantages of non-membership were stressed. Since
then, prices and inflation rates have decreased, but on the other hand, the unemployment rate has risen
from 6,5% to 9% in 1996 and in order to meet the criteria for membership in the European currency
community harsh measurements of economy were introduced. The agreement with the European
Union has dramatically decreased since 1994. This may partly be a result of a tendency to moan
aganinst those in power, which is now also directed against Brussels. However, it is also partly due to
the exaggerated promises of the then governing political elites.
Young Austrians stand relatively aloof from the European Union. Although 37% describe the
European Union as a way to create a better future for young people (EU-average: 34%) and to improve
the ability to go whereever they want in the European Union (41%; EU-average: 37%), they also
associate it with too much bureaucracy (21%; EU-average: 16%) and think that it will become more
difficult to make decisions once more countries have joined the EU (34%, EU-average: 25%) and that
unemployment will rise (21%, EU-average: 14%).33
71% of the Austrian young people have visited at least one country in the EU during the last 2 years,
which is slightly above average. They do that particularly to go on holiday but also to improve their
language skills.34
9
National Identity and Pride in Austria
The strongest interest in the development of the Austrian Nation and national identity is found among
hisorians: e.g. Friedrich Heer (1981), Felix Kreissler (1984) and Ernst Bruckmüller (1984, 1996).
Among the sociologists and political scientists who have written on the “Austrian nation” is Albert
Reiterer who has done conceptual as well as empirical work on this topic (1988, 1990), Anton Pelinka
(1990), Heinz Steinert (1988), Rudolph Burger (1994), Gunter Falk (1987) and Max Haller (1996).
Max Haller and Stefan Gruber report empirical findings of a survey on national pride, patriotism and
nationalism which was carried out in 1995 as part of the ISSP-project35. The sample size was 1000 and
the age group 14 +. It represents a major contribution to the research on Austrian national identity.
The survey results verify a tendency which has already been noted in regular survey questions during
the last 30 years: the attitude that Austria is a nation in its own right has gradually and nearly
completey gained ground. 90% of the respondents describe themselves as Austrians. Over 80% feel
bound up with the country. What does it mean to be Austrian? Is it linked to citizenship or sociocultural aspects? The findings show that somebody is accepted as a real Austrian if he/she has both
characteristics. Thus, Austria is seen as a socio-political community which includes the cultural as
well as the political aspect.
This finding is supported by the attitudes of Austrians towards topics such as immigration which are
linked to the understanding of nationality. With respect to immigration Austrians generally
33
Eurobarometer 47.2 Youth, 1997; author’s calculations
34
Eurobarometer 47.2 Youth, 1997
35
Max Haller (1996)
10
Austria
dinstinguish between a general immigration which ought to be limited and a positive attitude toward
particular groups of immigrants which are thought to “fit in”, such as the German speaking South
Tyrolians from Northern Italy. Immigrants are expected to assimilate.
A central element for the self-understanding of a nation is its history. Collective myths with respect to
the past help to develop and strengthen a positive self-image. At the same time there are processes to
efface unpleasant memories. The territory of contemporary Austria has seen a lot of major changes
during the past century alone: until the end of the first World War it was part of a large multicultural
empire, after the collapse of the monarchy the democratic first democracy was founded but soon
afterwards destroyed again by the authoritarian corporative state. The latter lost its power four years
later to the Nazi regime. It is only from 1945 or 1955 when the occupation troops left Austria onwards
that we can speak of a continuity of the Republic of Austria.
It might be expected that there is a correlation between the attitudes toward particular historical phases
and the identification with contemporary Austria. But this is not the case.
Other questions concerning the picture of Austria relate to socio-political topics, the role of the Church
and religion, the political neutrality of Austria and contemporary political personalities. Considering
how strongly the influence of the Church and religion has decreased in every-day life during the past
decades, it seems surprising that the respondents ascribe a lot of importance to the Catholic Church for
the Austrian nation. There is also a significant positive effect of confession and religiousness on
patriotism and national pride. The Austrian political neutrality and its independence within the frame
of the European Union are highly valued and correlate with a number of dimensions of national
identity. This has probably got to do with the fact that the political personalities Bruno Kreisky and
Franz Vranitzky (both social democrats) who were strongly in favour of and defended the political
neutrality had a very positive image and especially among those who feel very attached to Austria and
are proud of Austria. The Social Democrats – at least since 1945 along side the Communists – has
been the party which defended an autonomous role of Austria as a small state most consistently. Thus
members and voters of the Social Democrats have the strongest Austrian consciousness, while
supporters of the Green party have a clearly more distanced position than those of all other parties.
A central topic relates to the distinction between the positive pole of patriotism as a positive attitude to
one’s country on the one hand and a nationalistic-chauvinistic attitude, which exaggerates the value of
one’s own country and devalues other countries and cultures on the other. Indeed, the analysis showed
that there are two dimensions: the dimension of patriotism includes high values on one’s own country,
chauvinism and social exclusion; the dimension of natioanl pride correlates positively with a
cosmopolitan and pro-foreigner attitude.
A currently very obvious question is whether the voters of Haider and his Freedom Party have a
particular attitude toward the “Third Reich”. The respondents were asked to evaluate a list of
statements concerning Haider and National Socialism. Supporters of the Freedom Party were then
compared with other respondents. The findings show that there is no strong tendency of the former to
have a positive attitude toward National Socialism. This suggests that Haider’s success was mainly
based on his criticism of the former governments.
Lastly, the socio-structural determinants of national identity were analysed. Especially patriotism is
less marked among younger people and people with a higher educational level and/or occupational
status. This might be the result of a generational as well as life cycle effect. The former suggests a
long-term decrease of patriotic (also chauvinistic) attitudes. The latter suggests that patriotic attitudes
increase with age, since the opportunities to have a say in communal affairs and the interest in the
public and private sphere also increase with age. Very low national pride correlates with a
significantly lower level of socio-cultural integration, with a lack of trust in socio-political institutions
but also in one’s contemporaries in the family and society. Thus, national identity and national pride
11
Austria
represent a basic attitude which is related to all other life spheres of the individual and has an
enormous impact on the stability of the whole political community.36
With respect to differences among the Federal Regions a survey among 370 Austrians in the Federal
Regions of Vienna, Styria and Vorarlberg shall be mentioned.
It shows a much higher level of identification with one’s Federal Region in Styria and inn Vorarlberg.
Table 1: Proud to be a citizen of the Federal region:
Vorarlberg
Styria
Vienna
Average
Strongly agree
agree
Neutral
Disagree
21
26
7
18
44
39
40
41
27
17
29
24
9
11
12
24
Disagree
strongly
1
7
12
6
The low level of regional identity in Vienna might be explained by the urban character of this region.
In order to test this, Styria and Vorarlberg were compared. While 43% of respondents in Styria
identified with the Federal Region, this was only true for 29% of those living in towns. The difference
between urban and rural areas in Styria thus point to an explanation for the low level in Vienna.
However, in Vorarlberg the level of identity does not correlate with the size of town.37
With respect to the identification with the European Union there is no significant difference between
the Federal Regions.38
Table 2: Feeling of being bound up with the European Union
Vorarlberg
Styria
Vienna
Average
Strong
31
19
33
18
weak
53
62
44
41
None at all
16
19
23
24
Another empirical study is concerned with the national identity among 16 to 19 year old students in
Austria39. It was carried out in 1994 and relies on expert interviews, group discussions, content
analysis of history school books and interviews with students in three Austrian Federal Regions:
Tyrol, Carinthia, Vienna.
The main findings of this study show that the majority of the young people is conscious of the concept
of the nation. It is a more or less defined notion but also a value. At the same time there is a minority
of one third, who either do not have a concept of the nation at all or do not feel they belong to a nation
for ideological reasons. Their statements range from “don’t know”, to indifference, to conscious
36
Max Haller and Stefan Gruber, in: Max Haller (1996:61-147)
37
Andreas Neumayer, in Max Haller (project leader) Regional, National and European Identity, research report,
Graz 1999: 67-84
38
Daniela Jarz, in Max Haller (project leader) Regional, National and European Identity, research report, Graz
1999: 287-303
39
Josef Langer, in: Max Haller (1996:327-381)
12
Austria
disagreement with this political concept. Looking at the contemporary youth culture and its symbolic
representations a nationally defined collective identity is no longer visible.
However, the “non-national” minority is not alienated from Austria. They are also proud of Austria
but less frequently than those who define themselves as Austrian nationals. In the international
comparison, the level of pride in Austria is considerable. It is only possible to explain this if various
forms of collective identity are assumed. National consciousness then only applies to an indentity
within the nationalistic tradition. The latter can generally be identified by its negative attitude toward
foreigners. In this sense the author concludes:
• The feeling of young Austrians is more a “country-consciousness” than national
consciousness. The nation as a political programme tends to be associated with a negative
collective experience. This constellation makes it possible to ignore the nation as a political
tradition and still be a proponent of Austria.
• At the same time it can be observed that where the nation looses its meaning, some
dimensions of identification with Austria also loose their significance. Josef Langer argues in
terms of the individualisation and globalisation theory to explain this: the state as the
representative of society steps back behind intermediary organisations which increasingly act
on a global level.
Which alternatives are there to the nation state, i.e. are there spheres which might be expected to
integrate young people? In the study of Josef Langer there was no clear evidence neither toward
localism nor toward globalism. The difference between the local community and Europe is only 10%.
The young people felt less related with the local community (55%) than with Austria (65%). However,
one quarter to one third of the students show no or only a very low level of relatedness with their
neighbourhood, local community, Federal Region, Austria or Europe. Compared with the average of
the Austrian population the young people’s relatedness with social spheres seems to be lower on all
levels.
There is another difference between young people and the whole population. While among the whole
population localism and globalism seem to be two compatible concepts, this does not seem to be true
among young people. Those students who identify with their neighbourhood or local community do
not feel equally comfortable with larger geographical units such as Federal Region, Nation or Europe.
Further, young people who do not believe in the concept of a nation tend to be localists, identifying
with their immediate neighbourhood. Young people who adher to the traditional concept of a nation
are more like the average of the population.
In a debate on identity, even national identity, social networks deserve attention since they also
socialise and influence behaviour. In Josef Lang’s study the peer group was by far the most important
social network of the respondents (97%), followed by leisure groups (76%) and the school class
(69%). The wider population of the Federal Region or Austria is important for only 40%. Religious
groups are least important (21%). 30% of the respondents are members in youth groups: 25% in sports
organisations, 50% in conventional youth organisations such as the scouts, and 25% in trendy youth
networks such as techno, skaters, punks etc. In the non-traditional groups membership can be signalled
with specific symbols without participating. Social networks can organise around these symbols or
they can remain mere categories of life styles. The level of commitment is up to the individual.
However, the gain in identity is not less than in traditional youth groups.
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Sozialversicherungsträger (ed.), Vienna 2000.
The Austrian welfare state: A survey of social security systems. Ministry of Labour, Health and Social
Affairs. Vienna 1998.
„Vollbeschäftigung bleibt das Ziel“. Zur Entwicklung von Beschäftigung und Arbeitslosigkeit in
Österreich. Ministry for Labour, Health and Social Affairs, Vienna 1998.
„Von Ausgrenzung bedroht“. In: Social and Labour Market Policy. Nr. 50; Ministry of Economy and
Social Affairs (ed.). Vienna 1993.
World Health Statistics Annual, WHO 1996.
Youth Labour Market Policy in Austria 1980-1997. Lorenz Lassnig, Institute for Advanced Studies
Vienna 1999
Zwischenwelten. Beiträge zur Jugendforschung. I. Kromer; H. Tebbich; Graz-Vienna 1998.
15
Austria
11 Bibliography on national identity in Austria
Beiwl, Marcus-Constantin, Galehr, Claudia, Schmid, Gabriele (1995), Emotionale Zugehörigkeit und
berufliche Perspektive serbo-kroatischer und türkischer Jugendlicher in Wien – im Vergleich mit
österreichischen Jugendlichen ähnlicher sozialer Schicht. ÖNB-Forschungsbericht, Wien
Bruckmüller, Ernst (1996), Nation Österreich. Kulturelles Bewusstsein und gesellschaftlich-politische
Prozesse. Wien, Köln, Graz: Böhlau
Bruckmüller, Ernst (1984), Nation Österreich. Sozialhistorische Aspekte ihrer Entwicklung. Wien,
Köln, Graz: Böhlau
Bruckmüller, Ernst (1987), „’Zentrum’ und ‚Provinz’ in der Entwicklung des österreichischen
Nationalbewusstseins“, in: Neuberger Gespräche. Regionale Identität 1, Wien, Köln, Graz: Böhlau
Bruckmüller, Ernst (1994), Österreichbewusstsein im Wandel. Identität und Selbstverständnis in den
90er Jahren, Wien: Signum-Verlag
Botz, Gerhard; Sprengnagel, Gerald (eds.) (1994), Kontroversen um Österreichs Zeitgeschichte.
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Campus
Bundesministerium für Wissenschaft, Forschung und Kunst (ed.) (1995), Fremdenfeindlichkeit.
Erforschung, Erklärung, Bewältigung. Vienna
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Burger, Rudolph (1994), “Patriotismus und Nation. Bemerkungen zu einem (nicht nur)
österreichischen Problem“, in: Leviathan, H. 2.:161-170
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Esterbauer, Fried, Thöni, Erich (1981), Föderalismus und Regionalismus in Theorie und Praxis, Wien
Fabris, Hans-Heinz (1995), Austria: From Voting Euphoria to EU-Everyday Life, in: The European
Union in the Media, Madrid: Fundesco/AEJ Annual Report, pp 91-99
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Gürses, Hakan (1994), „Wechselspiel der Identitäten. Bemerkungen zum Minderheitenbegriff“, in:
SWS-Rundschau 34:353-368
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Wien: Braumüller
18
Austria
12 Appendix a: the school system in Austria
Ages
Stage
Type of institution
Status
2-5
6-10
Pre school stage:
Primary stage (general compulsory
schooling), school levels 1 to 4:
Kindergarten, creches
General primary schools
Volkschule
Optional
Compulsory
11-15
Secondary stage, lower level
school levels 5 to 8:
•
Compulsory
15-18
18-23
approx
18-28
approx
Any age
after 15
Secondary general schools plus one year additional polytechnical training if not
going into an apprenticeship
Hauptschule
Polytechnischer Lehrgang
• AHS: Allgemeinbildende Höhere Schule. General higher schools, lower level;
Secondary stage, upper level
• Berufsschule: Vocational school in conjunction with apprenticeship
School levels 9 to 12:
• BMS: Berufsbildende mittlere Schulen. Vocational middle school, generally 3 years,
no qualification for university;
• AHS: Allgemeinbildende Höhere Schule. General higher schools leading to
qualification for University (Matura) after 3 years
• BHS: Berufs bildendende höhere Schule.Vocational higher schools leading to
qualification for University (Matura) plus professional specialism after 4 years
Non-university, post secondary stage: Educational facilities after attending AHS or BHS including
Teacher Training College, College for Social Work, Colleges for Paramedical Staff
Kollegs
Mostly 2 year courses
Higher Educational Stage
University (4 years academic training leading to Masters degree plus 2 years minimum
for PhD)
Polytechnics Fachhochshule (3 years adademic with specialist vocational training leading
to a Masters degree)
Adult education:
Adult Education Centres
Volkhochsschule
Courses, single meetings, specialist additional education
19
Optional
Optional
Optional
Optional
Austria
13 Appendix b: attitudes toward the European Union
EUROBAROMETER 47.2 YOUTH, 1997
A
B Dk Fin F G/E G/W GB Gr Ire I
L NL N Ire P Sp Sw Total
37
20
41
25
30
32
18
21
13
13
25
26
39
22
30
24
14
20
12
16
26
23
29
34
35
29
13
24
11
32
34
25
43
19
26
39
11
26
7
20
30
27
50
33
33
31
14
15
12
17
41
22
51
30
31
33
8
22
10
14
33
25
49
30
35
26
12
22
9
13
27
29
23
13
24
25
15
11
3
15
39
22
26
30
28
23
19
8
8
15
49
22
39
10
33
37
15
4
2
7
51
23
26
29
47
40
11
5
5
6
35
28
52
41
35
23
18
13
5
18
24
33
43
28
57
22
25
14
5
16
31
22
24
12
29
24
17
8
6
12
40
26
25
24
39
29
21
8
5
10
25
35
25
15
38
19
12
11
8
7
29
20
45
24
24
34
6
36
12
15
34
25
37
25
34
30
14
16
8
14
19
33
25
27
34
21
42
20
2
14
19
15
21
25
27
35
30
2
17
30
13
26
42
8
61
16
1
14
41
13
40
28
5
72
17
1
14
29
14
30
27
21
58
22
2
19
34
12
26
35
24
50
31
2
15
24
14
30
36
19
56
31
2
20
29
18
34
17
11
39
13
1
34
28
13
18
16
18
43
16
1
40
51
21
21
10
7
48
6
0
36
44
10
34
13
7
48
9
2
21
24
22
39
31
23
57
19
2
22
24
18
31
36
8
61
13
0
21
36
23
27
10
4
42
10
1
41
25
30
21
12
14
41
14
1
32
25
23
28
13
8
39
9
1
10
27
13
27
45
14
69
21
1
23
31
17
28
25
14
51
18
1
Which of the following statements best describes what the European
Union means to you personally?
A way to create a better future for young people
A European government
The ability to go wherever I want in Europe
Guaranteed lasting peace in Europe
A means of improving the economic situation in Europe
A way to create jobs
A way to protect the rights of citizens
A lot of bureaucracy, a waste of time and money
Just a dream, a utopian idea
The risk of losing our cultural diversity
...what will the European Union have brought in ten years time?
A better quality of life for most people
More opportunities for people like me to find work
More equality between men and women
Less discrimination against foreigners and people from other
More difficulty in making decisions because more countries will have joined
A higher level of unemployment
It will be easier to travel, study, work and live anywhere in Europe
More social problems (redundancies, strikes, disputes...)
There won't be a European Union anymore (SPONTANEOUS)
20
Austria
A
B Dk Fin F G/E G/W GB Gr Ire I
L NL N Ire P Sp Sw Total
How many countries in the EU has r been to in the last two years
not abroad
in 1 or 2 countries
in 3 to 6 countries
in more than 6 countries
28 19 9 20 35
55 46 44 65 46
16 32 43 13 17
0 2 4 2 1
36
47
16
0
19 48 82 41 53 3 9
55 41 15 50 40 14 39
25 11 3 9 7 72 48
1 0
1
11 4
40 50 68 16
52 45 27 48
8 4 5 32
0 0 4
35
44
19
2
83 97 83 92 85
5 4 12 4 18
14 3 12 9 19
3 2 16 4 4
8 4 9 5 6
11 5 3 2 5
1 3 7 2 3
91
10
8
0
2
6
2
90 88 65 80 79 97 92
10 6 10 10 4 8 5
9 3 6 7 12 6 3
2 6 6 3 16 9 5
3 5 5 9 3 4 6
10 1 2 1 1 9 9
3 2 5 1 0 7 2
84 83 84 92
6 6 8 6
1 2 10 12
6 2 5 7
6 10 4 6
4 1
2
1 3 2 3
88
8
9
6
6
5
3
46
60
19
23
22
31
39
6
66
68
20
15
19
37
49
3
65
65
24
20
26
32
49
2
50
62
18
19
22
24
42
1
52
64
20
18
21
33
53
3
For what reasons has r been to these countries?
To visit the country, spend my holidays
In a youth exchange programme
To learn or to improve in the language
To study
To work, on business
To meet my girlfriend/boyfriend
To live there with my family
Which of the following, do you think "being a citizen of the European Union"
means?
The right to move permanently to any country in the European Union
The right to work in any country in the European Union
The right to vote in local elections in the member state in which you reside
The right to vote in national elections in the member state in which you reside
The right to vote in European Parliament elections in the member state –“The access to have services and social welfare anywhere in Europe
Being able to go and study in any European Union country
None of the above (SPONTANEOUS)
57
63
15
16
19
31
56
5
44
64
21
20
24
17
67
3
62
75
21
16
24
36
72
1
21
60
68
23
22
23
44
58
4
34
51
20
15
18
23
35
2
43
59
14
14
14
33
51
3
54
72
15
14
13
23
50
1
48
65
18
16
21
41
43
2
52
56
19
14
21
39
62
7
55
60
36
39
44
46
59
2
49
64
16
9
13
29
49
1
49
60
15
12
15
33
42
2
52
76
22
16
26
30
81
2
Austria
22

State of the Art and Socio-Demographic Background

Transcrição

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