Integrating preservation of indigenous culture with the REDD

Master thesis in Sustainable Development 276
Examensarbete i Hållbar utveckling
Integrating preservation of indigenous
culture with the REDD objectives
Experiences of the Suruí Carbon Project
Daria Shakisheva
DE P AR TME NT OF
E A RTH S CIE N CE S
INSTITUTIONEN FÖR
GEOVETENSKAPER
Master thesis in Sustainable Development 276
Examensarbete i Hållbar utveckling
Integrating preservation of indigenous culture
with the REDD objectives
Experiences of the Suruí Carbon Project
Daria Shakisheva
Supervisor: Örjan Bartholdson
Evaluator: Oscar Jansson
Copyright © Daria Shakisheva and the Department of Earth Sciences, Uppsala University
Published at Department of Earth Sciences, Uppsala University (www.geo.uu.se), Uppsala, 2015
Content
1. Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 1
1.1. Problem Background ........................................................................................................... 1
1.2. Research Problem................................................................................................................ 2
1.3. Research Purpose ................................................................................................................ 3
1.4. Definitions ........................................................................................................................... 3
1.5. Outline ................................................................................................................................. 4
2. Method .................................................................................................................................. 5
2.1. Case Study ........................................................................................................................... 5
2.2. Literature Review ................................................................................................................ 5
2.3. Empirical data collection..................................................................................................... 6
2.3.1. Document Study ............................................................................................................... 6
2.3.2. Skype and telephone interviews ....................................................................................... 7
2.4. Analysis of empirical data ................................................................................................... 7
2.5. Restrictions of an off-field research .................................................................................... 8
3. Theoretical and Conceptual Frameworks ......................................................................... 8
3.1. Assemblage ......................................................................................................................... 8
3.2. Discourse analysis ............................................................................................................. 10
3.3. The dwelling perspective .................................................................................................. 11
4. REDD, community based forest management, and indigenous groups ....................... 14
4.1. REDD ................................................................................................................................ 14
4.1.1. A market mechanism to tackle climate change .............................................................. 14
4.1.2. Threat, or opportunities for local communities? ............................................................ 15
4.1.3. Ontological conflict ........................................................................................................ 16
4.2. Community based forest management .............................................................................. 18
4.3. Prospects for the indigenous people in the Amazon ......................................................... 20
4.3.1. The politics and evolution of indigenousness ................................................................ 20
4.3.2. Hypothesis ...................................................................................................................... 21
5. The Case: Paiter Suruí, and the Suruí Carbon Project ................................................. 21
5.1. The people Paiter Suruí ..................................................................................................... 22
5.1.1. Image of life before the contact...................................................................................... 22
5.1.2. History of contact and its social, cultural, economic and environmental impacts ......... 24
5.2. The Suruí Carbon Project: its origins and prospects ......................................................... 26
5.2.1. Struggle for autonomy and an alternative development................................................. 26
5.2.2. 50 Year Plan of Paiter Suruí ........................................................................................... 27
5.2.3. First projects under the 50 Year Plan ............................................................................. 28
5.2.4. Putting REDD ‘on the table’ .......................................................................................... 29
5.2.5. Advances of the 50 Year Plan within the REDD framework ........................................ 30
6. Suruí Carbon Project and the agenda of cultural preservation .................................... 32
6.1. Constructing a hybrid ........................................................................................................ 32
6.2. ‘Protagonism’ .................................................................................................................... 34
6.3. Relationship with the forest .............................................................................................. 35
6.4. Rendering the dwelling experience technical.................................................................... 38
6.5. Compromises..................................................................................................................... 40
6.5.1. Religion .......................................................................................................................... 40
6.5.2. Rhythm of life ................................................................................................................ 41
6.5.3. Skilled practice of dwelling............................................................................................ 41
7. Discussion ........................................................................................................................... 42
7.1. Hegemony or heterogeneity? ............................................................................................ 42
7.2. Cultural preservation, substitution, or creation? ............................................................... 43
7.3. Monetized indigeneity ....................................................................................................... 44
8.
Conclusions......................................................................................................................... 44
9.
Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................ 45
10. Bibliography....................................................................................................................... 46
11. Appendix: Interview transcripts ...................................................................................... 51
11.1. Interview with Chicoepab Suruí, conducted by Skype on June 25th, 2015 ....................... 51
11.2. Interview with Arildo Gapame Suruí, conducted by Skype on July 1st, 2015 ................. 57
11.3. Follow-up interview with Chicoepab Suruí, conducted by Skype on July 6th, 2015 ........ 66
11.4. Interview with Gasodá Suruí, condicted by phone and Skype on July 8th, 2015 ............. 69
11.5. Interview with Ivaneide Bandeira Cardozo, conducted by Skype on July 10th , 2015 ..... 74 List of figures
Fig. 1. Location of the demarcated TISS on the border between the states of Rondônia and
Mato Grosso in Brazil. (Source: Metareilá 2010) .............................................................. 22
Fig. 2. Satellite map of TISS with market locations of villages at its edges. (Source: Suruí
2009) ................................................................................................................................... 25
Fig. 3. The map of ethnozoning of the TISS. (Source: Kanindé et al. 2011) ............................. 31
Integrating preservation of indigenous culture with the REDD
objectives: experiences of the Suruí Carbon Project
DARIA SHAKISHEVA
Shakisheva, D., 2015, Integrating preservation of indigenous culture with the REDD objectives:
experiences of the Suruí Carbon Project, Master thesis in Sustainable Development at Uppsala
University, 1R87 pp, 15 ECTS/hp
Abstract: As the urgency of tackling climate change globally is pressed against equally urgent
needs for local development, the REDD framework is gaining importance as a flexible marketbased mechanism, which can potentially be instrumental for the development of local
communities. However, such win-win ambitions of projects that integrate development and
conservation have been tested for the past two decades, and existing research attests to their
questionable outcome with respect to either the interests of local communities, or the
environmental objectives, or both. Among reasons for poor performance or failure, various
analysts point out the suppression of local cultural and socio-productive systems by a
homogenising modernist development agenda. This research is a case study of a REDD project,
which claims to have addressed this issue: the Suruí Forest Carbon Project, developed by the
indigenous people of Paiter Suruí, who inhabit the Indigenous Territory Sete de Setembro in the
Brazilian Amazon. Based on the stated ambition of the Suruí Carbon Project to help preserve
the indigenous culture of Paiter Suruí, the inquiry of this research aims to explore the potential
of the REDD framework for safeguarding cultural integrity of indigenous peoples. This case
study is intended to contribute to the discussion on whether and how ontological and cultural
clashes can be mitigated within the REDD framework so as to enhance its benefits on the
global and local levels. The experience of the Suruí Carbon Project in integrating the agenda of
cultural preservation into the REDD mechanism is analysed by means of document study,
telephone interviews with the authors and propagators of the project, and discourse analysis.
Additionally, theoretical frameworks of assemblage, by T.M. Li, and of the dwelling
perspective, by T. Ingold are employed for interpreting the empirical material. Among the key
findings of this research is a demonstration that an epistemological intervention, which
developmental projects in this context usually imply, doesn’t necessarily supress local
autonomy. On the other hand, the example of the SCP demonstrates that the autonomy of local
communities in defining their own developmental models doesn’t by itself guarantee that they
will successfully preserve their ancestral cultures. Judging by the case of Paiter, a substantial
modification of cultural and socio-productive models is inevitable, and the point of debate is
which cultural aspects are to be compromised and how much.
Keywords: Suruí Carbon Project, REDD, indigenous communities, community based forest
management, sustainable development, dwelling
Daria Shakisheva, Department of Earth Sciences, Uppsala University, Villavägen 16, SE- 752
36 Uppsala, Sweden
Integrating preservation of indigenous culture with the REDD
objectives: experiences of the Suruí Carbon Project
DARIA SHAKISHEVA
Shakisheva, D., 2015, Integrating preservation of indigenous culture with the REDD objectives:
experiences of the Suruí Carbon Project, Master thesis in Sustainable Development at Uppsala
University, 1R87 pp, 15 ECTS/hp
Summary: The research related in this report investigates a specific project, which makes part
of the REDD framework – the UN-proposed transnational market mechanism aimed at
reducing global greenhouse gas emissions by providing payments for the conservation,
restoration and sustainable management of global rainforests. While REDD projects tend to be
integral vessels for the pursuit of diverse interests by multiple stakeholders, they are likely to
continue the pre-existing developmental trend of community based forest conservation. This
trend has been criticised by the academia and by the public for imposing external
developmental models on local communities, which resulted in degradation of local cultural
diversity and at the same time contributed to poor project output both in terms of environmental
conservation and social development. This research explores the potential strategies of
mitigating these shortcomings within the REDD framework, by examining the experience of
the Suruí Carbon Project – the first REDD project in the Amazon to be proposed and managed
by an indigenous community, which specifically states cultural preservation as an integral
element of fulfilling the REDD objectives. The case study of the Suruí Carbon Project is
performed with the use of data obtained from the official project documents and accompanying
publications, as well as Skype and telephone interviews with the actors partial to formulating
and implementing the Suruí Carbon Project. In order to analyse the empirical data, theories of
discourse analysis, assemblage and the dwelling perspective are employed. The profound
social, cultural, economic, and environmental impacts dealt to the Paiter Suruí people after their
contact with the national society are related, and the strategy behind the Suruí Carbon Project in
addressing the adverse aspects of these impacts is explored. Research findings demonstrate
outstanding agency of the Paiter Suruí in succeeding to exercise their autonomy and define their
own developmental models despite the extensive epistemological and socio-productive
adaptation which they had to undergo in order to make use of such externally formulated
mechanisms as REDD. On the other hand, the research revealed that autonomy by itself doesn’t
insure against degradation of cultural diversity, as is exposed in the challenges that the Paiter
Suruí people face in preserving their cultural heritage while redefining their socio-economic
needs and cultural values. These findings are related and discussed so as to make a contribution
for and stimulate productive reflection within both the academic and the practitioner circles
engaged in REDD and the development of indigenous communities.
Keywords: Suruí Carbon Project, REDD, indigenous communities, community based forest
management, sustainable development, dwelling
Daria Shakisheva, Department of Earth Sciences, Uppsala University, Villavägen 16, SE- 752
36 Uppsala, Sweden
Abbreviations and special terms
50 Year Plan
ACT Brasil
CBFM (CFM)
CBNRM
ES
FUNAI
ICDP
IDF
INGO
IUCN
MMA
NORAD
NGO
NTFP
Paiter
Paiterey Karah
Paiter Foundation
PES
PLANAFLORO
REDD
SCP (SFCP)
TISS
UNEP
USAID
WWF
Ethno-Environmental Management Plan of the Indigenous Territory Sete
de Setembro (also referred to as the Management Plan of the Paiter
Suruí)
Amazon Conservation Team of Brazil (an NGO)
Community Based Forest Management (Community Forest
Management)
Community Based Natural Resource Management
Ecosystem Services
The National Indian Foundation (Portuguese: Fundação Nacional do
Índio) – the official Brazilian governmental body that is responsible for
the affairs of the indigenous people in the country
Integrated Conservation and Development Project
Ideological-discursive formations (in discourse analysis)
International Non-governmental Organisation
International Union for the Conservation of Nature
Brazilian Ministry of the Environment (Portuguese: Ministério do Meio
Ambiente)
Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation
Non-governmental Organisation
Non-timber Forest Product
Autonym of the Paiter Suruí indigenous people
Name for the Indigenous Territory Sete de Setembro used by the Paiter
(alternatively spelled Paiterey Garah)
Foundation established by Paiter Suruí in order to manage the funds
gained with the Suruí Carbon Project and from other sources
Payments for Ecosystem Services
Rondônia Natural Resource Management Project – a development
project of Rondônian government, funded by the World Bank and the
United Nations Development Programme
Reducing [carbon] Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation
(not distinguished from REDD+ in this report)
Suruí Carbon Project (Suruí Forest Carbon Project)
The Indigenous Territory Sete de Setembro (Portuguese: Terra Indígena
Sete de Setembro)
United Nations Environmental Program
United States Agency for International Development
World Wildlife Fund
1. Introduction
In this chapter the topic of the thesis is introduced, the research problem is explained, and the
purpose of the research is presented, together with research questions. Additionally, default
definitions are offered for a few terms that are used repeatedly throughout most sections of this
report. In the end of the chapter, an outline of the report is presented.
1.1. Problem Background
REDD1, a market-based global initiative to tackle climate change by reducing carbon emissions
from tropical deforestation, is steadily growing in importance globally. New project
arrangements, potentially involving a broad spectrum of stakeholders and binding together a
range of interests, are constantly being elaborated. Latest experience of running projects is
carefully analysed, evidence of replicable success stories for specific interest groups collected,
and ways of utilizing REDD mechanisms for various ends further explored. In the Amazon
region, where for the past few decades the alarming rate of deforestation has been matched by
an accelerated pace of development, fuelled by governmental infrastructure projects and
settlement programs, with a massive influx of migrants of different kinds of backgrounds and
ambitions, the REDD framework is seen as an appealing source of opportunity for actors with
diverse interests, and a potential to address various issues at the same time. In the context of
increasing pressure on the ecosystems of one of the world’s most precious biomes, and amidst
constant social tensions, where violent clashes in disputes over land and access to resources are
not uncommon, and where state structures fail to defend the interest of smallholder forest
dwellers, disproportionately favouring the interests of large capitalised actors, terrain is laid out
to combine a social cause or causes with an environmental objective, for which REDD is
considered to be a promising instrument. At the same time, while various REDD projects are
still going through an experimental phase, and there is a sense of novelty and discovery about
their algorithms and outcomes, projects that integrate forest preservation and human
development objectives were being implemented in the region throughout a couple of past
decades. Since REDD is essentially a funding scheme, which requires a clear and measurable
output in terms of carbon sequestration, the specific implementation mechanisms are largely a
matter for the proponent’s own judgement and creativity. Predictably, a number of formerly
existing project concepts are being offered as a good fit to fulfilling the REDD objectives,
among which integrated conservation and development projects are a familiar trend.
Specifically, the goal of forest conservation is commonly married to that of community
development, which results in arrangements that are promoted as projects by and for the poor
communities of forest dwellers. When this trend gained momentum, forest dwellers found
themselves discursively redeemed from the previous charges of being inherent contributors to
forest degradation as well as obstacles to regional development (Bratman 2011), and elevated
to the pedestal of perfect forest keepers, who posses unique knowledge that allows for
sustainable forest management, and who are most interested and competent in keeping their
forest landscapes ecologically stable (Li 2007). This agenda is not new by now, however, and
the existing evidence of how projects under such slogans have been applied in practice
demonstrated unsatisfactory or even regressive results (Pokorny et al. 2013; Li 2007; Dove
2006). Examination of reasons for failure shows that pro-poor objectives accommodated by
conservation initiatives often aren’t sufficient to address more profound issues related to
regional development and economic policies that favour large capitalized actors and
marginalize the smallholders. The flawed and clearly mismanaged system of land rights
1 In this report, REDD (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) and REDD+ (Reducing Emissions
from Deforestation and Forest Degradation, plus: conservation of forest carbon stocks; sustainable management of forests;
enhancement of forest carbon stocks) (FCCC 2011) are both referred to by the simpler abbreviation – ‘REDD’.
1 distribution, together with poor or inexistent local infrastructure and access to basic services,
are also unhelpful factors (Pokorny 2013). But, apart from these external factors, existing
research has pointed out that a major factor detrimental to the outcome of such projects is their
failure to live up to the rhetoric of making smallholders protagonists of their own forest
management. Pokorny et al. (2013) find the origin of such problem in the fact that ‘these
organizations uncritically assume that their cultural logic of sustainable development also
applies to the smallholders’, which results in that the majority of such dual goal projects follow
‘market-oriented approaches that widely ignore local management practices, local ways of
organizing work, and other local capacities and limitations’. Evaluation of a broad spectrum of
projects shows that they systematically prioritise externally defined models of local
development, prescribe externally produced expert solutions, and impose economic and
institutional models that were found to be functional sometimes continents away from the site
of implementation (Pokorny et al. 2013; Li 2007; Dove 2006). Researchers are advising to
‘strengthen local cultures and practices instead of searching for their replacement’, while
expressing concern about the REDD mechanism being capable of improvements in this respect
(Pokorny et al. 2013). Notably, the ‘cultural’ conflict is often found particularly evident and
unsettling with respect to indigenous groups and traditional communities, whose original
cultures are least suited for being adapted to these external models (Shankland & Hasenclever
2011; Pokorny 2013).
In this context, the first REDD project to be launched by an indigenous community in the
Amazon – the people of Paiter Suruí – that specifically states preservation of their indigenous
culture as one of the principal goals behind the project (Kanindé & Metairelá 2008; IDESAM
& Metareilá 2012) – stands out brightly and promisingly, and is being looked up to as a
pioneering example in preserving indigenous culture via a REDD mechanism (Butler 2012). As
a case, which could potentially set the precedent of addressing above described inadequacies of
the widespread conservational-developmental approach, this project’s potential appears to be a
worthwhile object of a focused study. It is to the experience of the Suruí initiative in
formulating their objectives of cultural protection and autonomy as an integral part of a REDD
project that the research of this Master thesis is dedicated.
1.2. Research Problem
The Suruí Forest Carbon Project, or the Suruí Carbon Project (SCP) is a REDD project
proposed and managed by the Association Metareilá – a representative association of the Paiter
Suruí indigenous people (self-called ‘Paiter’), who occupy the Indigenous Territory Sete de
Setembro (TISS), which covers approximately 248,000 hectares across the border of the
Brazilian states Mato Grosso and Rondônia. In the formulations and discourses of the Suruí
Carbon Project (IDESAM & Metareilá 2012), as well as other documents related to it (Kanindé
& Metairelá 2008; Povo Paiter Suruí 2014), forest conservation and the preservation of the
Suruí original culture are conceptualized as two mutually reinforcing aspects of the same
process. While specific cultural content is thus being framed by them as an integral and
functional element in the process of fulfilling the REDD objectives, the project’s design related
in the official documents addresses culture on generic terms and doesn’t define specifically,
what cultural content is referred to as the project’s functional element, and by what means its
preservation is to be provided within the framework of REDD. The exact construction and role
of the cultural element as part of the Suruí Carbon Project presents itself as deserving
investigation, given the role-model potential that this particular project has for other indigenous
communities and community-managed REDD projects in general.
2 1.3. Research Purpose
The overarching purpose of my research is to contribute to increased understanding of weather
and how REDD projects can be used as vehicles by indigenous people so as to safeguard their
cultural and territorial integrity and autonomy. The study also aims to examine how notions of
indigenous culture can be articulated and used in a REDD project formulations. This purpose
will be achieved by studying the specific case of the indigenous people of Paiter Suruí, who run
the REDD project called the Suruí Carbon Project in the Indigenous Territory Sete de Setembro
in the states of Rondônia and Mato Grosso, Brazil.
Through the study of official and accompanying documents of the Suruí Carbon Project, as
well as Skype and telephone interviews with the project’s proponents and implementers, this
research seeks to answer the following questions:
•
What specific cultural content do authors and proponents of the Suruí Carbon Project
refer to when conceptualising cultural protection as an integral element of this REDD
project?
•
How is the discussion on culture accounted for in the project’s design and what role
does it play as a functional element of the project?
•
How does the project’s design address potential risks for the cultural integrity and
autonomy of Paiter Suruí?
These findings will be analysed from the point of view of a broad context of communityoriented REDD projects in the Brazilian Amazon and the prospects they pose for indigenous
people.
1.4. Definitions
Key terms like ‘culture’, ‘indigenous’ and others are used extensively throughout this report. I
assume no blanket definitions for them to be maintained throughout the entire paper. Every
time a new context of usage is introduced, it is with respect to the definitions assumed by this
context that I am going to use these terms (in those cases I will emphasise what is referred to by
a term in that particular context). For cases when it might be unclear, here are some default
assumptions, respective of each key term that the reader can rely on:
Culture
Since the main objective of this research implies discovering what the authors of the SCP refer
to by using this term themselves, the principle of usage will be case-specific, every time
borrowed from my empirical findings and reviewed literature. What I will be paying attention
to in the usage of the term ‘culture’ are not epistemological specifics, but real world
phenomena, which will be referred to on each occasion the word is used, as such phenomena
are understood by respective speakers or authors. Various sources will be cited on using this
term, and while in every case the implied meaning might be slightly different, my intention is
to find references to similar types of phenomena, and base my analysis on those. From the point
of view of theory to be further introduced, the use of the concept of culture in this report is an
example of an assemblage, where different ways of understanding culture have been brought
together in the process of making an investigative and explanatory argument.
Traditional
When used in the literature review not specifically related to the case of SCP: refers to
communities that have been settled in a region for about a 100 years or more, and the
distinguishable lifestyles and modes of production they have developed.
3 When used in analysing literature, documents and interviews related to the SCP case: can be
understood as ‘pre-contact’, refers to practices or other phenomena belonging or related to the
scope of mental and physical practices that were common for the Paiter before the official
contact with representatives of FUNAI in 1969.
Indigenous
In literature review: depends on the source, but generally the usage corresponds to a legally
acknowledged status of indigenousness in the case or cases referred to.
In the study of empirical data: persons or phenomena originating from an ethnic group that
recognises itself as such (indigenous) and/or that is recognised as such by the national society
officially or unofficially.
Non-indigenous
In the study of empirical data: persons or phenomena originating from society that is not
‘indigenous’ as described above. (Often the implied attributes of the ‘non-indigenous’ that are
encountered in the empirical material are related to concepts of ‘modernist’, ‘western’, and
‘capitalist’, as will be discussed in the fourth chapter.)
1.5. Outline
Chapter 1 is introductory, presenting the research problem and its context, the research purpose
and the specific case to which this thesis is dedicated, describing key terms to be used
throughout the paper and giving an outline of the report.
Chapter 2 relates the methods used for this study, explaining the choice and function of each
method.
Chapter 3 presents the theoretical and conceptual framework that was used for the analysis of
the empirical data.
Chapter 4 relates the background for the empirical study: general processes and trends within
which the SCP is situated are explained, and relevant points of discussion on them are
investigated. A hypothesis against which to evaluate empirical findings is formulated.
Chapter 5 gives a detailed presentation of the empirical case: the history of the Paiter Suruí
people, specifically their contact with the non-indigenous society and the multi-faceted impact
which it generated; the history of the struggle for autonomy and cultural integrity of the Paiter;
the inception of the Suruí Carbon Project and its role in the broader 50 Year Management Plan.
Chapter 6 contains the results and analysis of the empirical study: discourses on various aspects
of cultural preservation encountered in document texts and interviews are summarized and
assessed with the help of the selected theoretical tools (reviewed in Chapter 3).
Chapter 7 integrates my empirical findings into a broader discussion, as was introduced in
Chapter 4, using the hypothesis formulated based on that discussion. Conclusions and
contributing remarks are made.
Chapter 8 gives a final concluding overview of my research, its main findings and
contributions.
4 2. Method
In this chapter my methodological steps in conducting this research are related, and the reasons
for the choice of these particular methods form the point of view of the objective of my study
are explained.
2.1. Case Study
The general research strategy of my research is case study: an inductive, data-oriented,
qualitative analysis, focused at a concrete case. As Eisenhardt (1989) points out, this strategy of
research is appropriate for novel topics and practical spheres of a pioneering kind, which
applies wholly to the case I’ve selected: the SCP is the first case of an indigenous people in
Brazil to start a community-based REDD project in the context of Brazilian Amazon. As a
project that claims to have integrated preservation of the indigenous culture with the REDD
objectives, and reports success, it is a case to which no obvious analogues have been reported,
and it is for this reason that the SCP case is closely observed by other indigenous communities
in the region: the experience of the Suruí with REDD is likely to set a precedent regionally, and
potentially even intercontinentally. The innovative nature of the claim made by the project’s
authors, and of their very approach to project formulation and execution, validates a case study,
so as to derive valuable information on the desirability and possibility of the replication of this,
for the moment probably unmatched experience (Flyvbjerg 2006). The choice of case study as
a method explains the predominantly descriptive nature of questions posed to the empirical
material (Yin 1991). Due to my technical, temporal and financial restrictions, I was not able to
conduct a field study, which imposed certain limitations on the scope and nature of my
empirical data (it had to be reserved to textual representations in document formulations and
interviews). This limited scope of empirical material also pre-determined discourse analysis as
a likely theoretical tool, which I would end up needing to employ (Jørgensen & Phillips 2002).
Apart from this, after having set initial research questions, I’ve kept my theoretical options
flexible, and eventually adapted them to what seemed as most appropriate and relevant to the
data which my case presented me with.
2.2. Literature Review
Inevitable for any project of academic research, literature review was carried out at all stages of
this research, including the preliminary stage at which the research problem and purpose were
being established, and appropriate research methods selected. Literature review primarily
revolved around peer-reviewed academic publications, which were researched through digital
databases, published references, consultations with my supervisor and other university
superiors and colleages, and via simple Google search. Literature review was instrumental in
elaborating the theoretical framework for my research: relevant theoretical tools were sought
for based on the content of the preliminary study of case facts and empirical samples – also
conducted by means of literature review. At the stage when the case, research problem, and
research purpose where established, literature review was a key method for exploring the
background discussions on the scope of trends and processes to which my case under study
belongs. This overview of relevant academic discussions was utilized in order to formulate a
hypothesis, corresponding to these discussions, against which I later evaluated the empirical
data of my case study. Literature review was also employed to accumulate empirical data and
in order to research the facts of my case. For both of these instances, grey literature, media
publications and even social media publications were researched.
5 2.3. Empirical data collection
Official project documents and publications by the authors and propagators of the SCP, as well
as semi-structured interviews with some of these and related persons, all associated with the
formulation and implementation of the SCP – constituted the body of my empirical data. The
empirical samples where selected qualitatively (Bhattacherjee 2012), corresponding to what the
case study method implies (Yin 1991), with the goal of obtaining the most revealing and
informative material from the most representative of informants and publications, whereas the
quantitative aspect was left outside of this research. Documents and respondents were chosen
based on the potential complementarity of their contributions to the body of data with the
specific thematic content, which I established in accordance with my descriptive research
questions, and not based on the goal of adding statistical perspective to my findings (Flyvbjerg
2006).
2.3.1. Document Study
Official documents related to the Suruí Carbon Project were analysed, and the mechanisms by
which cultural preservation is integrated into their formulations were identified. The key
official documents under study were selected based on the literature review and research of the
facts of the case, which pointed at the following list of documents as representative:
a) The Ethno-environmental Management Plan of the Indigenous Territory Sete de
Setembro (Kanindé & Metairelá 2008) (referred to as the ‘50 Year Plan’)
b) The Suruí Forest Carbon Project (IDESAM & Metareilá 2012) (the final proposal
document, which relates the results of all the studies that preceded it’s formulation)
c) The Ethnozoning of Paiterey Garah: the Indigenous Territory Sete de Setembro
(Kanindé et al. 2011) (a manual supplement to both the 50 Year Plan and the Suruí
Forest Carbon Project)
d) The Codes and Norms of Paiter Suruí (Povo Paiter Suruí 2014)
The specifics of this case is that the authors and implementers of the SCP are themselves
predominantly representatives of the indigenous people of Paiter Suruí, and at the same time
are partial to the international academic society, since most of the persons involved in the
formulation of the SCP have obtained Bachelor or Master degrees in some of the best regional
and federal universities in Brazil. As a result, the official documents with formulations of the
SCP are ‘accompanied’ by a series of Master theses and research papers, which, each in their
own way, explore the circumstances of the SCP and other projects under and for the 50 Year
Plan from the perspective of persons who are truly participant observers – since their insertion
in these projects preceded their research. Exploration of these publications proved to be a
resourceful addition to the main project documents, which allowed me some insight into the
motivations, arguments, and ideologies employed by the authors of SCP in its formulations.
Therefore, the following research publications where also considered as important empirical
material for my analysis:
a) Master thesis by Chicoepab Suruí, titled: ‘Reforestation of the Indigenous Territory Sete
de Setembro: a change of perceptions and behaviour of the people Paiter Suruí of
Rondônia?’ (Portuguese: Reflorestamento da Terra Indígena Sete de Setembro: uma
mudança da percepção e da conduta do povo Paiter Suruí de Rondônia?) (Suruí 2013)
b) Peer-reviewed academic paper co-authored by Chicoepab Suruí, Almir Narayamoga
Suruí, Ivaneide Bandeira Cardozo, Emílio Sarde Neto, and Adnilson de Almeida Silva,
titled: ‘The protagonism of the Paiter Suruí in the indigenous education scenario:
elements for possible dialogue of interculturality’ (Portuguese: ‘O protagonismo Paiter
Suruí no cenário educacional indígena: elementos para um diálogo possível de
interculturalidade’) (Suruí et al. 2014)
6 c) Master thesis by Ivaneide Bandeira Cardozo, titled: ‘Iway and Metare: the territorial
marker of Paiter Suruí’ (Portuguese: ‘Iway e Metare: a Marca do territorio Paiter
Suruí’) (Cardozo 2012)
The document study was used in order to identify specific narratives and arguments that are
repeatedly and consistently employed by the authors in conceptualizing and formulating the
integration of cultural preservation goal into the environmental objectives of the SCP. These
findings were then verified, further elaborated, supplemented, and enhanced by means of
telephone and Skype interviews.
2.3.2. Skype and telephone interviews
In order to compliment and verify the findings of document study, Skype and telephone
interviews were sought with the authors and propagators of the Suruí Forest Carbon Project and
50 Year Plan. Because of the busy schedules of my respondents, who occupy responsible
positions in the 50 Year Plan implementation team and with other projects, and also because of
their remote locations and technical problems with establishing connection, not all persons
whom I sent interview requests were able to contribute to my study. I did, however, manage to
conduct lengthy, in-depth and insightful semi-structured interviews with the following
respondents: Chicoepab Suruí, Arildo Suruí, Gasodá Suruí, and Ivaneide Bandeira Cardozo.
Among these respondents, everyone was involved in one way or other in the formulation and
discussions on the SCP, and every respondent is also currently involved in implementing the
projects within the 50 Year Plan in some capacity. Except for Ivaneide Cardozo, all my
respondents belong to the people of Paiter Suruí, whereas Ivaneide Cardozo isn’t a part of the
Paiter people by birth, but is related to the Paiter by family ties, apart from which I. Cardozo
has been consistently involved in the process of formulation and implementation of the 50 Year
Plan and specific projects within it from its very inception.
I conducted the interviews in a semi-structured manner, following certain pre-formulated focus
points (based on the results of my document study and on the hypotheses elaborated in the
literature review), but looking for possibilities to pick up the topics brought up by my
respondents, digressing from my pre-determined scenario, so as to incentivize them to share
with me narratives and descriptive insights which I wouldn’t have stumbled upon by
consciously searching for them (Perey 2015). Based on the manner of response of my
interviewees I would pay attention to their clues so as to correct and spontaneously amend my
initially planned course of questioning, following the directions that were thus being discovered
through the conversation itself. At the same time, because virtually all of my respondents are
partial to the formulation of documents I had previously studied, at times I would make very
specific questions referring to the formulations in those documents, and I would also propose
my interpretation of those formulations for them to agree with or correct. For example, one of
the questions I asked all my respondents was: ‘The way I understand it, the preservation of
culture is one of the principle objectives of the 50 Year Plan – is that correct?’. By formulating
this and other questions in a ‘yes or no’ manner, I was imposing certain content into their
narratives (albeit my content impositions would always derive from formulations that I had
heard or read from the respondents or organizations they represent). When analysing my
empirical data, I paid attention to such instances of yes or no questions and was careful not to
employ them as citations, but as my own interpretations.
2.4. Analysis of empirical data
Empirical data was analysed with the use of theoretical instruments, which are explained in
detail in Chapter 3 of this report. Discourse analysis, the analytic of assemblage and theory of
the dwelling perspective were utilized in order to:
7 •
•
•
Identify and understand the ideological-discursive formations constructed by the
authors of the SCP in formulating the objectives of cultural preservation and integrating
these objectives in the project (Fairclough 1983);
To understand the functions of these ideological-discursive formations as elements that
comprise the assemblage of the SCP, following the assemblage analytic, exposing the
assemblage mechanisms and their interactions according to the theory of T. M. Li (Li
2007);
To make sense of the ideological-discursive formulation of the SCP authors on the topic
of relationship with the forest of the Paiter people, and the significance of this
relationship for their culture, identity, and development – using the theory of the
dwelling perspective by T. Ingold (Ingold 2011).
These analytical instruments allowed me a considerable insight into the meanings, arguments,
interests and goals vested into the formulations of the preservation of culture that make part of
the SCP formulations. These results were then compared to the hypothesis derived from the
background academic discussion, and contributions, which this case study may offer to this
discussion, where formulated.
2.5. Restrictions of an off-field research
It is important to stress that the scope of my empirical data, my findings and conclusions – is
derived exclusively from textual and discursive representations, employed in documents texts
and in the content of my interviews. It therefore needs to be considered that my conclusions
and interpretations are only logically and empirically founded within the space of these textual
representations. While extensive study of case facts and even of historical ethnographic
research was carried out in order to make sense of the representations that comprised my
primary empirical sample, the reader needs always to remind themselves that the validity of my
arguments and conclusions is proportionate to the validity of my empirical data – which I
cannot determine in absolute terms. However, if the extent to which representations constitute
our experienced realities is if but a half of what is insinuated by postmodernist scholars (Hall
1997), the relevance of a study of representations can be expected to be significant both for
real-life practitioners and for scholars of real-life processes.
3. Theoretical and Conceptual Frameworks
In this chapter, theoretical instruments that were employed for the analysis in my research are
listed and explained. I draw my analytical tools from three principle theories – that on
assemblage, that on discourse analysis, and the theory of the dwelling perspective. Key
concepts that bear instrumental functions within each respective theory are highlighted in italics
upon first appearance in my text, and all following usages of these concepts throughout this
report can be expected to indicate the application of a particular theory.
3.1. Assemblage
According to Markus & Saka (2006), assemblage is a concept introduced into its current
popularity among social and cultural theorists through the work titled ‘A thousand Plateaus’, by
French philosopher Gilles Deleuze and psychoanalyst Félix Guattari (Deleuze & Guattari
1987). The essence of this concept, as presented by Deleuze and Guattari, is that assemblage is
a way of capturing the emergent nature of ‘assembled’ bodies – emergent in a sense that the
quality of the whole is not the same a the sum of the parts – where inherently heterogeneous
elements are brought together to constitute a functioning whole (Smith & Protevi 2013). The
emergent nature of assemblage puts an emphasis on systems as processes rather than structures
understood in their static state:
8 The time-space in which assemblage is imagined is inherently unstable and infused with
movement and change. Assemblage thus seems structural, an object with the materiality
and stability of the classic metaphors of structure, but the intent in its aesthetic uses is
precisely to undermine such ideas of structure. It generates enduring puzzles about
‘process’ and ‘relationship’ rather than leading to systematic understandings . . .
(Marcus & Saka 2006, p.268)
This basic understanding of the concept of assemblage has been appropriated for diverse use by
theorists, who tailor the more extensive specifics of the concept and its application as they
deem best fitting to their particular lines of inquiry. One of such theoretical elaborations is the
‘analytic of assemblage’ suggested by Tania Murray Li, who deployed such an analytic to
examine ‘how heterogeneous elements – discourses, institutions, laws, administrative
measures, scientific knowledge, moral prescriptions, material interests – are assembled to
constitute a technical field fit to be governed and improved’ (Li 2007, p.286). Namely, Li
pictures interventions into social processes as assemblages – interventions with the purpose of
producing ‘desired outcomes’ and averting ‘undesired ones’, which is how the author
characterizes the governing process. Li problematizes the disparity of elements that an
assemblage is composed of, emphasizing agency – ‘the hard work required to draw
heterogeneous elements together’, contingency, which characterizes the process, and fractures
– problematic ‘seams’ between the assembled elements, weak relay points, where the ‘the everpresent possibility that an assemblage may disintegrate under the weight of its own
contradictions’ (2007, p.287) becomes evident. Thus framing assemblage in terms of ‘the will
to govern’, Li identifies 6 practices that, according to the author, ‘must exist to keep any
assemblage together’, which are: (1) forging alignments – ‘linking together the objectives of
the various parties to an assemblage [emphasis added]’ (2007, p.265); (2) rendering technical
– presenting the ‘unruly array of forces and relations … as a bounded arena in which calculated
interventions will produce beneficial results’ (2007, p.270); (3) authorizing knowledge –
selecting academic foundation to help sustain the assemblage, carefully avoiding potentially
unbalancing critique; (4) managing failures and contradictions – where failures are attributed
to technique rather than to contradictions, which are smoothed out, and compromises are
devised; (5) anti-politics – ‘reposing political questions as matters of technique’; (6)
reassembling – reworking the assemblages with old and new elements and connections, so as to
keep the assemblage together through the dynamics that might threaten its intactness.
Li’s analytic of assemblage is an appealing theoretical tool for this research, because it provides
an insightful perspective on the ‘improving’ interventions into social processes – interventions,
which my case under study is the example of. Moreover, Li’s demonstrative analysis (Li 2007),
where the application of the above-described analytical tools is explained, is based on a
practical field to which my case in this research can be attributed – namely, the field of
community based forest management (CBFM). I will review Li’s conclusions and observations
regarding CBFM as an example of an ‘assemblage’ with the purpose of government and
improvement in the section of this report specifically dedicated to CBFM. Meanwhile, I would
like to observe that in order to apply Li’s analytic one needs to consider the ‘disparate
elements’ that constitute an assemble, and in this research the scope of such elements will be
limited to the elements that my empirical data will present any relevant material on. While my
assessment of such elements as institutions, policies, scientific knowledge – will be less central
from the point of view my research questions and as such, relatively superficial, a detailed
scrutiny of particular moral prescriptions, material interests, and especially discourses as
assembled elements that together produce dynamic unity with emergent properties will
definitely be one of the main parts of my analysis. By examining the SCP as an assemblage I
will seek to identify ‘parties to the assemblage’ that manifest themselves and their interests
9 through available empirical data, as well as fractures and points of contingency, and relay
points as means of holding the assemblage together.
3.2. Discourse analysis
Discourse analysis is a product of the so-called ‘linguistic turn’ in the history of social sciences
and humanities (Hammersley 2002), whereby the linguistic and semiotic mechanisms of
production of meanings came to be observed in virtually all of social and cultural phenomena,
so long as those, it would be assumed, are communicative by nature, thus requiring a language
system, or a system of meanings. Meanings are produced through signifying practices, and
those construct representations of reality, thus imposing a framework of interpreting reality
onto subjects who engage in that particular system of meanings (Hall 1997). This perspective
opens up the discussion of power of language over individuals and over reality as is
experienced by individuals – a discussion much elaborated on by Foucault and his followers
(Fairclough 1992). The mechanism of such power is well illustrated in the following passage
by John Fiske, an author renowned for their work on discourse analysis of the media:
...There is no pristine experience which social man can apprehend without the culturally
determined structures, rituals and concepts supplied to him via his language. Language
is the means by which men enter into society to produce reality (one part of which is the
fact of their living together in linguistic society). (Fiske & Hartley 2004)
As opposed to language, which is, so to speak, ‘just’ a system of semiotic representations,
discourse implies the rules and tendencies which govern the way such representations are
produced – therefore the term ‘discourse’ reflects a tendency, a bias – an ideology – behind the
production of meanings. Like language in general, discourse is seen as exerting power over the
experience of individuals as long as they enter the social domain: ‘Since all social practices
entail meaning, all practices have a discursive aspect. So discourse enters into and influences
all social practices’ (Hall 2011). And since discourses are seen by theorists as always indicative
of a particular ideology at work, terms like discursive formations (coined by Foucault) (Hall
1997) and ideological-discursive formations (IDF) (Fairclough 1983) are employed in order to
direct discourse analysis to attributing ideologies and their discourses to specific social groups
and/or institutions, with their political agenda and interests. Disparate IDFs can coexist, relate
to each other and compete for power within the same textual space – the latter understood here
as the sphere where linguistic meanings are activated. Contest for power is often represented by
the varying degree of naturalization (Fairclough 1983) observed among discourses, where the
most naturalized ones are often dominant discourses, which represent respectively dominant
IDFs, and often are also attributed to politically and economically dominant social groups. The
term naturalization originates in Barthes’ ‘Mythologies’, and points to discourses that are
successful in appearing to the reading subjects (individuals that encounter and comprehend
these discourses) as common sense (Hall & O’Shea 2013), thus constructing representations of
reality that have successfully claimed the status of orderliness (Fairclough 1983). These
discourses are often revealed to be the most powerful in actually influencing social reality and
other experienced reality of their subjects. This naturalization mostly occurs when the semiotic
process of signifying is disguised, thus limiting the subject’s capacity for questioning the
attribution of meanings: for example, when meanings are produced symbolically, or when
meanings are implied through complete absence of any direct linguistic reference to their
matter – by not pronouncing certain formulas, discourses pose themselves as truths that ‘go
without saying’ (Fiske & Hartley 2004). Fairclough (1983) proposes distinguishing subjects
and clients of discursive practices, where subjects are relatively permanent (although not at all
necessarily conscious) carriers of ideologies, both subject to being constructed by discourses,
and active in reproducing the same discourses. Clients, on the other hand, are free to either
comply or not with normative frameworks imposed by discourses. Discourses thus have the
10 power to construct subjects, and are also constructed by them, and the result of such closed
loop reciprocal constructing processes exceeds the limits of verbal expression, so that
ideologies at stake are constituted, played out, and reinforced through the very practices of
individuals.
Since the nature of my empirical data is clearly textual (texts of documents related to the SCP,
and the content of interview conversations with project proponents), by definition the only level
at which I can assess the case is the level of linguistic and, inevitably, discursive
representations. As was mentioned in the section on assemblage, discourses are important
heterogenic elements that comprise an assemblage, and thus in this research my intention is to
analyse the assemblage of discourses, where parties to the assemblage are represented within a
discursive space. Discourse analysis is necessary to me for identifying ideological-discursive
formations, understanding ideologies that are manifest in them, attribute the ideologies to their
‘social bases’, and to analyse assemblage with the help of these findings.
3.3. The dwelling perspective
As Fairclough puts it, ‘discourse makes people, as well as people make discourse’ (Fairclough
1992) – but this is not to say that discourse is all that people are made of, although, as Tim
Ingold observes, there are many who argue that ‘there is nothing that is not socially or
culturally constructed’ (Ingold 2011, p.2). Ingold, an anthropologist, found such an assumption
unconvincing, and equally so the opposite extremity – belief that ‘all that there is to know
about human beings is written into our genetic constitution’ (2011, p.2). Ingold’s book of
essays ‘The Perception of the Environment’ (Ingold 2011) is a product of the author’s quest for
a logic that can explain humanity without falling into either of the extremes, and, more
importantly, without depending on any of the dichotomies that the Western2 intellectual
tradition of the scientific reason has produced. These constructed polarities between nature and
culture, between organisms and social subjects, between instinct and intellect, between the
perceiving mind of the self and the surrounding environment – are, according to Ingold,
incapable of explaining the ontology of human beings, who are organisms and social subjects at
the same time. Ingold argues for a relational thinking in anthropology, emphasising sociality of
human beings, as both organisms and social subjects, whose relations extend to non-human
surrounding objects. After consulting ecological thinking in psychology (the author refers to
James Gibson on placing perception, and therefore, mind, not within the body, but outside of it,
being the ‘organism’s own explanatory movement through the world’ (Ingold 2011, p.3)), and
developmental systems thinking in biology (which observes that properties of organisms are not
so much transferred genetically, as acquired through experience in the environment), the author
came up with the theory of what they called the dwelling perspective, which is a synthesis of
the three abovementioned approaches from different disciplines. Instead of ascribing
definitions based on static dichotomies, the dwelling perspective considers a human being as an
emergent totality of ‘the whole-organism-in-its-environment’ (Ingold 2011, p.19), whose ‘both
cultural knowledge and bodily substance … undergo continuous generation in the context of an
ongoing engagement with the land and with the beings that dwell therein [emphasis added]’
(Ingold 2011, p.12). It is in their engagement with the environment that a human being (or any
social subject) is constituted, and the process of engagement is both the origin and the
expression of perceptions, knowledge, and beliefs. Experience of engagement produces skills,
which are ‘capacities of awareness and response’ in ‘coping’ with the world. Rather then being
transmitted by the cultural tradition as a set of representations through the process of
enculturation (comparable to the transmission of genes to descendants), skills are acquired
2 Ingold acknowledges reasons why the terms ‘Western’ and ‘modern’ are questioned by academics and are seen as
undesirable, but insists on using them to refer to the fundamental belief in the ‘absolute worth of disciplined, rational inquiry’
that permeates his own work – and that of any other academic (Ingold 2011, p.6).
11 through the process of enskillment, whereby knowledge of the world is discovered through
experience, guided by an education of attention.
It is important to note that Ingold’s background in ecological anthropology involved focused
studies of hunter-gatherer communities and pastoralists – communities that modern civilization
labels as ‘primitive’, referring to the level of complexity of their productive systems. Much of
Ingold’s theory on dwelling is derived from observations of these communities, and, although
ultimately Ingold argues that people in the West are as much organisms-in-the-environment as
members of traditionalist communities are, the author highlights a sharp contrast between
hunter-gatherers, who represent the dwelling perspective in a purer form, and the modern
people, whose experience of dwelling is obscured by intellectual systems that assume a
disengaged perspective of the world. By comparing the two perspectives Ingold highlights a
number of aspects of dwelling, which specifically characterize hunter-gatherer communities3 as
opposed to what Western society has prescribed for itself (not quite managing to fully live up to
it). I will briefly review Ingold’s observations concerning some of these aspects – such that will
be made use of later in my analysis.
Knowledge
It is through the revelation of meanings in the environment, through personal encounters with it
that knowledge is produced, and the significance of cultural tradition is in guiding this process
by offering clues rather than delivering knowledge as a ready product. A clue is a ‘landmark
that condenses otherwise disparate strands of experience into a unifying orientation’ (Ingold
2011, p.22), and it incentivises the apprentice to associate surrounding objects with meanings
(Ingold alludes to a signifying practice, where signifiers are made to be the constituents of the
environment through the subject’s engagement in it). Ingold exemplifies this with huntergatherers, who learn their trade (hunting) by doing, and whose knowledge is situated in the
world outside, amidst the unfolding relations with the environment, rather then inside of their
heads. Being relational, their knowledge is not so much information as feeling. This leads
Ingold to state that intuition is a perfectly valid type of knowledge which stems from every
person’s dwelling, not from a set of abstract formulae that science finds more credible, to
which Ingold responds that scientific minds shouldn’t be ‘embarrassed’ by intuition (Ingold
2011, p.25). The environment where one dwells, then, can be seen as space for communicating
meanings – a scope of phenomena, which Ingold generalizes under the term ‘poetics of
dwelling’. Specific landscapes, loaded with meanings, thus come to be physically inseparable
elements of local cosmogonies.
Sociality
In the dwelling perspective, a social subject perceives the constituents of their environment as
both social and possessing agency. There are many examples of indigenous communities where
relations with nature are seen as an extension of family relations between humans, or modelled
on another type of social relations that a disengaged modern man would reserve for humans.
Ingold labels this phenomena ‘interagentivity’, which is a recognition that ‘at root, the
constitutive quality of intimate relations with non-human and human components of the
environment is one and the same’ (Ingold 2011, p.47).
Indigenous identity from the points of view of genealogy and land
Ingold draws attention to how the word ‘indigenous’ originates in a colonialist demarcation
between natives (indigenous) and settlers (non-indigenous), and labels such a logic of
3
Or other types of communities, which may be labelled as ‘indigenous’ or ‘traditionalist’. The generic use of these terms
within this section solely indicates the same characteristics of dwelling as showcased by Ingold in the example of huntergatherers.
12 identifying indigenousness as the genealogical model. The genealogical model is based on the
principle of genealogical descent, entailing a presumption that genetically inheritable substance
and knowledge, which is transmittable through representations, regardless of contexts in which
the knowledge is received – are the key constituents of the indigenous identity. By this logic,
land is reduced to ‘surface to be occupied’, and the activity of dwelling in the land – to ‘mere
occupancy’ (Ingold 2011, p.151). Ingold’s inquiry into the dwelling of communities that call
themselves or are called indigenous demonstrates that for these communities themselves their
identity is defined by a fundamentally different approach – which author calls the relational
model, according to which, ‘the indigenous people draw their being from their relationships
with the land’ (Ingold 2011, p.150). In view of life as dwelling in the environment, where
common memory, knowledge and ancestry are situated in the shared practice of inhabiting the
land, the ‘heritage’ of indigenous identity is inseparable from the land and from the shared
activity of engaging in it. Ingold concludes that the genealogical construct of indigenous is ‘a
product of the representation of difference in the discourse of homogeneity’ (Ingold 1993),
which ‘contravenes those very understandings, that for indigenous groups themselves, are most
fundamental to their way of life’ (Ingold 2011, p.150).
In this construction, the very relationships within which persons are positioned and
from which they derive their identity and belonging are recast as outward expression of
inner, inherited properties or attributes that belong to them. It is in the attempt to
recover a lost or threatened sense of relational identity in attributional terms that people
come to define themselves, and to be defined by others, as ‘indigenous’. (Ingold 2011,
p.151)
Making, producing and art
Commodity-oriented Western intellectual tradition has been and continues to be very
pronounced in discourses of transforming nature, which is treated as a static resource for made
artefacts, and for goods produced with the use of technology. The dwelling perspective, on the
other hand, consider human-induced transformation of nature as growth (albeit assisted), where
crops and artefacts come into being as a result of people discovering the right skill of
responding to their environments, maintaining that the influence is seen as reciprocal (not
necessarily at equal terms, however). Art, which for the traditionalist communities is just one of
such skills – a skilled practice of dwelling – in the West is categorized instead as individual
creativity, making it categorically different to the activity of production.
Time, work, and exchange
Clock time, as Ingold refers to it, has sliced up the lives of those who live by the clock into ‘free
time’ and ‘work’, where work is expected to be devoid of everything that characterises social
time, or life itself. Deriving the term ‘social time’ from sociologists P. Sorokin and R. K.
Merton, Ingold stresses ‘its inherent rythmicallity and its embeddedness in activities that are
indexical of a person’s belonging to locality and community’ (Ingold 2011, p.325). Social time
is where temporality is measured by tasks rather than time units – it is task-oriented, and thus is
considerate to the full scope of sociality of dwelling, where there is no divide between work
and leisure, there are just diverse tasks for ‘coping with the environment’. And if work isn’t
extractable from life, it doesn’t result in a product or money, but in a lived identity (Ingold
2011, p.327). Monetary exchanges symbolise a disengagement from one’s own relational
identity within a dwelling space, a disengagement that reduces production (work) to time
(which costs money), and life (free time) to consumption. Under the dwelling perspective, work
is life, and life, therefore is continuous production (Ingold 2011, p.329).
13 Relationship with the environment is, as will be related further in this report, one of the most
significant discourses behind the SCP, and is also the central relay point in its assemblage.
Employing Ingold’s theory is therefore essential to understand what is referred to by the
discourses that indicate such a relationship, and what role this relationship plays in the
assemblage. I would like to stress that for this research I do not, and cannot apply Ingold’s
theory in order to make an ethnographic study of the Paiter. The theory is used instead as a
reference in order to make sense of what the Paiter say, and not to try to decipher who they are.
4. REDD, community based forest management, and indigenous
groups
This chapter explores the background for the case that is in the centre of my empirical study.
General processes and trends that the SCP is a part or an example of are explained, and relevant
controversial aspects and critical discussions on them are related.
4.1. REDD
4.1.1. A market mechanism to tackle climate change
REDD, the UN-promoted global initiative of Reducing [greenhouse gas] emissions from
deforestation and forest degradation emerged from the discussions on payments for ecosystem
services (PES) as a strategy for environmental conservation. The concept of PES was
elaborated under the assumption that by measuring the value of ecosystems economically it is
possible to create efficient programs to address the loss of ecosystem services (ES) globally.
Understood as functions of the environment that humans (as well as other species) benefit from
or even depend on in order to satisfy their needs (Daily 1997), examples of ES include climate
regulation, watershed management, biodiversity conservation, or carbon sequestration. In order
to qualify for payments, ES need to be measurable, and the service providers (entities that get
paid to ensure the supply of ES) – subject to monitoring and certification (Hall 2008). Buyers
of ES are voluntary, they range from private purchasers to public and third sector entities, and
are expected to be interested in the purchased ES either directly, for their own use, or as a part
of a donor agenda, to which the entity has committed itself. It is observed that private
purchasers are more commonly targeted by the ES marketing (Wunder 2008). There is a great
diversity of schemes and mechanisms of PES involving an equally diverse selection of
supplying or mediating agents, with examples ranging from national governments to, as with
the case of SCR, indigenous communities (Shankland & Hasenclever 2011). Vigorous
experiments with PES, which unfolded on the turn of the century and have since been growing
and expanding continuously, generated various controversies and criticisms, arising from
complexities of implementation, which at times would undermine the benefits for the
environment and for local stakeholders. Amongst such criticisms there are voices pointing out
that market-based approach to environmental conservation, which PES is, results in global
commodification of nature and environmental services, reducing the complexity of ecosystems
to mechanisms of monetary exchange, which fails to capture both the real spectrum of values of
ecosystems for various social groups, and consequently fails to respond to the real needs in
natural resources and services (Kosoy & Corbera 2010). Kosoy and Corbera (2010) have
labelled this trend of market-based environmental politics ‘commodity fetishism’, and
commented that it implies (1) a degraded perception of the environment, whereby its values
beyond monetary are disregarded, (2) a degraded form of people’s relationship with the
environment, which is reduced to market transactions, and (3) reproduction and possible
aggravation of social inequalities arising from or reinforced by global economic neoliberalisation (Kosoy & Corbera 2010, p.1234). Nevertheless, PES continue to grow in
importance, seen as a promising strategy for securing the goals of diverse agents, and concerns
14 about their efficacy don’t seem to impede the proliferation of PES projects in principle
(Wunder & Wertz-Kanounnikoff 2009).
REDD is argued to be one of the most promising of possible PES-based schemes (Wunder &
Wertz-Kanounnikoff 2009) and as such it is currently being implemented on, perhaps, the
largest of scales. The Fourth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate
Change released the widely circulating figure of 17% (IPCC 2007), which is the share of
deforestation and forest degradation in global greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, making the
forest sector the second largest cause of GHG emissions after the energy sector (FAO et al.
2008). This estimation posed deforestation as one of the most critical issues to address globally
in order to tackle climate change. Under the REDD scheme the so-called carbon credits –
representing the quantified amount of carbon sequestered in forest biomass, by conserving
primary forests and/or reforesting areas that have been degraded – are marketed to voluntary
buyers. The purchase of carbon credits is a possibility for large GHG emitters to ‘offset’ their
emissions through buying carbon credits, which in principle is a purchase of rights to emit.
(Carbon trade in general, besides specifically REDD mechanisms, is an increasingly important
area of attempted action to mitigate climate change, which is surrounded by founded scepticism
as to its capacity to deliver necessary environmental results (Dong & Whalley 2010) – these
discussions, however, lie outside of my line of inquiry in this study.) Possible candidates to sell
carbon credits are those who not only do not emit large masses of carbon into the atmosphere,
but are specifically in a position to provide carbon sequestration, meaning they are in charge of
forests. Since the most significant region in terms of carbon sequestration and accelerated
deforestation are the world’s rainforests, REDD projects focus on countries that possess
rainforests, among which Brazil is the biggest potential carbon credit provider, since 50% of
the world’s largest rainforest lie within its borders (Shankland & Hasenclever 2011).
4.1.2. Threat, or opportunities for local communities?
It is estimated that more than a third of all remaining forests in Latin America is owned by
smallholders in the Amazon region (Pokorny et al. 2013). ‘Smallholders’ is a denominator
commonly used by analysts to refer to non-capitalized (in a significant proportion of cases that
means: poverty-stricken) forest and agricultural communities such as indigenous groups, or
traditional communities, or small-scale settlers4. Roughly 25% of the entire Amazonian region
is composed of indigenous territories, and in the Brazilian Amazon about one fifth is owned by
indigenous communities (Shankland & Hasenclever 2011). As Pokorny (2013) points out,
among the global agents that set the agenda for international development – such as the UN –
there is a steady (‘classic’, as Pokorny calls it) view that impoverished populations contribute
to resource degradation. With regards to deforestation, such a vision either frames smallholders
as perpetrators responsible for deforestation, or results in an argument for stimulated economic
growth, under the assumption that it will induce poverty relief, at the same time alleviating the
pressure on the ecosystems. In other words, commonly either the poor people themselves,
whose techniques of land management are thought to be inherently flawed, or regional poverty
in general, are seen as the main cause of deforestation and forest degradation, and the working
assumption is that one way or other, poverty alleviation should have positive effects on
mitigating deforestation, just as poverty aggravation should result in the opposite (Wunder
2001; Angelsen & Wunder 2003). In this context, REDD initiatives in the Amazon that target
forest areas populated by smallholders account for these local communities by means that range
from their exclusion from forest use (if not expulsion from the territory altogether), to
4 ‘Traditional’ communities, as opposed to ‘indigenous’ ones, were once colonizing settlers of the area, but have been settled
for enough time – usually about a hundred years and more – to become rooted and acquire ‘traditional’ status; unlike
communities referred-to as ‘settlers’, whose presence in the Amazonian region is usually a matter of a couple of decades
(Pokorny 2013).
15 addressing locals’ needs in order to overcome poverty as the main project goal, whereby
environmental benefits are expected to be a side-goal or even a by-product (Wunder 2008;
Suich et al. 2015).
This common association of resource degradation with poverty has produced a particularly
notable trend in the global strategies for conservation and/or development (including both PES
and REDD designs) – the integrated conservation and development projects (ICDPs), which
pursue the twin goal of improving local communities’ welfare and at the same time conserving
the environment and ecosystems (Martin et al. 2010). The general failure of strict conservation
and attempts of fencing off protected areas was officially acknowledged in the World
Conservation Strategy published by IUCN, WWF, and UNEP in the 80s, which called for
bridging the divide between conservation and development (Dove 2006). The win-win appeal
of ICDPs has resulted is an outstanding popularity of such a model, among project proponents
and donors (or ES/carbon credits purchasers) alike. Evidence accumulated with time on the
efficacy of ICDPs, has, however, brought sobering evidence as to the real potential of such an
approach. Analysts of this experience generally agree that ICDPs, and PES schemes that
involve ICDPs, are not a ‘magic bullet’ for either the environmental or the social cause
(Salafsky 2011; Pokorny 2013; Wunder 2008; Pokorny et al. 2013). Salafsky (2011) and
Wunder (2008), for example, both observe that in the majority of studied cases an attempt to
mix two or more goals in a project would lead to poor performance on one or all of them, and
may even bring counterproductive results. Interestingly, both authors advocate prioritization of
environmental goals over social ones (although still maintaining the social ones), the argument
of both being that in practical terms the goals of conservation and local development are often
mutually exclusive or contradictory at least to some degree, and that focusing solely on the
preservation of ecosystems is the only way to ensure that social goals would not undermine
environmental ones. These authors stress the potential of placing the priority on the
environment in pro-poor PES and ICDP projects, the assumption being that the pro-poor effect
of such projects will also increase as soon as success in terms of environmental goals is reached
(after all, local communities, especially the poor ones, do heavily depend on the ecosystems for
their livelihoods (Angelsen & Wunder 2003)). Under such an assumption it remains of a
significant concern whether or not models that target the environment first will be able to
address the situation of local communities effectively enough, providing them with viable
livelihood alternatives to environmentally degrading practices. With regards to this concern,
Pokorny (2013, p.179) stresses that the majority or PES and REDD projects that specifically
target the sustainable development of local communities fail to understand the realities of local
socio-productive systems, of local needs, and of the local potential. Pokorny observes that
payments are predominantly granted on a condition of a substantial change that local societies
need to undertake in terms of not just production, but their social organisation, and that this
change represents formidable costs, dealt both to the locals’ pockets, due to necessity to rely
heavily on extension services, and to their sociocultural integrity. According to Pokorny’s
evidence, each of these costs, and especially the combination of them can seriously undermine
the success of an ICDP REDD arrangement.
4.1.3. Ontological conflict
Expected – or experienced – failure to account for the perspective of local communities in
REDD projects has generated ample resistance to REDD, voiced by the local communities
themselves, as well as organisations that represent them directly or set out to protect their
interests, the indigenous and the traditional groups proving to be especially sensitive cases
(Shankland & Hasenclever 2011; Pokorny 2013). When it comes to negotiations on REDD,
Shankland and Hasenclever relate what they’ve called, borrowing a term from Bruno Latour,
the ‘war of the worlds’, ignited over ‘one of the most vexed issues in global debates on
16 REDD+, the relationship between market-based approaches and the rights of indigenous
peoples’ (Shankland & Hasenclever 2011, p.81). What authors have characterised as an
ontological incompatibility between the cultural vision and values of the smallholders and the
market nature of REDD has been expressed by the smallholder groups themselves. For
example, the Belém Letter (Amigos da Terra 2009), a public document, which presents the
results of the seminar ‘Climate and the Forest – REDD and market mechanisms as a solution
for the Amazon?’, and was signed by more than 50 representatives of social movements,
smallholder associations and NGOs. The Letter’s text rejects market mechanisms as a solution
to deforestation and climate change, accusing the REDD proposals on the table of not
distinguishing native forests from unsustainable tree plantations owned by the economic elite
that was responsible for environmental degradation and social injustice in the first place, and is
likely to unjustly benefit from REDD while continuing to destroy the Amazon. What is truly
necessary, the Letter states, is a ‘transition to a new model of production, distribution and
consumption’, and appreciation of the ‘other vision of the territory, development and
economy’, as well as respect for the ‘traditional practices, which are based on the coexistence
of production and environmental preservation’ (Amigos da Terra 2009). In other words, while
the signatories are concerned about the possible adverse effects of REDD per se and its
expected lack of climatic benefits, the core reason for rejection is the market economic system
itself, and what it implies for production and social systems. A similar agenda is set in another
conference letter – The Final Declaration of the World Conference of the Peoples on Climate
Change (CMPCC 2010), which was held in Cochabamba. This Declaration is even more
pronounced in rejecting the market economy, stating that carbon trade has become a lucrative
business, ‘mercantilizing our Mother Earth’, which can only lead to its further destruction.
Indeed, both letters demonstrate an explicit divide between the modernist worldview behind the
REDD framework, which functions on an unquestioned assumption that technology and the
market are ultimate solutions to everything, and the worldview of local communities, who
question precisely that. It is known that CIMI (the Missionary Indigenist Council, an
organisation of the Brazilian Catholic Church that defends the rights of the indigenous people)
has expressed a matching anti-REDD sentiment, releasing a special issue of the organization’s
own magazine, Porantim, specifically to condemn REDD and other market mechanisms for
neo-colonialism and harm to the indigenous people (CIMI 2014). Peculiarly, however, when it
comes to Brazilian indigenous communities themselves, Shankland and Hasenclever (2011)
report that those haven't been so explicit in taking a stand against REDD or the market logic,
and that none of the leaders of Brazilian indigenous groups signed either the Belém Letter or
the Cochabamba Declaration.
Considering the question of (in)compatibility of market economy and the sociocultural integrity
of local smallholder populations, theorists who consider Latin American and Amazonian
smallholders from the point of view of Peasant Studies express divergent views. Some, on one
hand, referring to Chayanov’s theories on peasant modes of production, stress that peasant
socio-productive logic (and authors apply that to peasants in the Brazilian Amazon) is
fundamentally different to that of capitalism, and therefore an inevitable clash and resulting
social conflict are to be expected from any capitalist model of development being imposed on
smallholder communities, be that an ICDP, or an illegal logging scheme (Mendes et al. 2012).
On the other hand, examples of more generalizing analytical accounts of Amazonian peasantry
observe that peasant communities often have long histories of being integrated into a broader
capitalist structure, being in fact quite dependant on it with their own socio-productive
organisations (Wolf 1955; Nugent 2002). Even though such communities react rather
sensitively to the fluctuations of market systems and respond with internal structural and
productive modifications, the authors note that it doesn't in principle endanger smallholders’
authenticity as a socio-productive formation. These latter accounts, however, are concerned
17 with a relatively out-dated historical reality, and contemporary data suggests that realities of
Amazonian small-scale farmers and forest dwellers are being transformed as fast as their very
landscapes, which makes one question whether any theory that involves structural assumptions
on Amazonian small-holders can be applicable. In a review of most recent regional
developments, Hecht (2014) draws attention to the immense scale of socio-productive change
in the contemporary Amazon, which, according to the author, is associated, indeed, with neoliberalization of nature itself – and not the least with REDD mechanisms. As Hecht puts it:
…‘Peasants’ seem quite distant from the insurgent and economically innovative forest
dwellers and creators who increasingly characterize Latin American small-scale
farmers. We don’t even really have a name for what these sorts of rural dwellers are
since the categories of urban-rural, agricultural-forest, local-regional and nationalinternational are so intertwined. (Hecht 2014, p.899)
Admittedly, in the case of SCP, which this research is dedicated to, and unlike other indigenous
communities in the Amazon, these forest dwellers definitely wouldn’t identify themselves as
peasants. At the same time, the presented debate on smallholders in the Amazon in relation to
market-based developmental models demonstrates that, from the point of view of both scholars
and communities themselves, there exists a strong sentiment that developmental models that
are offered, REDD being one, are causing a profound change to local socio-productive systems,
which risks proving critically inadequate for the cultural integrity of local communities – and
the market mechanism is framed as the key point of dissent.
4.2. Community based forest management
Community based forest management (CBFM) is type of project within the ICDP category,
which, like the win-win idea of ICDP, marked the general recognition of failure of ‘command
and control’ strict conservation strategies, and a realization that in forest conservation
arrangements the numerous and diverse forest dwellers need to be dealt with in an alternative
way (Li 2007; Pokorny 2013). Li (2007) in their analysis of CBFM as an assemblage stresses
that the turn to communities as the perfect forest managers ultimately seeks to maintain the
‘governing’ or ‘improving’ authority over the land and communities, which is fundamentally
resistant to the idea of true autonomy of the communities. Although the concept promotes the
rhetoric of entrusting care for forests to people who are most interested in preserving forest
ecosystems, being dependant on those with their livelihoods, Li demonstrates that in practice
the assemblage of CBFM is held together with the power of compromise, and community
autonomy and organizational independence is commonly the compromised element – a
compromise that the communities can’t but agree to, once faced with the alternative of eviction.
Partial to such interpretation, Dove (2006, p.200) referred to the phenomena as ‘the hegemonic
discourse of community-based natural resource management (CBNRM)’, pointing out that the
model implies an incorporation ‘into world capitalism’, while creating ‘more problems than it
solves’ in terms of access to natural resources. These conclusions by both researchers are
complemented by findings of a wide-scale collaborative research project, shortly referred to as
ForLive, which analysed extensive data of the diverse experience of forest management by the
smallholders in the Amazon (results of that research were compiled in a publication by Benno
Pokorny (2013)). Observations and conclusions of these sources can be summed up under
generalizing statements as follows:
CBFM creates dependence on external knowledge, inputs and organizational
structures, restricting the community’s capacity for autonomy.
The right to community management comes with obligations to comply with productive
and organizational requirements, which are based on externally defined standards and
technical expertise (Li 2007, p.272). External support is needed to make communities fit the
•
18 project designs, and, as experience shows, the communities often never adapt to introduced
patterns well enough to be able to carry on independently once the support is to leave
(Pokorny 2013).
The declared orientation towards local methods and knowledge for sustainable
forest management in practice is a selective, censoring and homogenizing process.
The bias towards externally generated technical expertise on sustainable forest management
requires adaptation of local knowledge and techniques to authorised standards, which in
practice tends to leave little of the original content in the end product (Li 2007, p.274).
Presented with extensive empirical evidence on the counter-productivity of this approach,
Pokorny (2013, pp.83, 102–103), laments the failure of these projects to truly benefit from
such potentials of local communities as: tendency to diversify land-use practices,
cultivating a broad spectrum of plant species, thus contributing the ecological stability of
the landscape; traditional knowledge of medicinal plants and other potential non-timber
forest products (NTFP); respect and strong sense of intrinsic value of land, forest and
natural resources in general. As a result, Pokorny warns of a widespread homogenizing
trend that converts the communities to foreign production and organizational standards,
which they often don't master well enough to fully benefit from them, while loosing the
potential of their local cultures, for which foreign standards offer no substitution. This trend
is indicative of a lack of value for local knowledge and techniques on the part of experts as
much as communities themselves, who are often influenced by a historical paternalistic
dependence on the elite and the elitist expertise (Pokorny 2013).
•
The design of CBFM projects is based on assumption of structural, institutional
and organizational characteristics of communities that don’t reflect reality.
Li (2007, p.276) points out assumptions of homogenized and harmonious communities with
defined property relations and governance systems, whereas in reality those are often
complex and contradictory, or even inexistent. As a result the projects are found with a
necessity to first create the institutions that they are to work with. Pokorny (2013) also
notes that in smallholder communities the organization of work and leisure tends to be
naturally balanced and oriented at subsistence rather then surplus production, which makes
them unprepared for the organizational frameworks that extension services impose of them.
•
CBFM presents political issues as technical matters, solvable with expert
knowledge and immune to political debate.
Both Pokorny and Li attest to this trend, and Pokorny comments (2013, p.215) that in
various cases communities have demonstrated capacity to formulate their own regulations
and to ensure sustainable resource governance, but this potential fades under external
pressures of capitalized and authorized actors.
•
CBFM projects are neo-liberal in spirit and integrate the communities into a
corresponding set of socio-economic relations, which can be destructive to their
inherent social organization.
As Li (2007, pp.285–286) demonstrates, CBFM, and REDD CBFM projects in particular,
are indicative of a neoliberal character in that they are: (a) decentralising; (b) promote
community entrepreneurship; (c) present conservation as a commodity for sale.
•
In short, the reviewed academic accounts (all of which are based on a broad empirical base,
which suggests some representativeness) find CBFM to have been degenerative in everything
which is meant to be its selling points: community autonomy and self-governance, value of
local socio-productive and cultural capital as a potential for economic and environmental
19 sustainability, adoption of project models to local systems instead of the opposite. Pokorny
(2013, p.171) concludes that evidence from the more successful projects suggests that it is
precisely the compliance with these ambitions that often determines the success of the twin
goal of conservation and development.
4.3. Prospects for the indigenous people in the Amazon
4.3.1. The politics and evolution of indigenousness
The previous sections establish a formidable ground for concern over the ability of indigenous
communities to maintain their socio-productive and cultural systems intact in the face of
developmental projects like REDD and its CBFM variation, which one can expect to be applied
to a forest indigenous community. Within the reviewed material, indications of an inherent
incompatibility can be traced between the sociocultural integrity of traditional/indigenous
communities and developmental modernity, with its invasive monopoly over scientific
expertise and economic system. The contradiction of these two sides, however, can also be
understood as a result of deliberate positioning, based on purist presumptions of both
indigenousness and modernity that might in fact not represent the complexity of the real world
processes. In an anthropological account on the strategy of definitions and self definitions of
indigenousness in response to developmental trends, and, specifically, to environmental
politics, Dove (2006, p.193) stresses that ‘modernity makes indigeneity possible’, referring to
the fact that without the deep transformations that the colonizing modern world has caused to
native populations nobody would ever feel the need to call themselves indigenous. As Dove
points out, the concept of indigenousness, albeit a symbol of succumbing to modernist
classification, is loaded with political capital, and in practical terms it often presents a greater
appeal to indigenous communities than remaining outside of such regulating definitions (if the
community finds itself in a position to actually choose, that is). The twist is that political capital
makes this concept extremely sensitive to disputes over its definitions, with consequences
reaching far beyond the theoretical dimension, and anthropologists, who have a certain
authority in modernist expert-oriented value systems, find themselves with a burdensome
responsibility. As new political advantages of the indigenous status are discovered,
expectations that it comes with impose more and more demands. In this respect Dove remarks:
‘Most alarming to anthropologists is that local communities are not just adapting the concept to
their own uses but are doing the reverse’ (2006, p.194). In this contest for political leverage, the
concept of indigenous knowledge – as we have seen, brought up extensively in integrated
developmental and environmental projects – becomes similarly debated and politicised, for
being supportive of the concept if indigeneity. Amidst debates over original cultures and
introduced elements, Dove insists that ultimately for as long as there have been a history of
recognised locality and extra local influence, the two have been influencing each other, and that
‘science, society and environment clearly coevolve’ (Dove 2006, p.202), which has produced
many examples of science articulating ‘indigeneity and indigenous conservation at the very
time as it renders actual achievement of these things impossible’ (Dove 2006, p.203). In view
of this coevolution, Dove notes that the pursued and constantly modified identification of
indigeneity might be motivated not just politically but indeed existentially. Therefore, the
author suggests, there is a need to elaborate such terms for discussing society, science, and the
environment, which don’t present their intricate correlation as contradictory and paradoxical.
This reflection contributes an important consideration to the inquiry of this research, since it
suggests that the contradictions between the constituents of indigenous self identification and
the modernist influence of a REDD project – which are reported to be a likely occurrence – are
a relative observation, and depend on the specific terminology one is to rely on. While I’m not
proposing to elaborate an adequate terminology, I am making a note of what is expected to
present itself as a contradiction, and opening the floor for the people who identify as the Paiter
20 to demonstrate how, in their formulations, they are managing these contradictions themselves.
The expected contradictions are summed up in the following sub-section.
4.3.2. Hypothesis
Based on the review of the background trends and processes within which the SCP case is
situated, also taking into account the theory of the dwelling perspective outlined in the previous
chapter, it is possible to draft a hypothesis to assess the results of my empirical analysis against.
This preliminary exploration suggest the following assumptions as to the capacity of REDD
projects to serve for the preservation of indigenous culture:
a) REDD, as well as particular project designs of ICDP and CBFM, are externally (from
the point of view of forest communities) formulated frameworks that represent an elitist
rhetoric and interests of the ‘modern’ world – that is, the world founded on optimising
scientific reason, and on unquestioning faith in technology and in market economy
(Shankland & Hasenclever 2011) (Kosoy & Corbera 2010). REDD is a tool by which
the modernist elite seeks to subject local communities to its improving governance,
requiring of them to change their ways so as to fit the externally defined technical and
economic frameworks of REDD projects. An unequal epistemological positioning and
substitution of political dialogue with technical prescriptions effectively hamper local
role in project formulation, not to mention undermine the community’s autonomy.
b) Being an improving intervention that seeks to transform the behaviours of local
communities, REDD disregards local socio-productive and cultural systems, failing to
utilise their potential for environmental and social goals. Incompatibility of new models
with local systems is unaccounted for, which inevitably leads to eventual replacement
of local cultures and productive systems and to poor performance or ultimate failure of
the project (Pokorny 2013).
c) Being a market mechanism, REDD represents a worldview especially alien to
indigenous and traditional communities, who have their own perception of territory and
a productive livelihood in it (Amigos da Terra 2009). The indigenous perception of land
and the forest implies and engaged dynamic relation between humans and their
environment – as opposed to the disengaged modernist perception of the environment of
the modern man (Ingold 2011), and this intimate relationship with the environment has
a much more reliable potential for protecting the forest than the market logic can ever
offer (Pokorny 2013). But the introduction of a market logic undermines and threatens
to erase this special relationship with the environment in local communities, making
them adapt ‘mercantile’ relations with the environment and with each other (Pokorny
2013; CMPCC 2010), instead of ‘social’ ones (Ingold 2011).
5. The Case: Paiter Suruí, and the Suruí Carbon Project
This chapter introduces the case of the Paiter Suruí people, and its history, which led up to the
creation of a REDD project. The context of struggle for autonomy and survival, of which the
SCP makes a part, is explored. Consistent with what I have stated previously, in this study I
have no ambition of providing an ethnographic investigation of the contemporary life of the
Paiter people as opposed to what was recorded by anthropologists in the period immediately
after the contact. Accounts of pre-contact situation and change by ethnographers and the Paiter
themselves are referred to in as much detail as appears relevant for understanding the inception
of the Suruí Carbon Project and the objectives, with which the project is loaded by its authors.
21 5.1. The people Paiter Suruí
5.1.1. Image of life before the contact
The description that follows represents an image of the Suruí traditional, or pre-contact life,
which is obtained from the accounts of professional anthropologists (primarily Betty Mindlin,
who lived with the Paiter in early years following the contact), as well as contemporary
participatory observation-based research papers, including that by members of the Suruí
themselves, all of which heavily reference their own first-hand impressions and words of the
community elders. Interviews with the Suruí that I myself conducted also helped to fill this
picture. This is a compilation of what is referred to as the traditional life of the Paiter, by
themselves and by sources that they themselves cite.
Fig. 1. Location of the demarcated TISS on the border between the states of Rondônia and Mato Grosso in Brazil. (Source:
Metareilá 2010)
In their own language of Tupí-Mondé family, the Suruí (a name given to them by state
officials) call themselves ‘Paiter’, which means ‘Ourselves’, or ‘Real people’ (Suruí 2013)5.
Before the official contact with non-indigenous society in 1969 the people of Paiter was seminomadic, according to the memories of the elders, occupying a territory approximately 5 times
larger than what it has become after demarcation (Fig. 1), and counting more than 5000 people
divided in several clans (Cardozo 2012). They practiced shifting cultivation, hunting, fishing,
and gathering, all four of these elements being essential to their livelihoods (Mindlin 1984b;
Suruí 2013; Coimbra Junior 1989). There are memories of a number of clans comprising the
Paiter people (Suruí 2013), of which today there remain four: Gamep, Gamir (alternatively
spelled ‘Gabgir’), Makor and Kaban. Patrilineal clan divisions played a fundamental role in
their socio-productive and spiritual organization, determining the relational criteria for
matrimonial unions, distributing roles in collective tasks of land cultivation, foraging and
artisanal production, as well as founding the reciprocal relations of gift- and favour-prestation
(Mindlin 1984b; Cosmo da Silva & Ferreira Neto 2014). All of these activities constituted a
system that divided and joined them at the same time: it reinforced clan divisions, instructing
5
Also referred to in literature as just Suruí or the Suruí of Rondônia (Mindlin 1984b).
22 that services, gifts, and brides are to be received from members of a different clan and not from
one’s own, while establishing firm and permanent reciprocal relations in all spheres of life
(Mindlin 1984a).
Clans would be integrated into a more general, and, apparently, more symbolically loaded
system of social division during the annual ritual of ‘World Creation’ – Mapimaí – when the
Paiter would split into two halves (with the clans joining each other to comprise each of the
halves) – the ‘metaré’, half of the forest, and ‘iway’, half of land cultivation and preparation of
drinks and food. Mapimaí, evidently, is a feast and a ritual central to the pre-contact life of the
Paiter: an event that could last for up to 6 months, corresponding to the dry period, it divided
the community into two groups, allowing them no contact with each other for months of
preparation for the feast, during which time one group harvested crops, and prepared food and
‘chicha’ (alcoholic drinks based on fermented food crops), while the other group stayed in the
forest and produced artisanal items (necklaces and decorations, instruments for various
activities etc.). The two polarized halves would reunite during the feast that would last for days,
obliging the ‘guests’ – half of the forest – to consume all of the drinks prepared for them, while
presenting the ‘hosts’ – the masters of drinks and food – with gift items, which they had
prepared, and with brides (Cardozo 2012; Mindlin 1984b). Feast is linked to the occasion of the
ritual clearance of trees for a new plot by the invited half, with the hosting half watching idly –
giving to the entire event a function of, essentially, one group working for the other in
exchange for food. Afterwards there is a ritual hunt. All of these activities, especially the
journey of the forest half to the site of the feast, would be accompanied by dancing, singing and
reciting stories that reflect the mythology, history, and cosmology of the Paiter, while the
participants would also compose new stories about their adventures. Songs would attract spirits,
which are present in all kinds of objects and living things in the forest of the Paiter. Spirits
would come to join the feast by mediation of the pajés – religious authorities endowed with
medium and healing powers. For the next year the clans would swap the roles of hosts and
guests. Various sources stress that the complex ritual of Mapimaí is an essential institution for
the conception of the traditional identity of Paiter, shaping one’s relations with other
community members and with the environment, constituting the productive and matrimonial
cycle of life, serving as space for religious rites and expression of spirituality (Mindlin 1984b;
Cardozo 2012; Leandro 2011; Mindlin 1984a).
In pre-contact Suruí society, families were open to polygamy, and a phenomena anthropologists
called ‘co-fatherhood’ was observed (Walker et al. 2015). Families would live together in
analogues of large longhouses, which would accommodate dozens of people, and one entire
clan (Suruí 2013; Suruí et al. 2014; Mindlin 1984a) would live together in just one village,
hidden in the forest within their territory. Significant events in life, such as birth, death, first
menstruation, sickness or war would be marked by certain obligatory rituals and practices,
typically involving reclusion, diet, and rites performed by the pajé. The governing authority
was given to the council of the elders, apart from which the clans had leaders, and a great
leader of the entire people was selected among all leaders of clans (Mindlin 1984b; Leandro
2011; C. Suruí 2015). As Mindlin (1984a) emphasized, a closer look would reveal that, while a
very egalitarian society, with social stratification hardly traceable, it would be erroneous to
assume that economy of the Suruí was collective. Instead, the territory would be distributed
between the clans, and within the clans ownership and cultivation of land would also be
distributed between groups of patrilineal kinship, who, in their turn, split land and work
between nuclear families. Mindlin comments that work, land, and crops would be shared
regularly (besides the ritualized events of collective work like Mapimaí, that is), but always on
the basis of borrowing and exchange, not default communal ownership. Mindlin (2006; 1984a)
also reflects that work was inseparable from religious rituals and feasts, and that at times work
23 would be carried out as a social ritual of its own (seeming like an unreasonable effort, in terms
of consumable output – from the outsider’s point of view).
5.1.2. History of contact and its social, cultural, economic and environmental impacts
The official contact on September 7th, 1969, by the representatives of FUNAI (Brazilian
governmental body responsible for the indigenous populations) marked a period of intensive
development projects and migration into what became the state of Rondônia in 1981 (Cosmo da
Silva & Ferreira Neto 2014). As for the Paiter, in less than 5 years after the contact they found
their population reduced from the estimated 5000 to just about 250 individuals, due to
sicknesses like smallpox and tuberculosis, for which they had no immunity (Suruí 2013). At the
same time as they experienced a demographic crisis, they found themselves under siege of
influences from the non-indigenous world, some of which were subtle, and others violent. Of
the subtler ones, those among the Paiter who witnessed the contact recount a fine strategy
employed by the FUNAI: by systematically giving to them products of the industrial world as
gifts, FUNAI was, according to the Paiter, aiming to make their people dependent of products
of the non-indigenous, and ultimately the Paiter found themselves burdened with new needs
and dependencies, and had to enter the system of market relations and monetary exchange in
order to satisfy those needs (Suruí 2013). The dependency on capitalist economy was also
stimulated by the difficulty to reproduce original livelihood strategies, due to loss of not just
people, but land, including locations with important resources and raw materials – taken over
by settlers who were uncontrollably migrating into the area and occupying territories, lured by
governmental promises of free plots and abundant conditions for subsistence, taking advantage
of the newly paved highway BR-364, as part of a regional development project financed by the
World Bank (Cosmo da Silva & Ferreira Neto 2014). Clashes with these colonists over land
and resources represented the violent part of non-indigenous influence, and they continue to
this day. The Paiter were only able to obtain legal ownership of their territory – a fraction of the
original size – in 1983 (Suruí et al. 2014). It was given the official name Indigenous Territory
Sete de Setembro (TISS), in commemoration of the date of official contact, while the Paiter
themselves call it Paiterey Karah (alternatively spelled Paiterey Garah) (Cardozo 2012). Even
after demarcation, it took time before illegally settled outsiders were removed from the plots
within TISS that they had occupied. Some of the Paiter, by then impoverished within the new
economic reality, went and took over those plots of clear-cut land, adapting cattle ranching, and
cultivation of coffee as cash-crops – land-use strategies of the colonists. Logging was brought
into the TISS in 1986 (Cosmo da Silva & Ferreira Neto 2014) – according to the Paiter, it was
advised by FUNAI itself, who recommended it as a source of income, and even mediated deals,
but failed to ensure that deals with the loggers would be made on fair and equal terms, securing
due benefits for the indigenous people (Suruí 2013). The commodification, monetary valuation
of the forest, which this new activity symbolized, is reflected on as a crucial change in the
perceptions of land by the Paiter (Suruí 2013). Thus, sale of timber to illegal loggers, cash crop
production, animal ranching, extraction of forest products for sale, with only occasional sale of
artisanal items, as well as jobs with public entities within or outside the TISS became the set of
livelihood strategies of the Paiter, now irreversibly integrated into the capitalist system of
socio-productive relations (Mindlin 1994). Traditional practices like hunting and fishing
persisted, but couldn’t be enough to address the newly developed needs of the people.
Simultaneously with these changes, the Christian missionary organisations planted root within
the TISS, providing medical treatment, which was desperately needed, and which the state was
not delivering. Neither were the pajés, who, together with the spirits themselves, and many
Suruí customs involving the spirits, gradually lost their status, and eventually became no less
then discriminated against by a significant part of the converted – and cautious – Paiter
population (Suruí 2013; Cardozo 2015).
24 Cut off from a large part of original natural resources, village sites, and sites of cultural and
spiritual significance, surrounded from the east, south and west by access roads with heavily
deforested plots of colonists’ settlements on each side, constantly targeted by illegal loggers
and unauthorized intruders, the TISS became quite a different territory to inhabit from what it
used to be, and required a strategy of defence and management (Suruí et al. 2014). The Paiter
Suruí (whose population decline was reversed during the 90-s, making them close to 1300 by
2010 (Leandro 2011)) had to disperse between what by now became 27 villages (Cardozo
2012), spread along the TISS border where access roads end, so as to control the access of
loggers and fend off intruders (Fig. 2). Families started to live separately, the practice of
collective cultivation work ceased, and in the years following the contact the Mapimaí
sometimes wouldn’t be celebrated for a decade (Cardozo 2012). Traditional system of
governance has been undermined by the new system of socio-productive relations, and by the
new power actors, who would single out the more fluent Portuguese speakers among the Suruí
and appoint them as local authorities (Cardozo 2015). This disruption of traditional social
organization, together with the physical separation and adoption of new economic strategies,
which introduced individualistic approach to material wellbeing, started spurring inequalities
and conflicts within the people (Suruí 2013). The non-indigenous material culture, limited only
by consuming capacity, was progressively adopted, and to a degree mixed with the traditional
items, but in many essential aspects it quite replaced the pre-contact one. An array of skills in
all spheres, which used to comprise everyday life – the dwelling practice – of the pre-contact
Paiter Suruí, started to be gradually lost for new generations, and many turned to being
remembered as stories and not practices, if remembered at all (Suruí 2013; A. G. Suruí 2015).
Formal education and orientation towards the scenarios of life of the non-indigenous society
started to take young people away from the TISS, and some won’t be planning to come back
(G. Suruí 2015; Cardozo 2015).
Fig. 2. Satellite map of TISS with market locations of villages at its edges (black house-shaped symbols) and an Indigenous
Surveillance Post (red house-shaped symbol). The map shows the extent of deforestation (purple areas) just outside of the
territory borders (red dotted line). (Source: Suruí 2009)
Observing the data on this post-contact change, one can summarize that a process of
transformation was set off, which affected: land, and the strategies of relating to it; material
culture and needs; models of sociality practiced by the Paiter and their systems of social
organization; religious and folkloric heritage; rhythms of life (e.g. production, celebration, and
25 ritual); skilled practices in traditional crafts and livelihood activities. The Paiter relate (Suruí
2013; Leandro 2011; A. G. Suruí 2015) that the scope of these changes stroke them especially
vividly, when, as logging continued, they found areas around the villages deforested to the
point when the resources that the people relied on were not longer there. Shadow and shelter,
food, game, raw materials, medication, spiritual life, and cultural heritage were being taken
away with the loggers’ trucks. The realisation of unacceptable cultural and environmental loss,
and a shared sentiment that these sacrifices were not providing sufficient returns leaving many
needs to be addressed, and that an alternative path must be paved – generated the motivation
for resistance (Suruí et al. 2014; Suruí 2013; Leandro 2011).
5.2. The Suruí Carbon Project: its origins and prospects
This section is a result of document and source research, which I conducted in order to
understand the historical process of how the Suruí Carbon Project came into being, what
processes among the Paiter lead up to its creation, and what motivations and ideologies were
being fostered by its authors and propagators. While an attempt to understand the historical and
consecutive order of events – which one led to which, and by means of what process – this
inquiry already specifically deals with the ideologically and discursively loaded representations
by those who were either directly involved in the formulation and implementation of the SCP,
the 50 Year Plan, and other supporting documents and project designs, or those who are
assuming a clearly sympathising stance, conducting research to contribute for the elaboration of
future projects, and actively creating favourable publicity for the SCP and related activities.
Sources that were consulted include: official project presentation documents, grey literature
reports, university dissertations that investigate the projects’ operations, published academic
and journalistic articles, published interviews and interviews I myself conducted, and even
occasional blog posts in the form of official statements by directly involved persons. As a
result, this section aims to explain what processes brought the SCR into existence, and what
prospects for the future motivate its existence and ensure that the project is kept together and is
going ahead.
5.2.1. Struggle for autonomy and an alternative development
With the trespassing settlers threatening their territory, and especially the illegal logging
growing at an alarming pace, the Paiter felt they needed to act in defence of their rights, since
the pubic bodies were failing to do it for them (Suruí 2013; Zwick 2013b). Trips to municipal
and federal centres in order to request support and protection from responsible public bodies
connected the Paiter with the other indigenous leaders and introduced them to the tactics of a
popular movement in defence of indigenous rights. As a result, in 1989 the association
Metareilá was created so as to represent the people of Suruí in communication with official
institutions (Suruí 2013). In the beginning, the association mainly acted to report trespassing
and illegal activities in the TISS, all the while struggling to exist due to a lack of funding. In the
process, the clan Gamep took charge of the association, displaying the most vivid initiative for
bureaucratic action (as the now great leader of the Suruí, Almir, commented, they had realized
they needed to take up pens instead of bows and arrows (Zwick 2013b)). In the 90-s, Metareilá
requested that FUNAI would pass to them the authority to manage their own projects with
governmental subsidies (at the time, a grand governmental initiative called PLANAFLORO
was supporting projects for environmental protection and development of the indigenous
communities in the region), and that authority was granted (Cardozo 2012). Trying to initiate
environmentally sustainable economic activities within the territory, in 1997 Metareilá
independently proposed and implemented a project, funded by PLANAFLORO, to build
infrastructure for production and sanitation, and to create a seedling nursery, distributing trees
for plantation. The project was only partially successful, due to lack of technical preparation of
the Paiter, but it was an important experience in autonomously organizing a project within the
26 TISS (Cardozo 2012). Set on the goal of developing environmentally sustainable economic
alternatives for the Paiter, in 1999 Metareilá sought a partnership with Kanindé, a Rondônian
NGO working for the ‘ethno-environmental defence’ in the region, which focused on
supporting indigenous tribes for their social and environmental objectives. Metareilá’s
objective in the case was to conduct an agro-environmental diagnostics of TISS, and based on it
to elaborate a Management Plan of the territory, which would prescribe a suitable development
path for the Paiter. With the same funding, obtained from the Ministry of the Environment
(MMA), Metareilá arranged for the workshops in artisan craftsmanship, and for the conduction
of Mapimaí, which hadn’t been conducted for 9 years by that time. These activities began to be
realized in 2000: Mapimaí lasted for 12 months, involving a lot of learning of customs and
crafts by the younger generation from the elders (notably, the Paiter refused to follow the
reporting system requested by the MMA, stating that the workshop format it imposed would be
a lot less effective in teaching the Suruí their traditional practices than the ritual). Meanwhile,
the agro-environmental diagnostics estimated, that by then 7% of the TISS had been deforested
(Cardozo 2012; Suruí 2013). Restoration of forest cover on that 7% of native land became the
activity of first priority to be realised under the Management Plan of Paiter Suruí.
5.2.2. 50 Year Plan of Paiter Suruí
The Ethno-Environmental Management Plan of the Indigenous Territory Sete de Setembro,
commonly referred to as the 50 Year Plan, was elaborated between 1998 and 2000 (Cardozo
2015), and decided upon in 2003 (Suruí 2013), and is a product of discussions and negotiations
which involved all of the Suruí, so as to attain a complete consensus on the objectives that the
people of Paiter have for the future of their territory (Leandro 2011; Cardozo 2012; Suruí
2013). As Leandro (2011) explains, the specific request of Metareilá in relation to the agrodiagnostics was that it would include an assessment of socio-cultural and economic aspects,
taking into account the traditional ‘ethnic’ knowledge systems of the Paiter, and to ensure this,
the diagnostics by Kanindé would be supervised by representatives of the Paiter at each stage.
The completed diagnostics, besides supplying valuable practical information on the possible
sustainable use of natural resources within the TISS, demonstrated that traditional culture and
knowledge of the Suruí were being dealt a significant blow, while economically their options
were insufficient due to lack of technical support and preparation, and infrastructure and
sanitation systems were in want of substantial improvements. Sources that relate the process all
specifically stress that upon evaluation of these findings there was a shared understanding
among the Suruí that the approach to natural resources management introduced by the colonists
and adapted by the Paiter was incompatible with the relationship with the forest traditional for
the Paiter culture and essential for their identity – an incompatibility which proved degrading
for their cultural integrity and unity as a people, while devastating to their natural resources and
economically unrewarding in the long run (Leandro 2011; Suruí et al. 2014; Suruí 2013). It is
important to note that within this study I have no means to determine how profoundly and
universally this very particular reflection is shared among the entire people of Paiter Suruí. It is
evident, however, that this reflection was a founding one for formulating the 50 Year Plan.
The 50 Year Plan states as its main general objective:
To implement the Program Paiterey6 for the environmental management, establishing
procedures and guidelines for addressing the socio-cultural needs, in a manner that would
ensure conditions for a responsible use of natural resources generating necessary benefits,
the appreciation of culture, and conservation of the environment. (Kanindé & Metairelá
2008) (Author’s translation)
6
‘Program Paiterey’ in project documents is a general way to refer to the strategic course of development of the TISS, created
by Paiter Suruí.
27 The document, published in 2008 by associations Metareilá and Kanindé, reads as both an
ideological manifestation and a strategic orientation, setting general principles as well as
technically specified goals, the latter particularly in terms of environmental conservation and
sustainable production, education, healthcare, organization, and infrastructure. The document
explicitly links the loss of traditional knowledge and skills to environmental degradation as
both symptom and factor (Kanindé & Metairelá 2008, pp.4–6), setting ‘sociocultural
sustainability’ as the first criteria in its own definition of sustainability (Kanindé & Metairelá
2008, p.33). The Plan requests that all its activities be permeated by ‘traditional rituals and
forms’ (Kanindé & Metairelá 2008, p.25), and specifies that knowledge and technologies of
non-indigenous origin need to be appropriated and made adequate of the traditional cultural
values of the Paiter, which comprises the ‘ethno-development’ future for the territory (Kanindé
& Metairelá 2008, p.4). It sets objectives for eventual ‘changing of paradigms regarding the use
and conservation of natural resources’ (Kanindé & Metairelá 2008, p.15), which should be
attained within about 20-years – medium term – while the entirety of the Plan’s ambitions is to
be realised in 50 years. The Plan is not a project in itself, but a platform and a political course
for specific projects and actions to be developed, addressing goals and following principles as
defined by the Plan. While the document and its ideology was composed and promoted under
the leadership of the association Metareilá, the strategic orientation it offers is for the entire
people, and initiatives from the Paiter outside of Metareilá in realisation of the Plan are
encouraged (Metareilá 2015). The 50 Year Plan, the diagnostics that lead up to it, and projects
within it that followed were, apparently, in a crucial part a product of personal efforts (in terms
of project articulation, mobilization of the Paiter and partnering organisations, and initiation of
the necessary activities) of Almir Narayamoga Suruí, a leader of the Gamep clan and the
coordinator of association Metareilá, who was elected the great leader of the Paiter in 2010.
5.2.3. First projects under the 50 Year Plan
The realization of the 50 Year Plan began with the reforestation project called Project
Pamine, which began in 2003. Seedling donations were obtained from the Kanindé, and
funding was granted by a Swiss NGO Aquaverde, with continuing support from Aquaverde,
Kanindé, and USAID (Cardozo 2012). The Project included technical training to the families of
the Paiter Suruí, promoting participation of all, especially the youth. Collaborative work in
groups was encouraged. Daily payments to those working with the planting were being offered,
which won the project a considerable success (Suruí 2013). Chicoepab Suruí, who, being a part
of Metareilá, was personally involved in Pamine and other projects related to 50 Year Plan,
conducted a research for his Master’s thesis with the University of Brasilia, which was
dedicated to the Pamine, and its effects and importance for the objectives set by 50 Year Plan
(Suruí 2013). His findings demonstrate that the project was being seen by its ideologists and
supporters among the Paiter as a bridge between the world of introduced material needs back to
the cultural values of the Suruí. Once bestowing an intact and restored forest with an economic
value to respond to the new necessities of the people, the project offered the people to engage
with the forest once again and perceive it for what it had always been for the Paiter: ‘The
lifestyle of Paiter Suruí is intimately linked to the forest, which is of great importance for our
culture, tradition, rituals, food, and the very existence of our people [emphasis added]’ (Suruí
2013, p.51). The reflections from community members that Chicoepab has collected attest to
that this ‘intimate’ connection was being lost due to integration into a capitalist world, whereby
the forest began to be seen as a raw material product for sale. The reforestation project was
meant to re-establish the lost connection, so as to restore what is essential for the cultural
identity of the Suruí, using the very same instruments of market logic, which compromised the
said connection in the first place:
The forest is important to the people of Paiter Suruí, because in it is the health, the
education, the culture, and, ultimately, it is being seen as an instrument that can
28 contribute to our economic autonomy, with respect to the concept of life of the nonindigenous. This is how the idea of the project Pamine was conceived: as an effort to
rescue the life of the people, articulating the culture of Paiter Suruí, the forest, and the
market. (Suruí 2013, p.50) (Author’s translation)
Eventually the project expanded, and the daily monetary compensation was replaced by the
long-term incentive of creating future benefits. Plantation of tree species, which serve both for
domestic consumption and for sale, as well as future plans of sustainable forestry to harvest
valuable tree species, began to be offered as motivational goals by themselves, whereby
technical assistance and materials would come for free, but work hours of the families
themselves will not be paid for. As a result, without the monetary compensation, the areas of
reforestation would become ‘abandoned’ (Suruí 2013, p.40). Chicoepab also relates that the
project didn’t win over the entire population of the Paiter, and, although the sale of timber was
declining upon the launching of 50 Year Plan, and was reported to be 99% paralyzed in 2009,
certain families maintained preference of selling wood as an income option, which represented
more immediate and tangible returns (Suruí 2013; Zwick 2013b).
An addition to the work on the 50 Year Plan was the creation of a ‘cultural map’ (full name of
the map is ‘Map of Environmental Ethnoconservation of the People Paiterey’), which started in
2004 and was supported by the NGO ACT Brasil (Amazon Conservation Team of Brazil). For
the cultural map, memories and meanings associated with specific locations within the TISS
were collected and marked on the map by means of drawings. The youth was encouraged to
actively participate: collecting the stories from the elders, taking them to hikes combined with
storytelling, but also contributing meaningful associations themselves, so as to include the
history that the post-contact generation has developed with the land. The cultural meanings that
were thus compiled on the map included information on historical sites, sites that are of
spiritual significance, sources of raw material for various uses, habitation of various species of
flora and fauna, sacred animal and plant locations etc. (Cardozo 2015; Cardozo 2012) The
cultural map had the ambition of integrating cultural memories with experience of living in the
ancestral land, so as to make the traditional vision and experience of land replicable in the
contemporary times. One of the aspirations was that by the very practice of producing the map,
the territory and its cultural richness would come alive (Cardozo 2012; Zwick 2013b).
5.2.4. Putting REDD ‘on the table’
When the 50 Year Plan was ready and its activities began to be developed, the question of
funding remained to be resolved (Zwick 2013b). With a notion that ‘reforestation pays’
(confirmed by the Pamine project), in 2007 Almir Suruí approached Forest Trends, looking for
a viable funding option, sufficient to pay for reforestation, and for developing the entire 50
Year Plan as well (Zwick 2013b). Forest Trends, an international NGO that happens to be
working, among other things, as a facilitator for potential providers of ecosystem services to get
certified and start a PES enterprise, suggested the REDD mechanism as a funding basis for the
Suruí (Suruí 2009). This started a process of internal negotiations between the Paiter and
building alliances with a great variety of external organizations so as to elaborate a project plan
and get it certified, upon which the 50 Year Plan would be able to really unfold its activities,
becoming almost completely self-sufficient, obtaining most of its funding from the sale of
carbon credits (Zwick 2013b; Suruí 2009). The complex process of making the SCP reality was
successfully finalized in 2013, when first carbon credits were sold to a Brazilian cosmetics
company Natura (Zwick 2013a).
It can be observed that the prospect of monetary self-sufficiency and independence, embodied
in the preparations for the SCP, provided the 50 Year Plan with a new sense of tangibility – not
29 in the least, demonstrated by the fact that the existing publication of the 50 Year Plan was only
printed in 2008, when the SCP negotiations had already started (Kanindé & Metairelá 2008),
even though the Plan itself is reported to have existed by 2003 (Suruí 2013). Notably, the
period of SCP preparation coincides with important developments in the realization of the 50
Year Plan (at that stage still funded by donor organisations like USAID and NORAD). The
Plan now counts carbon monitoring and licencing and related activates as its integral part, and
proceeds on its grand development narrative with such steps as a moratorium on logging within
the TISS (approval for which is reported to have been ‘unilateral’ among the Paiter (Zwick
2009)), followed by the re-organization of the system of governance of the Paiter, and a the
planning and publication of an ethnozoning programme – an important and innovative
supplement for the realization of 50 Year Plan. It needs to be stressed that, while technically
and historically the Suruí Carbon Project is just a part of the 50 Year Plan, the range of topics
and objectives attended by the 50 Year Plan is also an integral part of the Suruí Carbon Project:
At the core of the [50 Year] Plan is the Suruí Forest Carbon Project, which, as an
example of various other planned and on-going activities, incorporates education and
culture, as factors that can aggregate new values and knowledge, in such a way that the
people obtain economic autonomy and are also multiplicating the experiences lived
together with the evolving national society. (Suruí et al. 2014, pp.51–52) (Author’s
translation)
And, by getting the Suruí Carbon Project plan certified, the Paiter managed to prove that only
by supporting the wide scope of activities of the 50 Year Plan will they be able to preserve their
carbon stocks (IDESAM & Metareilá 2012; Zwick 2009; Zwick 2013a).
5.2.5. Advances of the 50 Year Plan within the REDD framework
The establishment and verification of a Free, Prior and Informed Consent of the People of
Paiter Suruí regarding the Suruí Forest Carbon Project (Metareilá 2010) deserved a project of
its own, in conducting presentations, workshops, and decision meetings, so as to reach the
entire population of the Paiter Suruí. It was realised between 2009 and 2010, and as a result, it
contributed to the SCP gaining a CCB certification (Climate, Community and Biodiversity) on
top of the VCS one (Verified Carbon Standard) (Cardozo 2012; Zwick 2013a).
An innovative project undertaken by associations Kanindé and Metareilá between 2007 and
2011 was the conduction of an ‘ethnozoning’ assessment of TISS (Fig. 3). It was the ideology
behind the 50 Year Plan to integrate indigenous culture and knowledge of the forest and the
environment with the technical and scientific knowledge of non-indigenous origin (Cardozo
2012). The ethnozoning catalysed all possible kinds of information about the TISS, from
cultural to biophysical, including the traditional site-specific practices of engaging with the
environment, and the newly acquired visions of economically profitable and environmentally
sustainable land-use. Ethnozoning represents a plan of spatial organization, which designates
specific zones within the TISS for appropriate use according to the 50 Year Plan (Cardozo et al.
2010; Leandro 2011). The zones are comprised of 8 categories, respective of their productive
and socio-cultural significance. These categories are: cultural zone, sacred zone, hunting zone,
fishing zone, zone of complete protection, production zone, zone to be rescued, and restoration
zone. Detailed regulations were issued for each category of natural resource use, as well as
accounts of cultural and spiritual meanings. The project of ethnozoning was conceived as an
interactive and practical supplement for the 50 Year Plan, and became a resonant methodology,
which was later replicated in other indigenous territories (Cardozo 2012; Leandro 2011;
Cardozo et al. 2010). Importantly, the ethnozoning plan is also included in the Suruí Carbon
Project, which references the ethnozoning data in making the case for strengthening of cultural
values, traditional land-use techniques, and community institutions as elements, which are as
30 important for the proposed conservation as the provision of an economic alternative to logging
(IDESAM & Metareilá 2012, p.109).
Paiterey Garah (Terra Indígena Sete de Sete
Mapa de Localização
247.870
Kanindé, Metareilá e ECAM.
Fig. 3. The map of ethnozoning of the TISS with zones for specific resource use represented by different colours, and zones of
sacred and cultural meaning represented by pictorial symbols. (Source: Kanindé et al. 2011)
Another initiative with a hybrid focus on simultaneous preservation of carbon stocks and of the
Suruí cultural heritage evolved out of the former cultural mapping project, which is mentioned
above. This time, the mapping project was taken onto a more advanced digital level via a
partnership with Google Earth, which started with negotiations in 2007, and was completed in
2012, with the launching of the online interactive map. The map is an online instrument that
Google Earth has custom-tailored for the Paiter to document and monitor their ‘culture’ and
their ‘carbon’ (Google Earth Outreach 2012): the instrument allows for monitoring carbon
stocks using smartphones, updating information on every single tree inside the TISS
(apparently, literally every single tree is registered, and represented on the map in 3D shape),
while at the same time allowing the Paiter to document their historical, cultural and spiritual
heritage also in an online 3D replica of the territory (Google Earth Outreach 2012).
A step that was deemed important for fulfilling the 50 Year Plan, and unavoidable for
managing the upcoming carbon-related funds, was the ‘modernisation’ of the system of
governance of the Paiter, with the Paiter Parliament created in 2010 (Suruí 2013), and
subsequent publication of the Codes and Norms of Paiter Suruí in 2014 (Povo Paiter Suruí
2014). The Paiter Parliament was seen as an absolutely necessary establishment in order to
collectively and representatively manage the entirety of funding obtained by the people of
Paiter Suruí as a whole – that was going to be collected from the sale of carbon credits and
from continuing donations, and catalysed in the Suruí Foundation. The Paiter Parliament is a
combination of the traditional governance entities, which include the council of the elders, the
clan leaders and the great leader, with the governing principles of non-indigenous origin, which
introduced elected representatives of separate geographical neighbourhoods, participation of
the associations and even of external NGOs. The ‘Codes and Norms’ (referred to as just ‘The
Code’ by my interviewees) is a peculiar document, which represents a mixture of an internal
legislation, a set of strategic recommendations that reflect developmental directions associated
with the 50 Year Plan, and also includes moral and ritual codes of the Paiter. It establishes the
31 organizational mechanism of the governing body of the Suruí, explaining duties and
responsibilities of the Paiter Parliament, and at the same time it ascribes duties and
responsibilities to the Paiter people, and also defines ‘Fundamental Principles’ – apparently, for
the entire people of Paiter – which are ideological and moral statements of the values and
priorities that are to be respected by all. Since there is no enforcement mechanism for the
majority of activities, which the Code regulates, it is assumed that the Paiter are to be their own
enforcement mechanism and abide by the Code out if their own sense of duty. It is worthy of
note that, besides restating the general values similar to those declared in the 50 Year Plan (e.g.
solidarity, appreciation for culture and traditions of the Paiter, conservation of natural resources
etc.), the Code claims rather specific obligations from its ‘moral’ subjects, for example, the
traditional rituals associated with birth or first menstruations, the order of conduct of iway
during the Mapimaí feast, or, a responsibility to ‘spread the knowledge and education about the
dangers of using agrochemicals in the garden’ (Povo Paiter Suruí 2014, p.13). It can be
concluded that the Code’s role in the realization of the 50 Year Plan of the Paiter is to facilitate
both the ‘structure’ (the governance system and its norms of operation) and the ‘content’
(ideological statements, setting of priorities and prescription of behaviour) for the people of
Paiter to become an integral entity which the 50 Year Plan needs it to be in order to succeed.
6. Suruí Carbon Project and the agenda of cultural preservation
This chapter contains the analysis of the results of my empirical study. Official and
representative documents related to the Suruí Carbon Project and the 50 Year Plan, as well as
the content of my interviews with the authors of the SCP, were analysed, and key ideologicaldiscursive formations that establish the agenda of cultural preservation were identified. The
role of specific ideological-discursive formations in constituting the SCP as an assemblage is
examined. Complemented by the theory of the dwelling perspective, the different elements of
the assemblage and their mechanisms are analysed from the point of view of how the objective
of cultural preservation is managed, and what instruments of fulfilling this objective the project
design offers.
6.1. Constructing a hybrid
The awareness of irreversible changes that have taken place on the TISS is very clearly stated
in all of the studied documents, and is reaffirmed in the interviews. The full extent of
irreversibility of change is, in fact, discursively given the status of common sense: to the point
that key statements operate on an underlying assumption that there is no way but to be
integrated in the new economic order, that there is no way but to live with the new material and
consumerist needs, that there is no way but to embrace the new institutional and ontological
frameworks in order to attain autonomy, no way but to integrate cultural influences, and no
way but to live with the religious influences. These historical interventions range from the
epistemological level (embracing non-indigenous systems of knowledge) to the level of
practical and tangible experience (non-indigenous material culture and non-indigenous
technologies), and the finality of acceptance of these interventions is expressed in the consistent
emphasis on the need of constructing a hybrid of knowledge systems, a hybrid of socioproductive strategies, a hybrid of technologies, a hybrid of cultural and religious paradigms, a
hybrid of lifestyles. What is being promoted as the plan of action with the end of preserving
traditional culture of the Paiter is, in fact, a process of construction of a hybrid, integrating precontact tradition and modernity. The authors often refer to it as a ‘dialogue’, emphasising that it
is a process, that an emergent entity is being constructed, which incorporates two disparate
worlds. Hybridity permeates all spheres of proposed strategic development, and while in some
spheres hybridity is considered with distinct confidence, with relay points in place and
represented as manageable, in other spheres it marks clear fractures, which are being managed,
32 or kept at the back of one’s mind for the time being (as will be examined in more detail further
in this chapter). A few discursive examples follow:
Thus, [the Paiter] sought assistance in the elaboration of a Management Plan of the
Territory, with the medium and long term horizons, being that in the process of this
construction, many Paiter Suruí spelled that it was almost impossible to live without an
interference into one’s culture, and that there was a need of the external culture for the
survival of a people. (Suruí et al. 2014, pp.250–251) (Author’s translation)
On knowledge and technology:
It is always with the possibility of dialogue between two types of knowledge [emphasis
added]: the ethno-knowledge, and the scientific knowledge, that the 50 Year Plan of the
Paiter Suruí was conceived, as a viable perspective of income generation in the TISS…
as well as of safeguarding the territory, among other possibilities that ensure cultural,
social, political, and environmental relevance. (Suruí et al. 2014, p.51) (Author’s
translation)
On socioeconomic models:
…And in this world I know, that I also need to have surplus. Therefore, I begin to live
these two cultures: the culture of production, which is solidary and aimed at
subsistence, but also aiming at production of surplus, because I need to buy other goods,
which the practice of my culture won’t give me [emphasis added]. (Cardozo 2015)
(Author’s translation)
On the concept of development – ‘ethnodevelopment’, as proposed by the 50 Year Plan
(Kanindé & Metairelá 2008, p.4):
So, this is what would be an ethnodevelopment – the development, which has a vision
of consideration for the traditional matters, for coexistence, traditional culture,
respecting all that. In other words, there is a development, which respects these lives
and these cultures, and, therefore, this development is not just what an economist, a
capitalist says about development [emphasis added]. (C. Suruí 2015) (Author’s
translation)
On keeping traditions and on the system of governance:
The ethnodevelopment is not maintaining [of tradition] without – without an
understanding that there has been a change. For example – the example you gave – the
Code was released as a result of a change in the system of governance of the people
Paiter Suruí. But this governance was constructed with a dialogue of two knowledges,
the traditional knowledge, and the non-traditional. For example, when there is
participation of the elders, this is a political system, an internal and traditional system of
governance. When one elects their representatives by voting and when there is a
mandate period – this is not cultural. It’s not cultural, but we make it adequate for our
reality [emphases added]. (C. Suruí 2015) (Author’s translation)
In Li’s terms, this hybridity marks a clear case of an assemblage, and it appears to be relatively
easy to distinguish between the elements of the assemblage: discourses, practices and
ideologies that are at work can be attributed to either the pre-contact tradition of the Paiter, or
to everything that is related to post-contact influence. Distinguishing between the parties to the
assemblage, on the other hand, is more complicated and can be done only partially from the
position and scope of my research. Judging by the exercise of agency, which is a possible way
to recognise parties to the assemblage, one can distinguish social bodies within people of
Paiter, who are either proponents of SCP, or are supporters of SCP (which makes them a
33 different group), or who disagree with the SCP for reasons that might also imply a division.
Externally, there is a great multitude of developmental, humanitarian, civilian, environmentalist
and governmental organisations and institutions, as well as other social entities, who operate at
levels of immediate proximity to the SCP or globally, often based continents away. While the
agency of these external parties is of fair significance, what is striking about the assemblage of
SCP is that its principal authors are quite explicit about their intention of using the assemblage
towards their specified goals, regardless, or even in a retaliation of the goals of other parties.
6.2. ‘Protagonism’
‘Protagonism’ is a term, which the main authors and propagators of the SCP have appropriated
(Suruí et al. 2014) in order to indicate what can be understood as one of the essential relay
points in the assemblage of SCP. When Almir Suruí gave a presentation on starting a REDD
project for other indigenous communities, he put an improvised seal saying ‘100% Indigenous’
on every slide (Suruí 2009). Considering that this indigenous community, as has been showed,
is conscious and accepting of the profound influence that the non-indigenous society has
exerted upon them, what is emphasised by claiming ‘100% indigeneity’ is that these people,
who call themselves and are called indigenous, are themselves the conscious and responsible
actors of their own projects. This is an example of what can be traced as a distinct ideologicaldiscursive formation, which establishes an understanding (and claims to naturalise it by not
explaining itself) that autonomy, independent execution of agency, freedom to decide one’s
own goals and means of attaining them – are ultimate guarantors of indigeneity. While it is
assumed that there is an evolving process of merging two worlds, whereby many elements from
the pre-contact world have already been replaced for good, the Paiter insist that they can
maintain their authenticity by actively exercising control of this process of evolution, dialogue,
and creation of hybrid forms. Putting it in Li’s terms, this ‘protagonism’ takes care of
‘authorising knowledge’ – selecting elements and epistemological base of the assemblage in a
way that responds to the objective behind the assemblage. While essentially a manifestation of
agency, once one breaks it down it becomes apparent that the concept of ‘protagonism’ poses
quite demanding implications for its agents. It doesn’t just mean that the initiative for the
course of development that the Paiter are to take must come from the Paiter themselves. It
emphasises that regular Paiter families also need to act out of their own initiative and become
the makers of their own future. Ultimately, the ‘protagonism’ of the Paiter Suruí fosters an
ambition of ensuring, that its hybrid ethnodevelopment integrates a sufficient component of
‘ethno’, and doesn’t water down to just ‘what an economist, a capitalist says about
development’, like Chicoepab Suruí, cited above, warns. The ‘protagonism’ of Paiter Suruí is
the expression of an autonomous agency that has a responsibility to integrate its ancestral
heritage into what is to become of the Paiter identity. A few discursive examples:
It’s not like the people work for the project [referring to activities under the SCP]. It’s
like this: the project is helping the realization of activities by the communities
themselves. … It’s not like the [Paiter] Foundation comes to them and says: ‘You will
work with this project’ – no… The community will develop agricultural production
according to its necessities… And the Foundation is only helping this process internal
to the community. (C. Suruí 2015) (Author’s translation)
… All this process of cultural recovery of theirs, it’s very complex. … But [it’s
happening] via an organic process, via their own process. This is what I find very
interesting – nobody came to them from the outside, it wasn’t Kanindé that came up to
them, no. They have their own organic process, they are doing the recovery. For
example, all the work of diagnostics, the ethnozoning, the Management Plan, all of
34 these things… who went after these things were the Paiter. We [Kanindé], before year
96 we didn’t even want to go near them7... (Cardozo 2015) (Author’s translation)
In the question of culture, the greatest difficulty is that there is youth who doesn’t
believe that culture is important, like we used to believe in the past. So, what’s missing
is for them to listen to their mothers and fathers. And this is why parents need to bring
up the awareness, so that their children become concerned. Because I understand that
the preservation of our culture doesn’t depend on anybody, it only depends on
ourselves, because we are the masters of our culture. (G. Suruí 2015) (Author’s
translation)
We discuss it [importance of maintaining one’s culture] from the other side also, for
example, if we do this, it will finish our culture, and it will destroy our identity, and at
the same time it will destroy our people. … If we would just follow the economic
system, it is something, which can finish off just anything, but no, we need to recognise
this, to balance these things out. (C. Suruí 2015) (Author’s translation)
The implied responsibility for maintaining a necessary component of one’s indigenous identity
in the process of the community’s development makes the discourse of the Suruí protagonism
an important relay point: it proposes to act as a conscious regulator of the process of hybrid
construction, managing disparate elements, ensuring that they compliment each other instead of
contradicting, so that the end result is in line with its goals. The assemblage of the SCP depends
on this IDF of protagonism as a relay point – however, as much as it indicates agency that is
already there and active, it imposes a demand on the rest of Paiter people to live up to this
protagonist image. While an imposition of a governing kind – implying a particular way of how
the Suruí ought to be as a party to the assemblage – it is quite dependant on the willingness of
its subjects to deliver what is expected of them. The Code of the Paiter Suruí is an embodiment
of this duality of governance and vulnerability: in the absence of an enforcement mechanism,
and with the immediate monetary incentive behind the ideals of the 50 Year Plan failing to
compete with what the prospect of logging offers, it leaves it for the leaders and the people of
Suruí themselves to serve as their own moral compass in choosing to follow those ideals. As
Chicoepab Suruí said do me, explaining, why the customs and cultural values are stated in the
code in such detail:
Yes, well, there are some families that still practice many of these things… But the
point is this – what we are aiming for here with this Code… Today, some people know
these things, but don’t teach it to the young people. We need to transfer it to the young
people, so that they have this knowledge, when there are no old people anymore – so
that the young people themselves have the knowledge… (C. Suruí 2015) (Author’s
translation)
The code, thus, exists as a documentation of what the customs and cultural values of the Paiter
are, but also its function is to put a moral responsibility on the Paiter to preserve their customs,
traditional knowledge and practices, and to make sure that those survive through generations to
come.
6.3. Relationship with the forest
It was mentioned in the previous chapter, that a research conducted by Chicoepab Suruí
(himself involved in the coordination of Metareilá and in the implementation of Project
Pamine) concerning the perceptions of the Suruí of their reforestation project – stressed very
strongly an association between recovering the forest and recovering the Paiter culture, since
7
With this last statement, Ivaneide Cardozo brings up the sale of timber, in which the Paiter where largely involved at the time.
35 the relationship with the forest is vital for the Paiter culture. The paper on ‘protagonism’ of the
Paiter, referred to in the section on protagonism (the paper was co-authored by Chicoepab,
Almir Suruí, Ivaneide Cardozo and two more researchers, external to the SCP project), also
brings up the relationship with the forest, referring to it as one of the essential elements in
maintaining the Suruí developmental projects true to the Suruí identity:
It needs to be emphasised that the actions within instrumental manuals ([Agroenvironmental] Diagnostics, Management Plan, Ethnozoning, among others) must all be
integrated, therefore, when one speaks of healthcare, one is also dealing with education,
food security, territorial protection, income generation, environment, housing, and
culture. In this sense, [the Paiter] understand that the particular way of life is intimately
linked to nature, especially the forest, which is of a great importance for the
sustainability of culture, tradition, rituals, food, and the very existence of the people…
(Suruí et al. 2014, p.254) (Author’s translation)
This paragraph basically states that all actions within a developmental process need to
converge, and that it is characteristic of the Paiter traditional way of life to have all their life
processes converge in the forest. The implication being that an ethnodevelopment in which the
Paiter are protagonists would also be converging in the forest – which is part of the explanation
why, upon the formulation of the 50 Year Plan with its multi-faceted objectives, priority was
given to a reforestation project as something that they need to start with:
Back then, there were 4 associations. And thus every clan with their association, they
started to, well, look at managing something that they want to do. And so back then the
clan Gamep [the clan represented by association Metareilá – key actor in the inception
of 50 Year Plan and PCS] started to reflect, what should we work with, be it this, this,
this or this, and so in 2004 they decided to work with a reforestation project. (A. G.
Suruí 2015) (Author’s translation)
Above is a citation form my interview with Arildo Gapame Suruí, whom I then asked why they
decided to prioritize reforestation, and his answer was:
Because they saw that, when reforestation was done in our territory, our forest began to
loose its richness. We didn’t see the noble wood anymore, because everything had
already been deported by the loggers, and we didn’t see a standing nut tree in our
territory anymore… Like this, by the village, right? We didn’t see a river in good health
close to the village anymore. We didn’t see hunting close to the village anymore, and
neither fishing. And the medicinal plants too, every time further from the village too,
and native fruits every time further from the village too. And the climate, which there
used to always be, you know. The villages that used to be fresh… they weren’t
anymore. So this [an unrecognised word] which we saw was what made us reforest,
because it was important for us to bring these things that the environment had lost back.
(A. G. Suruí 2015) (Author’s translation)
Combining the sensitivity to the forest environment described here with the converging
capacity that previous citations bestow the forest with, it appears fair to interpret that what is at
work here is the enhanced state of engagement with the forest, a state of direct relational
inclusion of a person in their environment, which Ingold referred to as the practice of dwelling,
experienced by the indigenous community in its purer form, the form of transcending and lived
engagement. Ingold’s reflection that modernity disrupts this direct experience of engagement in
the perception of individuals coincides with reported reflections of the Suruí, who lament a lost
practice of connecting with the forest – a relationship where everything in an individual’s
existence is obtained via engagement in the environment (Suruí 2013, p.51). In fact,
Chicoepab’s paper puts such a big emphasis on the importance of recuperating this lost
36 connection via the project of reforestation, that this ‘relational’ motivation is almost put in a
position of a greater priority than the goal of creating environmentally sustainable livelihoods.
This seeming prioritization corresponds to the 50 Year Plan’s goal of ‘changing paradigms’ as
was cited previously. But if one reflects on the full meaning of the dwelling experience, which
Ingold observed among the indigenous groups of hunter-gatherers, it is the inseparability of
livelihood-related activities and dwelling in the environment in general, that make the essence
of it. This consideration explains perfectly why the relationship with the forest is posed as the
key locus of convergence for projects under the 50 Year Plan. Hence the 50 Year Plan’s
attempt to return the relationship with the forest by initiating sustainable forest-related activities
that promise appealing economic returns – it can be interpreted as an attempt to close this gap,
a gap induced by monetary valuation – a gap between the people and their environment,
between production and life, between making a living and dwelling in an environment, between
a natural resource and the person’s social and physical relation with it.
Looking at this in terms of the assemblage theory, this is clearly a relay point – and an essential
one, which the authors of the 50 Year Plan and of the SCP themselves single out as the space
where all activities aimed at ethnodevelopment integrate. Indeed, according to the dwelling
perspective too, livelihood, culture, spirituality are located in the environment, in the process of
the individual’s relation to it, and not inside of the individual’s mind or otherwise separate from
the environment. Interestingly, the official documents of the SCP don’t quite discuss this point
in as much detail as research papers do – the documents mention this relay point somewhat
passingly, for example, the following general statement in the 50 Year Plan is one of the most
explicit mentionings I could find:
The self-sufficiency of various ethnicities by means of a sustained use of natural
resources would facilitate the maintenance of biodiversity on the territory, thus allowing
the sociocultural survival of these people, who still maintain a strong integration with
the forces that rein nature and man. (Kanindé & Metairelá 2008, p.4) (Author’s
translation)
In terms of discourse analysis, a discourse with such an important function for making sense of
the entire text (be it the 50 Year Plan or any specific project integrated into its system of
meanings), yet so modestly – if at all – pronounced, is a discourse with a high degree of
naturalization and is therefore a powerful one. That is, provided the text is read by the target
audience as it should, and the assumption of the relay point in question is made even without a
direct textual indication of this relay point. One can then conclude that discursive practices of
the 50 Year Plan and related projects reinforce the assemblage of SCP with its key relay point
in the relationship with the forest only on the condition that the reality of this relay point is
already established with the audience. I am, obviously, not in a position to assess this, but
Chicoepab Suruí would claim that it is:
I can tell you that we have the knowledge of the importance of the forest as a whole,
and there are people who do these illegal things in the forest knowing it… Exactly –
they know of the importance of the forest for their own life, but they are doing these
things, illegally exploiting the forest, it’s not because they don’t know of it’s
importance, they know, but they do it. But there are people who know of the importance
of the forest and are caring for the forest. (C. Suruí 2015) (Author’s translation)
In other words, while the relationship with the forest is an essential relay point in the
assemblage of the SCP, where indigenous and non-indigenous elements are being moulded
together under the guidance of the protagonism of the Paiter, and this relay point in itself might
be an intrinsic quality of the Paiter (albeit in the process of tangible deterioration), but even
relatively intact it is not enough to equip the protagonism with the motivation necessary to act
37 in preserving one’s ancestral identity through the process of development. Judging by
Chicoepab’s statement, a person from the Paiter is partial to being engaged with the
environment in principle, but they may choose to act in a disengaged manner, because by now
they are partial to both perspectives – employing Ingold’s terms: the dwelling perspective, and
the modernist one. At the very least, this duality is recognised by the authors of SCP, and, since
the success of their assemblage depends on the appropriate functioning of this ‘relationshipwith-the-forest’ relay point, their strategy is in translating this ‘ethnic’ relay point into the
modernist perspective – and that is, impressively, by rendering it technical.
6.4. Rendering the dwelling experience technical
The ambition of the Suruí Carbon Project is to preserve the dwelling experience of the Paiter
within their self-guided process of ethnodevelopment, and, as it happens, what they need in
order to stimulate and maintain their people’s engagement with the forest is the Suruí Carbon
Project itself. As well as other projects that offer a technical mechanism of economic returns,
designed to bring people back to engaging with the forest. As Chicoepab relates:
Today, we have a double meaning: looking at the forest as the forest that we had
culturally, which is our livelihood, which is our, our habitat, which has food,
medication… well, it is our home. The other side, which we also see, is the economic
value, which we’ve had since the contact, which is what’s on the agenda, as I have been
saying. So, we have this knowledge, let’s say that, that this knowledge of the economic
value of the forest came from the contact. We have these two meanings in the forest. So
this is our contemporary relationship with the forest, we see the forest with the idea of
economic value, and we see the forest, which is our environment, where we live, where
our dwelling is, where the food is, where there is health for us, where there are many
ways of living. (C. Suruí 2015) (Author’s translation)
Asked about how to balance out the two values, so that the instantaneous economic gain from
logging doesn’t compromise the lived value of the forest as a habitat, Chicoepab responds:
So, this is what I am saying, this is why we have different projects, for example,
artisanal crafts… for this, you can use the standing forest, but making income, selling
handicraft, selling nuts, these things. And the agricultural products we are supporting…
We’ve made an ethnozoning of our territory, right. So there are certain spaces that are
designated for the agricultural production. This is what guides us to use our territory in
the appropriate way. There are other spaces, which is a forest, let’s say, untouchable in
the sense of deforestation, but we can use this forest. Hunting, fishing, picking nuts,
picking handicraft [materials]. And there are other things, which are extractable. (C.
Suruí 2015) (Author’s translation)
Moreover, as Chicoepab then stressed, it is only a temporary stage, when the options of
sustainable production that are being developed can only deliver moderate economic returns –
enough for reasonable lifestyle, but ‘of course, no one is going to become rich, millionaire,
these things, but we just want to strengthen our survival’ (C. Suruí 2015) (Author’s translation).
With time, though, the plans are to develop somewhat industrialized production, so as to sell
not raw materials, but to industrially treat their crops themselves, which would be more
profitable (for example, making cookies of nuts, making flour and other products). This way,
‘in order to become rich, it is also a process’ (C. Suruí 2015) (Author’s translation). Thus, in
our conversation Chicoepab stressed a monetary incentive and a technical solution to deliver it,
which are meant to reinforce the dwelling experience, by ‘formatting’ this experience in a way
that would respond to modernist demands. It also needs to be stressed – and Chicoepab did
stress it to me – that both incentives – the monetary, and the intrinsic relational value of the
38 forest are thus appealed to simultaneously, and not by substituting the latter with the former in
order to ultimately arrive at the latter again.
The same income-generating technology of reviving the relational experience of one’s
engagement with the environment is also meant to restore one’s engagement with other human
beings, by promoting group activities and collaboration. A conscious objective is to mitigate
excess individualism, which, according to my respondents, has planted seed after the contact
and the monetization, undermining the social safety networks and the cultural capital which
used do depend on these collective activities. As Ivaneide Cardozo reports, however, this
technical solution to excess individualism is proving challenging:
For me, this question of economy is the most complicated one, because it messes with
the planting. Now people think – this plot is only for me. Before I used to go and plant
in a group, everybody would come and help me, today I go alone. And alone I lose
many cultural things, because before, to work on the land, there was music, there were
dances for working on the land… When the capitalist system installs itself it begins to
destroy things, which are important for culture. (Cardozo 2015) (Author’s translation)
This technical approach to managing hybridity and executing protagonism in accordance with
one’s indigenous identity applies to all of the ambitions of the SCP and the 50 Year Plan. In the
same way, the task of restoring the poetics of dwelling – the experience of communicative
relation to the environment, whereby its constituents are bearers of meanings and are the loci of
knowledge – was approached by rendering it technical. The partnership with Google Earth
Outreach was intended with this precise objective: to ensure that the TISS land continues to be
alive with meanings for its inhabitants, and that the people of Paiter engage in its narratives.
The Google Earth project of cultural mapping transferred this experience to the digital level –
which, arguably, indeed was an effective way to appeal to the younger generations, who are
under extensive influence of the non-indigenous media and technologies. Clearly, this is a very
different type of engagement with the environment and of the dwelling experience and
dwelling poetics to that of the hunter-gatherer communities whom Ingold based his theory on.
The engagement, which the SCP designs, is sought for because of a disengagement that has
already taken place, and is attained my means of that same disengagement. Interestingly, this
paradoxical combination of seemingly incompatible means and ends was reflected on by the
authors of the 50 Year Plan themselves:
Almir told me this – Almir Suruí – you need to think that we will go there … to the
religion, the culture, the way of existing of the non-indigenous, there will be pressure,
pressure, pressure until we go to the very bottom of things, where we will think that
nothing remains of our culture. But this pressure will make us recover, strengthen
ourselves, so that we will recover our cultural way of doing things. Because it is
fundamental for our identity. (Cardozo 2015) (Author’s translation)
In this interview Ivaneide Cardozo than draws a parallel with the ritual of Mapimaí, which
establishes unity of the tripe through assertion of disparity between the different halves of
participants. Similarly, she says, the identity of the Paiter is restored through the recognition of
cultural loss:
It’s how Almir said – so we will go down to where all the pressures from the outside are,
and we will restore our cultural identity. And this is a process, which I can see happening
to the Paiter starting 98 till this day. (Cardozo 2015) (Author’s translation)
In other words, by rendering the dwelling experience technical, by embracing what caused the
disengagement from one’s identity even to restore this very identity, it is definitely not the
intention of the authors of the SCP and the 50 Year Plan to give in to the hegemonic discourse
39 and let their cultural capital be replaced by the homogenizing developmental rhetoric of
modernity. The intention of the SCP is to retaliate, and such is the ideological content of the
discourses that render technical the struggle for cultural identity. While at this stage it is
impossible to comment on the success of such an ambition, what is apparent is that such
retaliation doesn’t occur without sacrifice.
6.5. Compromises
Continuing the assemblage analytic, it is easy to find fractures between the disparate elements
of the SCP, which are not quite managed by given relay points without giving up on some of
the stakes. The most striking fractures are presented in this section.
6.5.1. Religion
The question of religions is one, which the discourses of the SCP and the 50 Year Plan
carefully avoid. And, unlike the relationship with the forest, which is a presumption that can
claim operating at meta-level and doesn't need to be pronounced, the question of religion is
silenced because its controversy is disrupting to the intactness of the assemblage. As Ivaneide
Cardozo related in an interview (Cardozo 2015), it took 2 years to compose the Code of the
Paiter, and while a lot of this time was dedicated to discussions and ethnographic research,
which presented many discoveries for the post-contact born generations of the Suruí, the
process was prolonged in part by negotiations on one of the key controversies that divide the
contemporary society of the Paiter: the role of ancestral religion and spirituality. The
interviewee stated that a decision was taken to leave the discussion on religion without arriving
at an agreement for the time being, which is why this question is quite ignored by the published
text. Admittedly, the Code does make general statements about who the pajé is, and prescribes
the maintenance of quite a number of traditional practices, which almost certainly are of
spiritual and ritualistic significance, the feast of Mapimaí being the most obvious one. But no
particular spirit – and neither deity – is mentioned, and in the descriptions, the rituals are
stripped of their religious meanings (although other meanings might be emphasised, such as
health benefits). According to I. Cardozo (2015), who witnessed the negotiations, there are four
Christian churches established among the Paiter, and they wouldn’t agree on a common
representation between themselves, not to mention they have supressed the authority of the pajé
into inexistence: those of the Paiter who were born with the gift of connecting to the spirits
have now rejected their traditional spiritual status and have joined the church in order to not be
discriminated. Cardozo concedes that they still carry out their rituals, and continue to maintain
connection with the spirits, but they would carry out the rituals ‘saying the name of Jesus’
(Cardozo 2015). Interestingly, the same interviewee brings up another form of compromising
when stating one’s religious identity:
… If you are going to ask my [Christian] in-laws, if their religion was introduced from
the outside, they will say it wasn’t. They will say it’s traditional. They are mixing up
this whole religious process of the spirituality that they have with this new one, which
was introduced. Because it is a way for them not to feel excluded, not to feel
discriminated [emphasis added]. (Cardozo 2015) (Author’s translation)
Such a strategy can be interpreted as another expression of protagonism, which seeks to
exercise agency and manifest the independence of the Paiter identity. However, the expression
of spirituality is thus subjected to formatting and modification, potentially detrimental to its
essence. And, since it is such a sensitive matter, the dialogue, which the 50 Year Plan boasts
with respect to its other examples of hybridity, is not happening.
40 6.5.2. Rhythm of life
Prejudices, imposed on the rituals of the pre-contact Paiter by the Christian church, are not the
only obstacle to maintaining one’s lifestyle in accordance to ancestral customs. Knowing about
the religious controversies, I was asking my interviewees about the Code, and the explicit
rituals included in it, required of the people of Paiter as their duty. Contrary to my expectations,
while the respondents conceded to the difficulty of maintaining certain rituals and traditions,
the reason they voiced was not religious discrimination, but necessity to ‘live by the clock’ and
adapt to a rhythm of life imposed on them by the non-indigenous society:
Well, like I said, the culture went through a formidable change. So much so that today
we practically don’t have everyday rites, and, especially, rituals too, we don’t have,
because today our life is practically different. For example, I am here in the city, I have
my life of commitments to work every day, there in the village also somebody is a
teacher, they have a commitment to give classes every day, the healthcare agent is also
like this, this changed our life a lot. Now, we can perhaps schedule to carry out this kind
of ritual. That is, if we can schedule around our work timetables. Because we aren’t free
anymore like we used to be. Let’s put it like this. Because today we’re employees of the
state, employees of an NGO, employees… well, you can see. So, it requires of us to
dedicate time to our jobs, and it also compromises our carrying out our rituals today, the
way that we want. For example, we had a ritual that would last for many weeks – we
don’t carry it out anymore, because we have work commitments, because we’re
employees. (C. Suruí 2015) (Author’s translation)
Clearly, this is a perspective of an employee of the Association Metareilá, an NGO, which is
indeed based in a town, the municipality centre. The perspectives of the Paiter who live off
agricultural and extractive production within the TISS would probably differ, but it is
significant, that the ‘employees’ – the people, who work with implementing the 50 Year Plan
projects, who start implementation of all their culture-related projects with themselves – and
they are having such a serious obstacle in doing that. While, as Ingold lamented, clock time is
unnatural to persons-in-the-environment, and the social time of the Paiter – the time of their
ever-continuous productive engagement in the environment – is a loss of itself, the disruption
of the traditional rhythms of life has another profound consequence, which leads to one more
compromise.
6.5.3. Skilled practice of dwelling
Evidently, the ritual of Mapimaí, which would last for 6 months, was more than a ritual: it was
the ritualised dwelling process itself, the celebration of dwelling, reassertion of one’s relational
ties with the humans and non-humans that comprised their universe. Importantly, the Mapimaí
was a crucial institution for one’s enskillment. It is during the preparation for the feast of
Mapimaí that the youth would learn the crafts of bow-making, and necklace-making, and
pottery. It is during the journey to the site of the feast that histories will be discovered, as they
are inscribed in the landscape that is travelled. During the feast the youth learns the meanings
of body paintings, the ‘customs and languages’ (A. G. Suruí 2015) for the occasion. The hunt,
the collective clearing of a plot of land, the dances and songs – they comprise an experience of
dwelling, but, being ritualised, it is also a skill, which needs to be learned. Mapimaí,
apparently, was an essential institution for the enskillment of the Paiter, a space for younger
generation to inherit the skills of dwelling from the elders. These days, Mapimaí sometimes
wouldn’t be carried out for years, and, apart from the emblematic one in 2000 which lasted,
reportedly, for an entire year, the contemporary Mapimaí, according to Arildo Suruí, wouldn’t
last for more than a week, and that time is not nearly sufficient to learn enough to be able to
follow (A. G. Suruí 2015). As Arildo reflected, this might be a reason for the younger
generation to be less involved in the Mapimaí, when those do happen: for them it is a foreign
41 language, and they are not being given a sufficient space to learn it. The celebration of
Mapimaí is included as a priority into both the 50 Year Plan and the Code, but, evidently, the
realisation of this objective is more challenging than can be managed without exposing the
fractures of the assemblage. All accounts point to that, in the pre-contact times, Mapimaí was
an elevated, ritualised, and celebrated experience of convergence of the individual with the
constituents of their world. The relationship with the forest, which the SCP builds upon as a
convergence in which all of life processes integrate, used to be practiced as a skill, and the
expression of dwelling as an integral skilled practice would thus unfold to the individual during
the Mapimaí. Therefore, while the SCP has seemingly come up with a viable strategy of
sustaining the practice of a relationship with the forest itself, the maintenance of the skills of
such a practice seem to be substantially jeopardized. And it is unclear whether and how the
assemblage can ultimately manage this fracture.
7. Discussion
In this chapter, the results of my empirical study are brought into the discussion that was
reviewed in Chapter 4. A hypothesis, which was formulated at the end of that chapter as a
summarization of the existing discussion on REDD, ICDP, and CBFM projects, and on the
indigenous communities, is picked up and reflected on with the inputs of the empirical study
conducted above. Conclusions on the experience of my case under study are employed to
contribute to the general understanding, among the academia and among practitioners, of the
potential of the REDD framework with regards to preservation of local cultural integrity and
autonomy while delivering environmental goals.
7.1. Hegemony or heterogeneity?
Previously, I have observed quite a complete consensus among the analysts of CBFM projects
in terms of the predominant tendency of those to ultimately function as an intervention and an
imposition of external models with the objective and the corresponding effect to govern
communities, making them change their ways so as to fit the hegemonic doctrine of what
prosperity and sustainable development is, and how those are to be attained. For example, T.
M. Li (2007), examining their empirical data, made a firm conclusion that ultimately
assemblage is a governing instrument for the governing bodies, which can be attributed to
political or economic elite on micro and macro levels. This conclusion is complimented with
one that Pokorny (2013) made, on that CBFM projects tend to impose externally generated
solutions, based on externally interpreted problems, and following an external understanding of
the desired results, to localities, which have their particular realities that often are not reflected
on sufficiently or at all by the expert prescriptions, and that by not providing the locals with
effective platforms for contributing their local perspectives, this system enforces an
epistemological inequality and hegemony, which then translates into other kinds of inequality,
domination and oppression. The combined argument being that a monopolising and
homogenising epistemological imposition entails or is inevitably connected with hegemonic
subjection and control.
While in the case of SCP, there is a clear and extensive intervention of knowledge systems,
technical models and even philosophies of external origin into the fabric of project formulation
and execution (the language and framework of project formulation themselves being of external
origin by definition), the empirical data of this case definitely makes one hesitate before
proceeding to state that such an intervention entails subjection of communities to an external
governing will. As becames apparent from the history of Suruí Carbon Project formulation, and
from its discourses on the protagonism of the Paiter, the project is formulated and perceived by
its propagators as a vehicle for exercising autonomy and agency – not the least in order to
42 retaliate against the entities of political dominance in the region, such as state structures and the
private sector who support illegal logging operations. The autonomous formulation and
execution of the project were fought for with the clear recognition by the project authors that
their agency in appropriating these externally formulated models and discourses is the only
guarantor that they will be able to retaliate political submission, while preserving their
ontological identity and their distinct ideology throughout the project’s implementation. Of
course, it is of immense significance that this protagonist stance of SCP authors as direct
representatives of an indigenous community, aside from being something relatively rare in the
currently reported events related to REDD and CBFM – it is certainly not a factor replicable by
a an external governing project design. In other words, as a lesson in making a REDD CBFM
project favourable for the autonomy of local communities, this project can only advise future
planners and implementers to refrain from planning and implementing a REDD project unless
they are direct representatives of a local community, or are hired by one which is wellarticulated in its initiative and authority with regards to project formulation. As to local
communities, it is no coincidence, that the experience of SCP is closely watched by other
indigenous communities in the Brazilian Amazon (Polon 2015). To replicate the experience of
SCP in serving an indigenous community as an instrument of exercising autonomy and agency,
experience exchange and strategic planning at community level seem to be an appropriate step.
7.2. Cultural preservation, substitution, or creation?
On the other hand, as the example of SCP has demonstrated, the mechanism by which
epistemological intervention can be decoupled from the autonomy of indigenous groups in
formulating and realising their own projects – works both ways. While in the context of an
inevitable epistemological intervention, REDD being an externally formulated framework, it is
good news that indigenous autonomy can still benefit from this framework, it also means that
securing autonomy doesn’t by itself guarantee the preservation of local cultural capital – the
diversity of cultural and socio-productive systems, which Pokorny (2013) argued so much is
necessary for attaining both the environmental and the social goals of CBFM projects. The
experience demonstrated by the SCP by no means offers a deterministic result it this respect –
after all, the authors of the SCP themselves recognise that what they are dealing with is an
unfolding process, that the moulding of two disparate worlds is occurring to the effect of
emergy, and that the product of such a process will not be a complete preservation of a set of
old traditions, and neither their complete clear-cut replacement with new models and
paradigms. My interviewees have agreed that a new culture is being created on the basis of the
old one and under influences from the introduced world. In this emergetic process, they
emphasise their agency as an ideological compass, to guide this process to the end of
preserving just as much of their original culture, and just in such a form (a modified form,
admittedly), as they will find desirable and acceptable, considering their old and new values
and priorities.
Taking a closer look at the SCP’s strategy and experience of deliberately and ideologically
guiding this process of moulding, it is also impossible to deterministically assess the result. We
have observed, that the ideology at work in the SCP emphasises the convergence of life
processes in the relationship of the Paiter with the forest, in which the fundamental expression
of the Suruí identity is situated, according to the project’s ideology. Employing Ingold’s theory
on the dwelling perspective, we have interpreted this as an attempt by the Suruí to preserve
their dwelling experience, which is the essence of their traditional indigenous identity.
However, in their situation the Paiter found no other way of doing so than by employing the
very same mechanisms, which disengaged their experience and identity from the environment
in the first place. Impressively, this paradoxical approach doesn’t automatically appear to be a
doomed one, because the mechanisms of the SCP do seem to offer a viable route for the
43 individual to go back into a lived experience of relating to their forest environment – albeit
integrating skills and instruments, which in a large part do not originate in the pre-contact
traditions of the Suruí. On the other hand, we have observed a rather jeopardised state of the
skills of dwelling that had been fostered by the Suruí pre-contact tradition, which are loosing
their platform for reproduction as the lifestyles of the Paiter have shifted to new models of
temporality, new models of work, production, and social relations. Perhaps, the Paiter might
end up deciding that, provided they can maintain their experience of engaged living in the
environment, this by itself will be sufficient to qualify as preserving their cultural identity. In
that case completely substituting their pre-contact traditions of skills of dwelling with new
techniques – ones that more often then not bring one to engage with their environment via an
initial disengagement – would suffice and be acceptable. However, this doesn’t seem to be the
project of the Paiter for the moment – on the contrary, it is the stated and restated ideology of
the project to maintain as much of their traditional rituals, and skills of dwelling embodied in
the rituals, as possible. The results of my research can only point to the indefinite future of such
ambitions, and, as has been done in the previous chapter, distinguish the factors at work, which
have the potential of acting as both advantageous and undermining in this process.
7.3. Monetized indigeneity
As to the alleged specific role of market mechanisms, implied by REDD, in undermining the
cause of the indigenous people by making developmental models offered to them incompatible
with their way of relating to the world and formulating their productive strategies, the example
of the SCP demonstrates no such specific and detrimental significance. Having accepted the
irreversibility of impact, which monetization has already dealt to the social organization of the
Paiter, the SCP approaches market mechanism as one of many aspects of the introduced
modernity, which ultimately can be used either to the benefit or to the ruin of the cultural
integrity of the people, and, once again, the decisive factor is agency, and the ability of
technical solutions offered by the project to effectively incentivise its subjects into a desired
behaviour.
8. Conclusions
In this case study, the experience of the SCP in integrating the preservation of indigenous
culture into the formulation and implementation of a REDD project was explored, and the
results were brought into existing academic discussions on the potential of community based
forest management projects to address the dual goal of community development and
environmental preservation within the framework of REDD and in the context of the rights of
the indigenous people to preserving their cultural integrity and autonomy.
The empirical findings have highlighted, that, as a project of multiple goals – social, cultural
and environmental ones – and formulated at the crossing of at least two intellectual traditions –
that of the pre-contact Suruí, and that influenced by the modernity introduced to the Suruí postcontact – the SCP is an assemblage, composed of disparate elements with the objective of
generating improving results. Within this assemblage, notable relay points are: (1) the
protagonism of the Paiter Suruí in being the authors and conscious, ideologically and morally
motivated manipulators in the emergetic process of holding the assemblage together; and (2)
the experience of dwelling in the environment, specifically, in the forest – which, as discourse
analysis coupled to the theory of dwelling have showed – are reflected on by the Paiter as a
space of convergence of all their life processes and therefore a locus of their identity and
tradition, and is also the locus of their intended future development. The protagonism is a relay
point that relies wholly on the human factor. Partially the compliance with moral and cultural
expectations that this IDF imposes on the Paiter is left to their own willingness and
44 predisposition, and partially it is fostered and encouraged by a combination of technical and
promotional measures (projects of multiple incentives, including that of economic and cultural
values). The dwelling experience is an important relay point, the functionality of which
depends on the strategy of coping with the environment, which an individual chooses. Those
strategies depend, among other things, on the livelihood options chosen by people, and in order
to promote an engaged experience of dwelling, the authors of SCP have designed a technical
solution in order to incentivise an engaged choice of the livelihood strategy. While technical
solutions appear promising as to their functionality for providing and engaged experience of
relating to the forest, they are derived largely from knowledge systems and principles of work
organisation which are all external to those that conditioned traditional dwelling experiences of
the pre-contact Paiter Suruí. In this situation, the skilled dwelling practices, which are original
to the pre-contact Suruí culture loose platform for reproduction. According to the ideologies
declared by the SCP-related texts, their ancestral dwelling skills is something that they feel is
necessary to preserve in order to maintain their cultural identity – however, exactly how and
how much of those they will be able to preserve remains unclear, and mechanisms offered by
the project seem insufficient in this respect and therefore non-conclusive for the outcome.
Among contributions these empirical findings present for the academic discussion, the findings
suggest to question the assumption, constructed by existing analysis of the topic, that
epistemological intervention is inseparable from political submission and ultimate suppression
of the autonomy of local communities: such a hypothesis is not supported by the experience of
the SCP. On the other hand, my empirical study exposed that the specific ambitions related to
preserving indigenous culture of the Paiter, as is incorporated into the SCP, are only partially
provided with sufficient mechanisms of realisation of such ambitions. Therefore, autonomy and
agency in project formulation don’t automatically translate into the preservation of a greater
cultural diversity and diversity of socio-productive systems. Indeed, the experience of the SCP
attests to that, when autonomy and agency have been gained by local communities through
appropriation of external knowledge, the modification of local cultural and socio-productive
systems is inevitable, and the point of debate is how much they are to be modified and in what
aspects, and not whether they are to be modified at all. Reflecting on this study result, one can
only hope and assume that at least the possession of agency leaves more room for the
communities to end up with the cultural outcome that they would stand by, and with the
developmental models that they will invest in in order for those to deliver environmental goals
(bearing in mind, of course, that it was never their conscious choice to be subjected to the
consequences of the contact in the first place, which still makes theirs a discriminated side).
9. Acknowledgements
I express my gratitude to Chicoepab Suruí, Arildo Gapame Suruí, Gasodá Suruí and Ivaneide
Bandeira Cardozo – my interview respondents in the Amazonian state of Rondônia, Brazil,
who invested effort and time, managing their busy schedules so as to speak with me,
contributing material of essential value to my empirical study. And I would like to express deep
and genuine admiration and appreciation of the courageous, innovative, and dedicated work of
these individuals and of their colleagues, which is serving as an inspiration and a valuable
source of insight for the global cause of mitigating climate change and overcoming social
inequality.
I am sincerely grateful to Professor Elisabeth Almgren, Professor Cecilia Mark-Herbert, and
Professor Oscar Jansson for support, advice, patience and assistance, granted to me in the
process of writing this Master thesis.
45 With my deepest appreciation I thank my mother, Julia Mironova, to whose motivation,
support, and laborious contributions I owe entirely the very fact of being able to study on this
Master Programme and to accomplish this research. With equal appreciation I would like to
thank my grandparents, Maya and Aleksandr Drazhnyuk, whose care and encouragement
supported me through the most strained and stressful period of work on this thesis, which was
conducted in unexpectedly complicated and limiting conditions. I am also truly thankful for
contributions that conversations with my friends Melanie, Isla, Alisa, Sophia, Danny and Elan
have brought into my work on this paper. Last, but not the least, I would like to thank all my
friends and colleagues, whose presence in my life was an important source of energy and
inspiration for me in completing these studies.
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pp.576–596.
Yin, R.K., 1991. Case study reserach: design and methods, London: SAGE Publications.
Available at: http://faculty.washington.edu/swhiting/pols502/Yin.pdf [Accessed August
5, 2015].
50 Zwick, S., 2013a. Brazilian Cosmetics Giant Buys First Indigenous REDD Credits. Ecosystem
Marketplace. Available at:
http://www.ecosystemmarketplace.com/pages/dynamic/article.page.php?page_id=9932
[Accessed August 3, 2015].
Zwick, S., 2009. Brazilian Tribe Solidifies Claim on Carbon. Ecosystem Marketplace.
Available at:
http://www.ecosystemmarketplace.com/pages/dynamic/article.page.php?page_id=7382
&section=home [Accessed August 3, 2015].
Zwick, S., 2013b. Ecosystem Marketplace - Almir Suruí: Perseverance Under Pressure.
Ecosystem Marketplace. Available at:
http://www.ecosystemmarketplace.com/pages/dynamic/article.page.php?page_id=9956
&section=news_articles&eod=1 [Accessed August 2, 2015].
11. Appendix: Interview transcripts
This appendix contains the original transcripts of my interviews with the representatives of the
SCP in Portuguese. The order, in which these interviews are presented, corresponds to the
chronological order of their conduction. Each interview would begin with introductory phrases
(words of gratitude, self-presentation of the interviewer – myself, short description of the
purposes of my research), and would finish with repeated expressions of gratitude,
arrangements for a possible follow-up interview, and goodbyes. These parts, being less
substantial to my research in terms of content, together with particularly lengthy digressions
from the topic of my research in the course of the interviews, are omitted in these transcripts.
Some parts are also omitted for being potentially sensitive information, which I didn’t feel I
was being allowed to publish.
11.1. Interview with Chicoepab Suruí, conducted by Skype on June 25th,
2015
Q: Qual é o seu cargo atual com a Metareilá, e se esta envolvido em algumas atividades que
são parte de Plano de 50 Anos?
A: Eu tou envolvido com monitoramento e acompanhamento de projetos, que são apoiados
pelo Fundo Paiter Suruí.
Q: E o Fundo Paiter Suruí esta desenhado para acumular recursos, inclusive de Projeto
Carbono Suruí?
A: Isso.
Q: Quais projetos está acompanhando no momento?
A: Projeto de agricultura, criação de porcos, apoiando agricultura de banana e criação de
galinha. Também estamos apoiando projeto de castanha.
Q: Qual é a percentagem das pessoas que estão envolvidos?
A: Tem famílias nas varias aldeias... [Nomes das aldeias] E tem mais de 4 família cada aldeia...
51 Q: E a participação esta voluntaria... Vocês promovem esse ideia pra elas?
A: Não é que as pessoas tão trabalhando no projeto. A coisa e assim, que o projeto esta
apoiando na execução das atividades das comunidades. Uma comunidade vai trabalhar... não e
que o fundo tá dizendo ‘vocês vão fazer o projeto tal’ – não... A comunidade vão fazer a
produção agrícola conforme a sua necessidade... E a penas o fundo tá apoiando isso dentro das
comunidade, por exemplo... Eu, né, se eu quero produção de banana, ei eu vou falar que eu
tenho a produção de banana, e ai, como que o fundo vai poder ajudar, vai procurar mercado, vai
me dar roçadeira... entendeu? Mas tem um grupo aqui na Metareilá que tá organizando isso pra
chegar nas comunidade...
Q: E as atividades estão propostas pela Metareilá, ou como e?
A: Não, não, as atividades não são propostas, a Metareilá, antes de começar, ela fez o Plano, e
as pessoas disseram que, que o Fundo vai ajudar na produção agrícola sustentável, vai ajudar na
fortalecimento da... das associações... vai poder ajudar na cultura... e fortalecimento do próprio
fundo. Então são esses eixos que no momento o fundo tá apoiando. Não tem atividade
detalhada assim, que e a Metareilá vai apoiar a produção de banana... Isso e a comunidade que
vai trazer a sua necessidade: ‘O, eu quero trabalhar com a produção de banana’... Mas só que
foi decidido que a Metareilá vai ajudar na produção agrícola e extrativista... Ai a comunidade
chega assim: ‘Eu quero banana, ou café...’ e assim, ela vai ajudar nisso... dar equipamento pra
que a produção da pessoa melhora. Essa ajuda não é em dinheiro, mas sim em... equipamento –
o que que a pessoa tá precisando?
Q: A motivação vem das famílias então?
A: Isso. As atividades que eles estão querendo vem da necessidade das comunidades.
Q: Você mencionou agora a cultura...
A: E, fortalecimento cultural também, ne...
Q: Fiquei com essa impressão, também muito pela sua dissertação de mestrado [...] que o
fortalecimento cultural e ate o resgate da cultura... é, pode ser dito que é um dos objetivos
centrais do Plano de Manejo de 50 anos...
A: Os eixos temáticos que a gente tá trabalhando são: fiscalização meio ambiente, segurança
alimentar, né, que e a produção sustentável, aquilo que eu falei da banana, do café, do arroz, da
castanha, do artesanato... isso visa tudo – um tipo assim, gerando renda pras comunidades...
fortalecimento institucional... ai tá dando um suporte técnico e ao mesmo tempo algum tipo de
apoio pra [...] da base... desenvolvimento implementação de mecanismo financeiro, a gente tá
fortalecendo também o fundo né, esses são 4 eixos que a gente tá trabalhando agora.
Q: Sim, entendi... e na sua visão, quais atividades contribuem para o desenvolvimento de
cultura, exatamente?
A: Da cultura... apoiando os projetos...
Q: Projetos de agricultura?
52 A: Não, projetos da cultura, você falou da cultura ne? A gente tá apoiando alguns projetos da
cultura, assim que a gente fortalece, por exemplo artesanato e uma cultura... [...] aqui a gente tá
fortalecendo a venda, e as pessoas estão aprendendo a fazer também. Porque hoje em dia os
mais velhos ensinam os jovens, e antigamente não tinha essa iniciativa - hoje tem, que o
jovem... tendo duas funções, ela tá querendo aprender, não e, tá querendo aprender pra fazer
artesanato pra vender, mas não importa, pelo menos a pessoa tá sabendo fazer artesanato, não
e? E a gente apoio também identificação das plantas medicinais – isso e uma cultura, porque os
jovens não sabem quais são as plantas medicinais, mas eles - alguns foram aprendido esses
tipos de medicina, então a gente apoia também esses tipo de projeto, isso e uma cultura, não e.
Também... é aquilo que eu falei – historias. A gente também apoia um projeto que ensina as
pessoas aprender contar – resgate da historia, de artesanato.
Q: E esses – o resgate de historia, como é, vocês coletaram?..
A: Não, a gente reúne com os mais velhos, eles contam historia como que foi, e a gente fica
gravando, e ai tem equipamento pra gravar, depois editar, e guardar pra nos mesmo. E a
medicina também a mesma coisa.
Q: E esse conhecimento divulgado – tem umas iniciativas que ficam divulgando esse
conhecimento depois?
A: Não, não divulgado pra fora, mas pode ser divulgado dentro das escolas, que a gente esta
fazendo isso – pras próprias crianças Paitar Suruí aprender da escola.
Q: Então tá sendo ensinado agora, ou esta em preparação?
A: E o... [...] são gravado, passado em CD... ai os professores vão aprendendo depois repassa lá
na escola, e já te cria uma atividade escolar, trabalho encima daquela historia.
Q: E já tem essas atividades nas escolas, estão acontecendo?
A: Sim! A gente aprenda a língua materna. Então isso tá dentro da matéria da língua materna.
Q: E as crianças agora crescem falando língua materna ou Português?
A: A criança não aprende a falar, a criança aprende na escola a escrever a língua materna,
porque ela já sabe falar desde da sua casa, com os pais. Ela só vai aprender na escola a escrever
sua língua. E também aprende o Português também. Escola bilíngue na verdade.
Q: Muito bom, sim... e – mais? Tem outras atividades que são de preservação cultural?
A: E – isso a gente começou a fortalecer a parte dessas ideias desse projeto que a gente teve né.
Conhecimento da floresta... tudo isso é cultural, né. Porque a gente... nos povos indígena temos
o conhecimento da floresta, hoje em dia a gente não tem, não damos valor nisso. A parte disso
a gente começou a tentar resgatar isso.
Q: E os jovens estão motivados para aprender sobre a floresta?
A: como toda a sociedade... nem todos estão, né, mas claro que a maioria estão querendo
aprender. Quer saber, né. Mas não vou dizer que são todos os jovens, claro que tem alguém que
53 é cabeça dura, né – não quer saber isso, mas claro que tem bastante jovens que querem saber
isso. Agora o numero não sei quantas pessoas.
Q: Eu li um artigo [...] que tem a parte que diz que ‘o modo de viver peculiar do povo está
ligado intimamente a natureza’, especialmente a floresta... como está a atualidade disso
agora? Como é essa situação da ligação com a floresta, quando as pessoas convivem com a
floresta na intimidade, que cria também o valor cultural? Como você diria – como está a
situação dessa relação cultural com a floresta agora? [...]
A: Eu vejo que a gente tem uns... a gente tem assim um trabalho assim... a gente tem uma
historia, né.Que aconteceu, que a gente teve contato, a gente teve que entrar numa cultura, e a
gente conheceu cultura nova que a gente não sabia e a gente começou a perder a nossa cultura,
né. A gente teve um projeto que troce essa ideia, que e o projeto de reflorestamento, que troce
pelo menos pra algumas Paiter Suruí tentar resgatar esse valor, essa importância da floresta que
a gente tem. Isso é aquilo que tou falando, nem todos reconhecem esse valor. Mas tem maioria
que reconhecem esse valor, como indígena. E hoje, a gente tem duplo sentido: ver a floresta, a
floresta que a gente tinha como culturalmente, é aquela floresta que é o nosso meio de viver,
que tem nosso, como nossa habitação, que tem alimentação, que tem medicamento, tem...
enfim, é nossa moradia. Outro lado é que a gente veja também o valor econômico a partir desse
contato, o atual que eu tou falando. Enato a gente tem esse conhecimento, vamos supor assim,
porque esse conhecimento, o valor econômico da floresta, veio a partir do contato. São esses
sentidos que a gente tem na floresta. Então isso e a nossa relação atual com a floresta, a gente
tem um duplo sentido com a floresta, a gente veja a floresta de ideia de valor econômico, e ao
mesmo tempo a gente [veja] a floresta que, como nosso ambiente, onde a gente mora, que é
nosso lugar de moradia, de alimentação, que tem saúde pra nos, que tem varias formas de viver.
Como falei, a gente tem medicamento lá, são as plantas medicinais, então isso é, como resgate
da nossa cultura também, porque isso é nossa cultura.
Q: Mas tem pessoas entre as quais essa visão de floresta esta perdida?
A: Não, não é isso que eu tou falando, a gente reconheceu isso a parte do projeto que a gente
teve que é o projeto de reflorestamento. Porque a cultura, que a gente se inseriu, troce uma
cultura assim pra acabar com a floresta, e a gente sentiu, percebeu isso... que dai agora estão
tentando conscientizar as pessoas pra reconhecer esse valor da floresta.
Q: [...] e essa visão da floresta [como o ambiente] esta viva entre as pessoas, e apenas é
fragilizada, ou tem alguma parte do povo para os quais não esta mais atual essa visão?
A: Eu posso dizer pra você que nos – temos conhecimento da importância da floresta, como
todo, né, e tem gente que faz coisas ilegais na floresta sabendo... Isso – sabe da importância da
floresta, pra sua vida, só que, quando faz coisa, exploração ilegal da floresta – não e porque não
sabe da importância, ele tá sabendo, mas tá fazendo. E tem gente que sabe da importância da
floresta, e tá cuidando da floresta. Isso e a ideia dos Suruí que eu tou falando.
Q: Então fica que quando foram desmatando, eles sabiam da importância da floresta, mas pra
eles... o valor econômico... eles priorizaram, digamos assim, os bens econômicos mercantis,
não é... sobre o valor da floresta?
A: Sim... Porque eles querem fazer por fazer mesmo, né... tá achando que... que o valor
econômico – eles estão só explorando um lado, que é o valor econômico, ai tem gente que tá
explorando dois lados que eu falei: a importância da floresta, e ao mesmo tempo usando a
54 floresta do valor econômico. Sustentar floresta – sustentabilidade da floresta. Ai tem gente que
só tá usando o valor econômico e nem tá pensando na sustentabilidade da floresta.
Q: Então parece que tem um choque entre as duas culturas nesses sentido, porque tem duas
percepções diferentes da floresta, que é como o ambiente próprio, ou que é um fonte de lucro.
[...] é muito importante o equilíbrio desses dois lados... porque se o valor econômico da
floresta fica visto com uma importância exagerada, isso mina a função da floresta como um
meio ambiente...
A: Isso, então isso é a ideia central do Projeto Carbono, né. Que a gente reconheceu a floresta,
como nosso lugar de morar, e ao mesmo tempo reconheceu o valor econômico da floresta –
mas floresta em pé, né?
Q: E como você acha, como se pode manter um equilíbrio bom, para que o valor econômico
não fica fragilizando o valor da floresta em pé [...]? Como o Projeto pode equilibrar esses dois
lados, para que um não fica minando o outro?
A: Então, é isso que eu tou falando, por isso a gente tem vários projetos, por exemplo,
artesanato... isso você pode utilizar a floresta em pé, mais gerando renda, né, vendendo
artesanato, castanha, né. E os produtos agrícolas que a gente tá apoiando... a gente fez um
etnozoneamento do nosso território, né. Então tem alguns espaços que são propriamente ditos
para a produção agrícola. E isso que orienta a gente usar o nosso território de forma correta.
Tem outros espaços que são uma floresta, vamos supor assim, intocável no sentido de
desmatamento, mas essa floresta a gente pode utilizar. Casando, pescando, tirando castanha,
tirando artesanato. E tem outras coisas que são extrativistas.
Q: Não tem perigo que as possibilidades econômicos de desmatamento aparecem melhor para
as pessoas do que as possibilidades do uso sustentável?
A: Não, claro, que é um risco, né.Tem um grande risco de aparecer isso também, só que... A
gente discute por outro lado também, por exemplo, se a gente fizer isso, isso acaba com a nossa
cultura, e isso vai acabar também com a nossa identidade e ao mesmo tempo acabar o nosso
povo. O sistema econômica é muito forte porque é nossa cultura, e a gente conhece isso, então
a ideia de discussão é a base disso. Se a gente for pelo sistema econômico, é uma coisa que
acaba com seja o que for, mas não, a gente tem que reconhecer isso pra tentar equilibrar as
coisas.
Q: Sim, então o sistema econômico apenas prioriza o que dá mais lucro, mas vocês querem
equilibrar com os valores culturais?
A: Ahá, claro que ninguém vai ficar rico, milionário, isso, mas a gente quer apenas fortalecer a
nossa sobrevivência. Isso acho que já é fundamental.
Q: Então, como eu entendo, a ideia do projeto é promoves esses [valores culturais] como mais
importantes do que o valor econômico...
A: É, claro que a produção tem a sua geração de renda, e a gente quer fortalecer isso também,
mas só que não de uma forma muito... de extensão maior. Aquilo que eu falei. [...] A coisa que
preocupa com aquilo que eu falei, a pessoa virar num dia pra outro um empresário, mas é um
processo [...] pensando em isso. Mas tem isso também na sobrevivência da pessoa de viver
55 bem, se tem condições de ter o que quer, por exemplo se quiser comprar roupa, quiser comprar
comida – tem condições disso.
Q: Sim. Mas tem limite, né, para o quanto a pessoa pode querer?..
A: Por exemplo, só pra você ter uma ideia, na castanha a gente pode ter muita produção, mas só
que não só pra vender a natura, a gente pode criar uma empresa pra castanha que pode fazer
macarrão, fazer biscoito, pode vender – isso, se começar a fazer isso, ai vai produzir muito, dar
um curso retorno bastante em dinheiro. Agora só vender a castanha natura – e um valor
pequeno, claro, mas só que a questão é melhorar – isso, entendeu, criar um local de
beneficiamento da castanha, ai com isso o Suruí pode colher castanha, o próprio Suruí pode
trabalhar, fazer biscoito, fazer bolacha, e vender isso no mercado. E banana também é a mesma
coisa, na medida que vende a banana natura é barato, mas na medido que vai colher banana e
fazer aqueles tipo de coisa que a gente faz com banana e vender pro mercado – ai, venho
recurso em dobro. Ou mais ainda. Então a gente tá pensando nesse sentido. Ai com espaço
pequeno vamos supor assim, no máximo 5 famílias fazer de banana, 3 aldeias fazer de banana,
e vai vender bastante.
Q: Mas, pelo menos no inicio não pode virar rico?
A: É, pra virar rico e também um processo né.
Q: Mas no futuro, com desenvolvimento dessas praticas...
A: Sim, sim, é o que eu tou falando, a questão é desenvolver a pratica, né, vamos envolvendo,
conforme nossos necessidades, conforme nosso conhecimento, a gente vai buscando e
aprimorando isso. Fazer beneficiamento de banana, de castanha de hortos.
Q: Mas inicialmente, para começar a participar nesse projeto, qual é a motivação que você
acha é a mais forte? Para ter um retorno econômico muito bom no futuro, ou para a vida
própria sustentável, a vida autossustentável, com tudo o que precisa para a sobrevivência, mas
não, digamos, muito além. [...] porque é assim que o povo era antes de contato...
A: Não, é difícil voltar a como era antes do contato, porque a influencia é realmente, era mais
de... pelo menos a gente [...] conscientiza as pessoas a importância da nossa produção. Como
atualmente falando, falando dessas importâncias. Mas [...] é difícil de uma pessoa retornar a
fazer viver como era antes.
Q: Mas vocês estão divulgando o valor própria da floresta...
A: Sim, tem que conscientizar...
Q: Mas a visão de longo prazo é que não é o valor próprio da floresta, mas o valor econômico
que vai mobilizar as pessoas?
A: Isso.
Q: E, então, a educação que integra valor da floresta – esta espalhada em todas as aldeias?..
A: São todas as aldeias, porque toda aldeia tem uma escolinha.
56 Q: E todas tem essa educação?
A: Isso.
11.2. Interview with Arildo Gapame Suruí, conducted by Skype on July
1st, 2015
Q: Pode contar um pouquinho sobre o seu cargo – você é coordenador geral da Metareilá –
desde inicio?
A: Sim, desde início. Então... Aqui na Metareilá eu tou 6 anos diretamente, e hoje eu ocupo
cargo de secretario. E assim... só que o meu trabalho é quase a mesma responsabilidade do que
o coordenador geral. Assim, eu acompanho quase todos os processos, que são projetos, a
execução dos mesmos, os planos... Assim, os projetos e o trabalho que envolve a Metareilá.
Q: Então você e como o coordenador na pratica.
A: Sim. Ai assim, a única coisa que eu não faço quando o coordenador não esta aqui é assinar.
Ai na ausência dele eu, assim, pelo [...] nosso, eu assino algumas coisas. Ai, quando é uma
coisa bem maior, ai eu não posso resolver sozinho, né, ai eu tenho que ver quando é que ele
vem, e juntamente com a nossa equipe a gente decide o que que a gente pode fazer, quando é
uma coisa bem maior.
Q: E você foi envolvido também na criação de plano de 50 anos?
A: Sim... assim, esses processos, ela iniciou quando eu táva aqui dia qual, quando táva
iniciando, ai eu sai, pra Porto Velho, para capital de estado aqui, pra fazer curso, uma
faculdade. Ai, assim, eu acompanhava via internet, depois eu via visitar, eu participava em
algumas reuniões assim. A minha presencia não era 100%, mas a minha participação foi
participar em alguns encontros, reunião grande, assim. Só que eu cheguei depois que o Plano já
táva bem concluído, já tinha sido publicado. Eu acompanhei mais o Plano de Projeto de
Carbono Mesmo. Que é um Projeto que faz parte de alguns tema, de algumas programas
temáticas que faz parte de Plano de 50 anos.
Q: Como eu compreendi, o Projeto Carbono Suruí é importante para o Plano de 50 Anos
porque esta desenhado para fornecer o orçamento né?
A: Sim.
Q: Então nesse sentido ficam ligados os 2 né?
A: Sim. É assim. O projeto de carbono, ela faz parte de programa temática que é meio
ambiente. E também sustentabilidade econômica. Essas 2 coisas que tá dentro do Plano 50
anos. Assim, nos tivemos ultimamente elaborando alguns planos de negocio, que foi a da
castanha, de artesanato, de ecoturismo. Só que do projeto de carbono desses [...] é o que deu
mais certo, é, no momento. Os outros a gente faz, só que com bastante dificuldade ainda.
Q: Sim. Mas como é... o Projeto Carbono Suruí é a fonte de orçamento principal, mas a ideia é
que as outras atividades autônomas do povo vão passar a ser uma fonte maior, mais
confiável... que é essas atividades de produção comercial?
57 A: Sim. Dentro da historia dos projetos que uma instituição indígena obteve aqui no estado ou
no Brasil, então a fonte de recurso conseguido via, pelo projeto de carbono, ela é hoje a fonte
maior mesmo.
Q: [Pedindo explicar melhor.]
A: Tou falando assim. Hoje dentro das nossas associações Suruí, ou de associações de outros
povos, nos nunca conseguimos um recurso maior como a gente conseguiu com projeto de
carbono.
Q: Então isso foi o mais efetivo de todos?
A: Ai quando a gente viu que a gente conseguiu o maior valor de recurso com projeto de
carbono, a gente assim... dos programas que estão previstos para implementação durante 50
anos dentro do plano, nos vemos as coisas mais urgentes, replanejarmos para a execução desses
programas que a gente considerou urgente, importante agora no momento, para ser executado
agora no momento. Ai esses foram proteção territorial, foi a fiscalização e vigilância do
território, a produção sustentável, segurança alimentar e produção sustentável, depois
valorização da cultura, depois fortalecimento da governança, do sistema da governança Paiter,
que esta mais focado para o fortalecimento institucional.
Q: O que me mais interesse é como o componente cultural esta integrado nisso tudo. Você
falou agora que a valorização da cultura foi considerado como um dos objetivos mais urgentes
para atender, né?
A: Uhum.
Q: Você poderia compartilhar a sua perspectiva de como foi que esse exatamente objetivo foi
integrado nos que vão ser atendidos pelo plano de 50 anos com os orçamentos de Projeto
Carvono Suruí? Como foi que a valorização cultural foi concebido dentro desse plano?
A: Para começar, eu diria que assim... com projeto de carbono a gente viu a necessidade de a
gente reorganizar assim... como povo. Ai antes, no momento quando a gente táva pensando ou
elaborando esse plano, só vemos dinheiro e coisas do homem branco, que é uma casa boa,
carro, assim. Só que ai quando a gente veio [...] a valorização da cultura, vemos a importância
dela e o risco que ela tem só quando fazemos o estudo sobre o impacto social. E ambiental
também.
Q: O impacto social de contato?
A: Sim... o impacto ambiental que poderia ser trazido pelo projeto de carbono.
Q: Então essa pesquisa de avaliação do impacto ambiental, de impacto social ligado a ele...
essas todas foram motivados pelas iniciativas do projeto carbono?
A: Eu tou falando assim, porque assim... Com essa avaliação a gente veio ver a necessidade de
um sistema de governança que poderia tar sendo feita pelo participação dos 4 clãs que os Suruí
tem. Ai que vemos a necessidade de se fundar uma instituição que hoje temos que é o
parlamento Paiter?
58 Q: Então vocês chegaram a ver a cultura como algo que deve ser valorizado, deve ser
resgatado, talvez através de projeto carbono, então?..
A: Assim, esse Parlamento Paiter, ele tem participação dos 4 clãs Suruí, ai as pessoas que faz
parte do parlamento Paiter... a missão dele quando foi excluído é dar valor a cultura e também
sabendo quais são os planos, e caber ajudando o líder maior dos Suruí a conduzir para uma
coisa melhor no futuro. Assim, sem deixar sua cultura perder o seu valor.
Q: Enato isso foi ema das responsabilidades do parlamento Paiter?
A: Sim. Ai eu vejo que esse ponto que eu falei é importante também como valorização de
cultura que o projeto de carbono troce.
Q: E de qual forma pode ser executada essa responsabilidade? De qual forma o parlamento
pode cuidar da cultura?
A: Assim, o parlamento... cada pessoa tem a sua área de atuação. Cada pessoa que faz parte do
parlamento ela... assim, pra começar esse parlamento ele mora na aldeia. Ele fica mais na aldeia
do que tá fazendo as politicas fora da aldeia. Então eles em contato com Labiway, com o líder
maior, eles... dentro das atividades a ser realizadas anualmente com cada aldeia eles também
veiam quais os eventos culturais que sempre foram realizados pelo Suruí e que devem ser
realizados este ano. Só um exemplo. Eles reúnem, se ha a necessidade de realizar o evento
cultural esse ano, ou o ano que vem. E também eles também abrem pra as associações dos
Suruí, com o [...] dentro do seu planejamento das instituições algumas atividades referente a
cultura. Que a confecção de artesanato pelas mulheres e pelos homens também. Que e feito via
oficinas.
Q: Só confirmar – parlamento, ele tem poder de incentivar essas atividades dentro das suas
aldeias?
A: Sim. Assim... eles tem o poder assim de decidir criticamente. Assim, eles acompanham a
implementação do projeto das associações, ai vê se a família ou aldeia esta satisfeita com a
implementação do projeto, ai então na reunião deles eles refletem se uma família ou uma aldeia
esta descontente com o que tá sendo feito pelas associações. Ai eles – o papel deles é orientar o
líder maior, as associações e também fazer uma nova proposta numa reunião. Isso deve ser
feito dessa forma ou então desse jeito. Ou com a participação somente das aldeias ou das
associações, ou então eles discutem ponto as situações que estão sendo feitas dentro do
território Suruí.
Q: Entendi. Então, esses objetivos de valorização cultural, eles estão propostas pelos membros
do parlamento, ou estão oferecidos pra eles? Quer dizer – o parlamento foi desenhado com
esse papel, ou os próprios membros reconheceram, colocaram esses objetivos?
A: Assim, a iniciativa de ver a importância disso, ela partiu da comunidade mesmo, é da
comunidade essa iniciativa. O papel do Parlamento é acompanhar. E ver se tá sendo feito ou
não bem feito. Só que o papel do Parlamento não é só acompanhar esses coisas culturais. Ele
tem o papel também de cobrar o comprimento da implementação das politicas publicas das
municípios, do estado, assim.
Q: E na própria comunidade como esta articulada a vontade para a valorização cultural? De
que forma as pessoas manifestam?
59 A: A realidade hoje não e bem igual como a gente tinha antes. E bem difícil hoje a gente ver a
reação, a atitude, a vontade das pessoas de hoje, que as pessoas lá, antes do contato ou [...] sem
contato. Significa que quando associação, ela coloca essas atividades dentro do planejamento
da associação a ser implementada esses ano, ano que vem, né... ela não consegue [...] pra fazer
essa atividade ... [ligação caiu].
A: [continuando] Eu estava falando que quando a gente faz essa atividade da cultura, mesmo
que a ideia partiu da comunidade, não conseguimos reunir 100% das pessoas para essa
atividade. Ai tem vários motivos, as vezes os jovens estão estudando fora do território ou então
fora da aldeia, ou então assim, uns não querem mesmo, não se sentem a vontade de participar
naquela atividade [...] então a gente consegue reunir o publico suficiente para fazer essa
atividade, não 100%, mas o mundo suficiente para essa atividade. Só um exemplo aqui. Se for
um evento, um ritual que reflete a criação do mundo, a gente consegue reunir uns no máximo 5
a 3 representantes das aldeias, que vai em torno de 25-30 pessoas assim, no máximo. Ai se for
pra uma oficina de artesanato, como confecção de cocar, arco e flecha, e outras, a gente
consegue trazer mais pessoas. Ai vai de 80 a 100 pessoas aprendendo.
Q: E porque, você acha, essas atividades são mais populares?
A: Eu acho que é assim... se os jovens querem aprender... mesmo que não são jovens, tem
alguns adultos que ainda não tem o seu conhecimento de confeccionar artesanato. Eles
conseguem fazer o básico, mas não conseguem fazer outras que são bem mais trabalhados. [...]
Um dos motivos que também leva a não participação de outras aldeias também são as
distancias. Para essa festa criação do mundo que a gente fala... como o tempo da festa ela faz de
5 dias a 6 dias, ai temos famílias que não conseguem, não querem ir lá por conta da sua
condição mesmo, que é o transporte, família grande, então essas são algumas dificuldades que a
gente tem hoje para realizar essa grande festa sobre a criação do mundo.
Q: Mas com as oficinas, entre as outras atividades do Plano 50 Anos, é mais fácil juntar as
pessoas das varias aldeias?
A: Assim, a associação, ela consegue fazer mais publico do juventude, mais participação dos
jovens que não sabem fazer artesanato. Só que a festa, a festa ‘criação do mundo’, ela tem seus
segredos assim, como se fosse um jogo de futebol. Assim, que a participação dessa festa ela
tem, tem que haver participação de outros clãs, né. Assim, um clã chefiando, assim um clã é
dono de chicha que é a bebida que a gente bebe durante o evento. Ai o outro clã, ele tem que se
organizar pra tomar essa bebida, que se chama chicha, durante o evento. Ai então eu mesmo,
não sabe, quais que são as linguagens que são usados durante a festa, porque não é essa
linguagem do dia a dia que a gente utiliza, que a gente vão usando durante o evento. Assim, uns
das pessoas dos jovens não sabem o tipo de musica que esta cantada durante o evento, então
assim, hoje temos poucos adultos que sabem das regras dessa festa que é a criação do mundo.
Assim da suas musicas, da sua maneira de complementar durante o ritual.
Q: E você sabe?
A: Eu já participei, assim, das 3 ultimas que a gente realizou. Só que assim, eu sei de algumas
coisas e não sei de outras também.
Q: Como é que as linguagens, as regras estão repassadas para as novas gerações? São
ensinados pelos velhos ou são ensinados na escola, ou como é?
60 A: Hoje, infelizmente, a gente não ensina o conteúdo, a historia disso dentro das escolas.
Assim, detalhadamente. Só que, ensinado na escola, na disciplina da língua materna, sobre a
importância dela... Como ela era feita, assim de uma forma bem resumida, não assim da forma
que deveria ser ensinado, é assim também, só que pra ensinar os jovens antes do contato ou
recém contato oficialmente esta festa de Mapimaí que é a festa de criação do mundo, ela tinha
tempo de um semestre do ano. 6 meses se organizava esses dois grupos grandes das famílias:
um – dono da chicha, e o outro que vai tomar, beber a chicha durante o evento. Então assim,
era uma época de 6 meses, ai os grupos se isolavam, não se misturavam com o grupo dono da
chicha, então esse evento de isolamento, ai que as pessoas ensinavam, os filhos acompanhavam
esses atividades ou fizerem atividades. A diferença desse tempo de hoje é que a gente
convivem outros compromissos, outras atividades do dia a dia de hoje... o máximo de tempo
que a gente pode ter para realizamos essa atividade é 1 semana. Ai não é suficiente que as
crianças ou jovens aprendem. Então... eu lembro um exemplo aqui... eu não sabia nada sobre
isso... então esse que a gente realizou, esses anos atrás, eu veio participando e aprendendo, cada
vez que a gente realiza eu aprendo um pouco.
Q: Então antigamente aprenderam por a própria pratica, por a participação, e hoje não tem
tanta disponibilidade, né? Não tem condições para se dedicar tudo mundo a isso?
A: É.
Q: E se voltar um pouquinho para o momento que você me disse que a valorização cultural no
Plano de 50 Anos foi resultado das pesquisas que reveliram que o impacto social do contato
também tem a ligação com o impacto ambiental... como você diria, quais são as características
dos Suruí que são os mais importantes para os objetivos ambientais, digamos assim?
A: É que a valorização... hoje a gente tem que manter a floresta em pé mesmo usando, mesmo
manejando o conhecimento, a riqueza, que a floresta tem... é importante manter a floresta
intacta em que... assim, do meu ponto de vista faz parte da cultura nossa ver a floresta como
uma riqueza, uma importância fundamental para nossa vida. E também, o outro também é que...
[pediu repetir a pergunta]
Q: Quais partes da cultura Suruí que são mais importantes para os objetivos ambientais (PCS,
Plano 50 anos...)? O que da cultura é considerado o mais importante para preservar?
A: Como eu falei, são a floresta. Outra também é nossa idioma, nossa língua materna. E
também a outra que é o casamento. Fazemos tempo com o casamento fora... Para manter a
nossa cultura, a nossa idioma é precisa que o casamento seja feito entre os Suruí. Não
casamento fora. Uma outra coisa que a gente considerou também é a gente dar valor... como
que... buscar um meio de mostrar valor que a floresta... assim, levar informação ou
conscientizar pessoas que não é Suruí que é... a produção florestal, ela tem o seu valor. Tipo
assim, hoje nos temos castanha, cacau, e outros do território... ai a gente, sem necessidade de
trazer as coisas da cidade para a aldeia, a gente queria fazer o contrario né, de levar da floresta,
assim, retirar alguns produtos da floresta e levar isso para o mercado para que a gente também
tenha nosso... capital que pode tar sustentando as nossas famílias em outras necessidades sem
ser da cultura. Você entendeu ou não?
Q: Eu entendi, gostaria de clarificar – você tá dizendo que a ideia e transformar a floresta em
uma fonte dos bens não monetários, para não se envolver tanto nas relações econômicas com o
mundo de fora – tá dizendo isso?
61 A: Sim. Assim... sabendo que a floresta ela é rica... se a gente se organizar bem, preparar nos
bem para a... a castanha que a gente tem aqui, ela é importante... a então nos organizar a
produção da castanha, e também vemos meio que a gente pode tar agregando o valor a mais
para ter mais dinheiro também. Assim, hoje nessas 2 ultimas safras a gente conseguiu vender
castanha em natura. Ai, as próximas safras a gente já esta [fazendo] uma mini indústria. Ai a
gente tá [...]ndo fazer um experimento de fazer biscoito, farinha com essa indústria. Então
assim, quando a gente entender que a produção que tem a floresta ela serve para outros
alimentos que foram não dos Suruí, ai a gente chegamos e damos a importância para a floresta.
Q: Então essa importância da floresta é um trato cultural importante...
A: Sim. [...] Assim, as coisas que significava que a gente dar importância para nossa cultura
sobre a floresta, o casamento, a idioma... e também a outra: a gente considerou, foi a forma da
politica que a gente tinha antes, que a gente precisa manter nos dias de hoje.
Q: Então o Parlamento, ele não reflete a forma politica que tinha antes?
A: Sim, ela é sim, só que também [palavras não reconhecidas] na realidade de hoje. Assim, ela
esta estruturada de uma forma que a gente fazia antes, só que uma coisa que a gente mudou um
pouco, que eu considero um avanço, é que parlamento, ele criou um Código. É um tipo de lei
que a gente [palavras não reconhecidas]. Tem umas diretrizes que... ou então assim, formas que
um tem que viver ou respeitar aquilo... então é uma forma... assim, eu compreendo que o
parlamento, ela já é uma forma, só que precisa manter isso para as gerações. Se a gente não dar
esse valor a ele, ai chega um outro novo líder, ai já [palavras não reconhecidas] sistema de
governança não importante e acaba, ai esse é o nosso medo.
Q: Você acha que, se mudar o sistema de governança de agora, pode perder a sua autonomia,
o povo?
A: Eu acho assim, que a autonomia, ela... não acabaria se acabar o Parlamento Paiter. Só que
ela tem risco maior de perder a autonomia, se a gente acabar com ela, porque isso significa que
quem esta reestruturando nosso próprio sistema de governança, que é composta com uma
equipe que vai orientando, ou vendo o estrutura melhor para o nosso povo.
Q: Porque aumenta o risco de perder a autonomia se acabar com o parlamento?
A: Assim, hoje o parlamento junto com outras associações, que são associações clã, né, dos
clãs... ele é que reúne, articula nas aldeias, ai mostra a importância de seu Território Sete de
Setembro, que é dos Suruí, mostra a importância de a gente manter a nossa língua materna e
outras importâncias. Então, se o sistema de governança, ela esta baseada no Parlamento, ou
estão associações que conseguem ter o conhecimento da cultura e também da politica de hoje,
ela vai por bastante tempo, assim... ai, então, eu compreendo assim, se hoje a gente decidir
acabar com o parlamento, ela acaba, a então não temos uma estrutura que consegue organizar
ou articular nas aldeias sobre essa importância. A então assim, acabamos o Parlamento Paiter, e
cada família vai buscar o seu rumo: a, eu vou fazer isso, eu vou assim, convidar meus amigos lá
de fora pra fazer umas rocas aqui pra mim, então assim.
Q: Então, o Parlamento tem função importante para preservar a integridade dos Paiter?
A: Sim.
62 Q: Garantir, que a identidade dos Paiter se manteia... para que as pessoas se vejam como uma
unidade, se governam integralmente, para não se espalha?... mais ou menos isso que eu
entendi...
A: Sim. [...] Sabe, porque, assim... só fechando essa minha fala do parlamento, assim... é que
parlamento, ela fica assim, não, esse sistema de governança ela só existe porque tem um povo,
né, que tem assim, [palavra não reconhecida], sua autonomia, disse de o que é, e que tem,
assim, sobre o que é o que fazer o presente o futuro... então o parlamento Paiter, ela só existe
porque tem o seu sistema de governança, que consona para um povo, dentre do território que
hoje é 248,000 ha, né... então assim. Se não existia o Parlamento, é como se não tiver... é como
aqui no Brasil. Se o Brasil não tiver os seus governantes, então o Brasil seria um espaço que
não tem dono. Não tem politica, não tem regra... então é uma coisa... vive sem dono. Qualquer
pessoa pode se agir do maneira que quer.
Q: Então, o Parlamento, ele pode proibir a venda dos certos produtos de fora dentro do
território, para promover a venda desse mesmo produto do território?
A: Hoje nos Suruí estamos dando mais foco na produção de castanha e de cacau nativo, hoje. A
então antes a gente [...] coletávamos esses produtos que eu citei, ai cada família ela vendia
separada, para os compradores diferentes, pro o valor também diferente, e baixo. A então
assim, nessa safra nos estamos começando a organizar via associação e também com orientação
das pessoas do Parlamento, que é importante ver a gente organizar nossa produção, que vender
numa época certa e também no valor único, coletivamente, assim. Então essas decisões assim.
[...] Fechando a conversa com você, uma coisa que consideramos dia de hoje para manter essa
cultura, esse estático viva – é essa ferramenta, essas tecnologias de hoje, assim, filmagem,
audiovisual. [...] Eu estou aqui fazendo essa entrevista com você, dentre de uma sala, que
chamamos Ponto de cultura – Maloca digital – ai onde são registrados todos os momentos
importantes que a gente realiza: a festa... criação do mundo, as oficinas, reuniões importantes...
assim, então são esses registros, e também musicas também... se a indígena quer fazer seu CD e
quer [fazer a sua equipe], e canta...
Q: [...] O próprio fato que os Suruí conseguiram ver essa oportunidade, que por exemplo o
projeto de carbono abre, ver o como segurar os fontes de orçamento, os fontes de poder
politico... Como foi que vocês descobriram essas oportunidades como, por exemplo, Projeto
Carbono Suruí?
A: Enato foi assim... Desde 2004 pra 2005 nos iniciamos uma ideia de reflorestar o nosso
território que foi desmatado pelos madeireiros ou foi desmatado pelos Suruí com a derrubada
em grande escala, de derrubada né... Ai 2005 nos iniciamos com bastante dificuldade com o
pequeno apoio de reflorestar o nosso território. Ai o nosso coordenador de hoje, Almir Suruí,
ele viajou em busca de apoio a esse projeto de reflorestamento... ai isso foi 2 anos depois do
inicio do projeto do reflorestamento, isso foi 2007, ai foi participar de um encontro
internacional para falar do projeto do reflorestamento. Ai ele viu um antigo amigo dele lá no
encontro, que ele conhecia uma pessoa ou uma empresa que podia apoiar mais o projeto de
reflorestamento. [...] ai esse amigo dele pegou uma folha de papel que explica sobre o projeto e
o de carbono e os seus benefícios. Ai segundo ele que pegou essa folha, como estava em
linguagem inglês, ali no computador dele ele foi traduzir para português, e [Almir] também
pediu desse amigo dele pra falam um pouco sobre do que se tratava esse projeto de carbono. Ai
de ouvindo desse amigo dele falando sobre o projeto de carbono, ai ele já se interessou. Porque
desde muito tempo a gente veio buscamos, pesquisamos uma forma de utilizar esses serviços
63 ambientais sem necessidade de derrubar a floresta. Ai então, ai essa oportunidade [...] a gente
viu que essa oportunidade é bem casada ao nossa ideia e os nossos pensamentos. Depois Almir
compartilhou isso com as lideranças, depois entraram em contato com a parceira Kanindé,
convidaram eles com a Neidinha para explicar sobre o projeto de Carbono – nem a Kanindé
mesmo sabia como se tratava essa coisa nova... [...] e, segundo eles, era impossível de ser
realizado em um território indígena. Ai, dali a gente se interessou e então, a gente pegou como
um desafio pra nos: vamos tentar implementar esse.
Q: Porque eles disseram que era impossível?
A: Segundo eles... em primeiro, porque o território não era dos Suruí oficialmente [...], ai
depois, segundo eles, custava bastante caro os estudos todo então, ai como uma coisa que nos
interessou, a gente correu atrás... de instituições que poderiam dar uma ideia, nos ajudar... ai
reunimos media de 10 instituições pra ajudar a gente desenvolver – a desenhar o projeto de
carbono. Só que, esse [...] a gente contratou uma empresa que não é do Brasil, que é uma
empresa de advogados, para fazer uma analise, um estudo, assim, se a gente tinha direito, se a
gente quisesse... [...] estudo, se a gente tem um condição de fazer esse projeto dentro do nosso
território, ai o estudo jurídico mostrou que a gente tem condição de fazer esse projeto, a então a
gente fomos e buscas de outros apoios, parceiros... pra [realizar] isso tudo.
Q: Então, desde inicio a ideia de reflorestar os territórios que foram desmatados, de onde ela
veio?
A: Essa ideia de reflorestar ela partiu ou surgiu de uma família chamada Gamep... [...] é o clã.
A então é assim... que em 2002, voltando atrás, em 2002 uma assembleia geral dos Suruí, eles
resolveram que cada clã fizesse a sua associação. E os 4 clãs que os Suruí tem, eles criaram
cada um sua associação. E assim, na época tinha 4 associações. A então cada clã e a sua
associação, ele começou assim, para manejar uma coisa que ele quer fazer. Ai na essa época o
Gamep, ele começou a refletir: qual que é que a gente vai trabalhar, se é isso, isso, isso, então
em 2004 eles resolveram para trabalhar com projeto de reflorestamento.
Q: E porque eles acharam importante reflorestar?
A: Porque eles viam que, quando o desmatamento feito dentre do território, que nossa floresta
tava perdendo a riqueza. Não vemos mais a madeira nobre, porque já foi deportado pelos
madeireiros, não vemos mais castanha a pé em nosso território... assim, das aldeias assim, né.
Não vemos mais rio com boa saúde perto da aldeia. Não vemos mais casa perto da aldeia e nem
pesca né.Então, e as plantas medicinais cada vez mais longe da aldeia também, e frutas nativas
sempre mais longe da aldeia também. E sempre o clima que tava né... as aldeias que eram bem
frescas com [palavra não reconhecida] não eram mais. Então essa [palavra não reconhecida]
que a gente veio... é o que levou que é que reflorestar era uma coisa importante, para trazer
essas riquezas ambientais que a gente perdeu de volta.
Q: [...] na preservação dos valores culturais, quais desafios existem, você acha?
A: Então, assim... [...] existe 2 tipo de desafio: desafio interno, que você enfrenta o seu próprio
irmão, Suruí, pessoa assim. Ai então dentro dessa desafio interna a gente enfrenta desafio
como... vou mostrar um exemplo: tem famílias que são imediatista. Assim, eles querem ver o
resultado hoje ainda. Assim, ele não consegue ver, que o plano de vida, ela é feita de curto,
médio e longo prazo. Então esse é um dos desafios muito grandes que a gente enfrenta hoje
para... A então essa também é a visão que o projeto não tá beneficiando, não tá tendo resultado
64 positivo. Um outro desafio também é que... essas mesmas famílias eles não querem trabalhar
em conjunto, só querem trabalhar individual de outros grupos, é um outro desafio. Porque essa
ideia nossa não é dividir ou... não é ensinar os Suruí individualismo. Mas sim o coletivo né,
[ser] solidário um com outro, essas coisas assim. Ai então só que o desafio externa é que
assim... sabe que as pessoas ou empresas que tem somente o interesse de explorar a floresta ou
o território indígena sem custo de nada, né. Hoje os madeireiros, eles muitas vezes manipulam
os indígenas para jogar contra o nosso projeto, dizendo que, que assim... que essa ação de tirar
o madeira é mais importante do que o projeto... que ele vai ter seu próprio dinheiro... e vai
gastar o dinheiro da forma que quer... assim que o projeto ela é responsável pela perder a
autonomia da família, né. Então é bastante coisa, que o madeireiro vem manipulando os
indígenas, ou os locais, né, da armadilha, os [palavra não reconhecida]... a então é uma coisa
muito difícil aqui pra nos. A então assim, não só a questão de madeireiro, assim, hoje o
[palavra não reconhecida] e outras instituições ou pessoas também, eles não querem de jeito
nem um ver a pessoa indígena com a autonomia. Assim, de fato, assim, eles não querem que os
Suruí tenha o seu recurso próprio.
Q: Porque?
A: Eu não entendo o porque, eu acho que ele veem sempre os indígenas como coitadinho. Tipo
assim, uma das instituições que trabalha com os indígenas, eles querem que o projeto sobre os
indígenas, eles só vai repassando pra eles, eles não querem que os indígenas eles assim [som
ruim] Eu não sei. Assim, você já ouviu falado da FUNAI? [...] [comenta, que a FUNAI age da
maneira muito estranha, contra os Suruí, dizendo que os Suruí já tem recurso para sua própria
fiscalização, que como uma instituição que tem papel de estar apoiando os Suruí, ela está
mudando atitude, e é uma outra desafio]. Um desafio também pra nos é sustentar esse projeto
de carbono. Com vários [palavras não reconhecidas] como eu tou falando... com conflitos
pequenos entre os Suruí internamente, e também essa invasão [palavras não reconhecidas] que
tá vindo [palavras não reconhecidas] que tá apertando nosso território, então a gente não vê o
apoio a combate a essa invasão... [...].
Q: Você mencionou desafios externas...
A: Desafio externo são as empresas ou pessoas que são de olho para fazer exploração das
riquezas que tem dentre do território Suruí sem custo de nada. A partir que a gente tá buscando
apoio do governo estadual ou federal, para combater essas invasões, então nesse momento a
gente não encontra apoio deles, isso se torna um desafio muito grande pra nos.
Q: E esse desafio interno que tem, que as pessoas priorizam os ganhos imediatos, que não
reconhecem que existem os longos prazos que vão trazer uns bens mais confiáveis, né...
A: Só um exemplo disso. [...] a associação... dentre do seu plano ele coloca [...] uma roça
coletivo de café. A então algumas famílias eles não aceitam essa forma, a então ele quer que a
associação compra alguma coisa que vai beneficiar a família dele: “eu quero uma casa”, só que
dentro dos [leis] da associação, não esta para [palavra não reconhecida] de uma casa, né... ai até
a associação dizer isso pra ele, ele compreender isso é muito difícil. Ai as vezes se resolve ou
cria o clima de conflito entre essa família e a associação. Então é uma coisa bem complicada ai.
Q: E quais possíveis estratégias tem para responder a esse desafio ai, das pessoas priorizar os
ganhos imediatos, das pessoas serem individualistas... como é possível superar isso?
65 A: Na minha opinião eu acho que com o tempo algumas famílias vão compreendendo que as
coisas que não vem de uma pra outra de uma maneira fácil assim. Acho que pra resolver isso
assim, a associação tem que continuar com seu trabalho, com seu plano, ate que um dia tem
recurso suficiente pra atender as necessidades individualistas dentre desta [palavra não
reconhecida]. Então a associação, ela tem que priorizar essas atividades coletivas que vão trazer
o resultado o mais rápido possível no curto prazo, ou pelo menos médio prazo. A então
conscientizar e acompanhar essas atividades que ela tá desenvolvendo do jeito com as famílias
ou aldeias, então a partir que a família ver o resultado que foi feito com o projeto, então, e a
outra família vendo isso acontecer que conscientiza né. Eu acho assim né. Porque assim
conversar de uma outra maneira eu vejo meio difícil de conscientizar essas pessoas.
11.3. Follow-up interview with Chicoepab Suruí, conducted by Skype on
July 6th, 2015
Q: Qual é a sua compreensão do conceito de ‘etnodesenvolvimento’?
A: Eu vejo que é uma coisa assim – tem o desenvolvimento duma região ou de um grupo com
olhar na floresta, olhar de um povo indígena. Seja povo tradicional, entendeu. Porque muitas as
vezes o desenvolvimento tem um olhar mais econômica né. E assim como eu acho [...] quando
fala que o pais esta em desenvolvimento tem a ver com a questão econômica. E o meu sentido,
eu acho, tem a ver com o etnodesenvolvimento né. Que é o, tem um desenvolvimento dentro
duma região, seja povos indígena ou comunidade tradicional visando a economia.
Q: E o etnodesenviolvimento é diferente do desenvolvimento econômico porque... tem outros
princípios de valorização?
A: É, mais só que com visão tradicional né. Por exemplo, eu vou manter a floresta, mas posso
ver o desenvolvimento econômico, por exemplo... vou dar um exemplo: vou manter a floresta,
qual é a visão indígena – ter floresta, pode extrair castanha, pode extrair artesanato – extrair
matéria prima de artesanato para fazer artesanato depois vender – então eu tou seguindo mais
aquele questão logica do desenvolvimento que nos, as pessoas entendem, porque quando fala
em desenvolvimento, tem uma ligação muito a ver com aquele desenvolvimento econômico. Ai
o etnodesenvolvimento tem nesse sentido, que tem uma desenvolvimento com olhar
tradicional, que seja povo indígena, que seja quilombola, que seja ribeirinho...
Q: Mas responde aos objetivos econômicos...
A: Que seja mais tradicional. [...] Porque a antropologia – se eu não me engano – a
antropologia define o ‘etno’ não só a questão indígena, mas o povo tradicional. Enato eu tou
tirando dai também a questão do etnodesenvolvimento, que é o desenvolvimento com olhar do
povo tradicional, culturalmente tradicional.
Q: Então isso quer dizer que o etnodesenvolvimento respeita a tradição? Se baseia na
tradição?
A: Isso. Respeita a tradição, reconhece a tradição de um povo tradicional. E esses povos
tradicionais no brasil são indígenas, quilombolas, ribeirinhos... Então isso seria o
etnodesenvolvimento – o desenvolvimento que tem olhar respeitando a questão tradicional, da
convivência, cultura tradicional, respeitando tudo isso. Enato isso quer dizer o que. Que tem
desenvolvimento respeitando essas vidas, essas culturas. Ou então o desenvolvimento não esta
apenas o que o econômico, capitalista disse em relação ao desenvolvimento, né.[...]
66 Q: Falando em tradição... já falamos com você muito sobre a relação com floresta...
A: Uhum – uma relação, uma relação com a floresta e ao mesmo tempo reconhecendo o valor
econômico da floresta – isso o etnodesenvolvimento dentro do conceito Paiter Suruí.
Q: Sobre o código... ele disse que o dever das pessoas manter certas tradições, ritos, certo
ordem tradicional...
A: O etnodesenvolvimento não é manter sem – [...] sem ter o conceito que ha uma mudança.
Por exemplo – o exemplo que você deu – o código saiu a partir da mudança do sistema da
governança do povo Paiter Suruí. Só que essa governança for construída com dialogo com 2
conhecimentos, que é o conhecimento tradicional e não tradicional. Por exemplo, quando tem a
participação dos anciões, isso é um sistema politica, um sistema de governança interna
tradicional. Quando elege suas representante através do voto e quando tem o tempo de mandato
– não é cultural. Isso não é cultural. Mas adequamos. Pra nossa realidade. Então vamos supor
isso seria o etnodesenvolvimento. O etnodesenvolvimento é uma coisa que tá em evolução, se
desenvolvendo e ao mesmo tempo valorizando os conhecimentos tradicionais de um povo
tradicional. A questão econômica também mesma coisa. A questão cultural também mesma
coisa. Por exemplo a questão cultural. Eu sou indígena. Isso não quer dizer que eu não posso
usar roupa, não posso usar celular. Isso, na minha cultura, isso é etnodesenvolvimento. Eu sou
Paiter Suruí e ao mesmo tempo eu tou usando tudo isso que eu falei. Celular, roupa,
computador. Mas so que usando com o meu pensamento com o olhar indígena. E é manter da
minha característica, manter da minha fala, manter da minha cultura, isso é o
etnodesenvolvimento. Que é uma questão desenvolvendo.
Q: [Perguntando em mais detalha sobre o codigo] Por exemplo, qual posição tem o rito na
vida diária das pessoas nas aldeias hoje?
A: Se eles fazem todos os dias?
Q: Sim.
A: Bom, como eu falei a cultura houve uma grande mudança. Ate hoje a gente não tem
praticamente rito todos os dias, nem todo, especialmente ritual também, não temos, porque –
hoje a vida nossa está praticamente diferente, por exemplo eu estou aqui na cidade, eu tenho a
minha vida de compromisso de trabalho todo dia, lá na aldeia também tem alguém professor,
que tem o compromisso de dar aula todo dia, agente de saúde também assim – então isso
mudou muito a nossa vida. A não sei que a gente faz uma agenda pra fazer esse tipo de ritual.
Isso ate combinando com as nossas agendas de trabalho. Porque a gente não é livre mais como
a gente era. Vamos supor assim. Porque hoje a gente é funcionário do governo, funcionário
duma ONG, funcionário... enfim né. Então isso requer o tempo pra gente dedicar no trabalho, e
isso também prejudica a gente como fazer os nossos rituais hoje de dia e como a gente quer.
Por exemplo, temos ritual que demorava mais semanas – a gente não faz mais, porque eles tem
compromissos de trabalho, porque somos funcionário. Isso também troce uma mudança em
nossas vidas.
Q: [...] Por exemplo, o código fala da certa ordem para fazer coisas quando, por exemplo, a
criança nascer...
67 A: O, por exemplo... não, houve grande mudança na nossa vida quotidiana como eu tou
falando. Depois vou dar um exemplo do que você falou da criança. Outro exemplo que eu vou
dar também - em relação a mulher, quando tinha menstruarão ela ficava isolada, ficava ate
começar e terminar sua menstruarão, hoje não fica mais, fica dentro do lar mesmo, não se
isolam mais. Por exemplo, em relação a criança que você tá falando, hoje a gente enfrenta isso
também, por exemplo quando tem filho ele fica, pelo menos ficava um mês em dieta, hoje não.
Hoje... porque a gente tem que sair, tem que... isso requer o tempo. Hoje já é totalmente
diferente, a gente não tem mais essa: seguir isso, muito rigoroso [...] acho, porque o nosso
tempo não tem espaço pra isso.
Q: Porque então essas coisas estão escritas aqui no código?
A: [...] Porque aquilo que eu falei: a gente pode resgatar, mas não como a gente praticava, mas
um tempo, por exemplo hoje, daqui 1 semana, 2 semanas... a gente pode marcar isso, por
exemplo vamos fazer isso esse final de semana, sábado, porque quase ninguém tem
compromissos de trabalho, né... O, “reclusão da mulher deve ocorrer na primeira menstruarão”,
entendeu... São essas coisas que eu tenho dificuldade, mas não é uma coisa... que a gente tenta,
mas não é uma coisa que vai assim obrigar alguém fazer, por exemplo pelo menos, porque a
gente reconhece que isso é bom pra nossa saúde. Porque a gente reconhece que a gente não
cumprindo essas coisas, ficamos muito frágil, as doenças, né. [...] É uma grande dificuldade de
enfrentar isso, mas só que... por exemplo se uma criança, uma menina, vai estar estudando, com
12 anos, ela não pode ficar afastada 6 meses da escola. Vai perder, né. É uma coisa assim... que
tá escrita, mas eu acho que ao mesmo tempo tem que reconhecer e [palavra não reconhecida]
bastante como que isso pode acontecer, entendeu...
Mas tem umas coisas que a gente pode seguir tradicionalmente. [...] A gente pode seguir isso,
algumas coisas por exemplo... quando uma pessoa ter filho seguir a dieta – não reclusão, mas
sim pelo menos a dieta. Porque a mulher ficava em recluso e o homem também ficava em torno
de 1 semana, vamos supor. Hoje em dia não da pra ficar de reclusão, mas podemos seguir a
dieta. [...]
Q: ...Porque eu tentava entender, qual é o projeto dos Paiter Suruí para juntar as novas
realidades, velhas tradições...
A: A gente pode manter muito, por exemplo o uso das plantas medicinais. [...] a gente pode
usar as plantas medicinais, só que isso é fundamental, independente de ser... como tá nossa vida
[palavras não reconhecidas].
Q: E como é, as pessoas tem interesse?
A: Sim, sim, pelo menos tem algumas famílias... a gente usa bastante ainda. [...] Mas só que o
problema é o seguinte, o que que a gente quer dizer aqui no código... Hoje algumas pessoas
conhecem, mas não repassa pros jovens. A gente tem que repassar pros jovens pra ter esse
conhecimento, quando não tem mais velhos – para o próprio jovem ter conhecimento dessas
plantas.
Q: Mas como você disse na ultima vez que falamos, né – isso se repassa pela escola, pelos
cursos especiais que foram organizados para conservar o conhecimento?..
A: Sim, uhum.
68 Q: Quais são os desafios que você veja para os objetivos ambientais e sociais que o Plano 50
Anos tem?
A: Eu acho que a compreensão do próprio povo em relação... o bem que eles querem para se.
Por exemplo tem gente que pode não entender bem de um projeto e querer... não querer apoiar
e dar contribuição para o projeto. Eu não sei se é por falta de conhecimento ou é falta de querer
contribuir mesmo. Porque existe [...], por exemplo o projeto de castanha – a gente pode manter
castanha, pé de castanheira, e ao mesmo tempo consumo próprio, pra venda econômica, pra
remédio, são 3 tipos que a castanha pode trazer. Ai não sei se as pessoas não enxergam isso ou
não querem enxergar, quando vende a castanheira. A isso é um desafio pra nos – como
incentivar as pessoas ter esse olhar de importância para castanheira. Porque a castanha, a
castanheira pode dar aquilo que eu falei – valor econômico, valor de saúde, valor de segurança
alimentar, né. Cortando, só da valor econômico uma vez. Quando não corta o pé, sempre vai
dar esses 3 que eu falei.
[…] 11.4. Interview with Gasodá Suruí, condicted by phone and Skype on July
8th, 2015
Q: [Pergunta sobre o cargo na associação].
A: Nos, diretores da associação Metareilá, todos nos temos as mesmas responsabilidades do
que um do outro. Não é só porque a gente temos função a gente só vai atuar nessa função.
Trabalhamos como todo no grupo. Quando um pode, outro pode... isso é importante pra nos. Eu
vejo que isso é um ponto forte do nosso grupo. [...]
Q: Foi pelo contato com a Forest Trends que se desenvolveu o Projeto Carbono Suruí?
A: Então, o projeto de carbono em se, ele tem um processo muito longo. Porque o Projeto
Carbono Suruí partiu da própria comunidade Suruí.
Q: É porque já tinha projeto Pamine, né?
A: Isso. Então, um avanço da essa ideia foi se formando a parceria. Então a Forest Trends é
uma das parcerias, é uma parceria mais antiga, que veio, só uma forca, pra que esse projeto de
carbono fosse realizado de fato. No inicio só existia no papel. Então essa parceria junto com
outras organizações, principalmente da Forest Trend, que vem concretizando essa ideia, pra
poder colocar em pratica. A Forest Trend veio como a forca, de como poderia a gente fazer
para as coisas de fato se tornassem realidade. Então foi a parceria que nos ensinou bastante de
como dar a continuidade... [...]
Q: [...] como eu entendi, o fortalecimento cultural é um dos objetivos principais do Plano de
50 anos e do Projeto Carbono Suruí, porque é o que financia o Plano, não é?..
A: Então... A floresta ela em se, ela é muito importante pra nos, não só nos dias de hoje. Desde
muito tempo... desde muito tempo, muitos muitos anos antes do contato com a sociedade não
indígena. Então é que dela é que a gente vivia pra sobreviver. Dela a gente dependia muito pra
sobreviver, porque a gente buscava alimento, [palavra não reconhecida] pra morar, remédios,
tudo... tudo que é bom pra nos tá dentro da floresta. Então só hoje, conforme o avanço dos
69 tempos, principalmente hoje a gente passou até contato com a sociedade não indígena, fez com
que a gente entendesse o como a gente pode usar e aproveitar a floresta, pra hoje em dia a gente
sobreviver. Então esse foi um dos objetivos a criar esse plano de gestão. Porque o Plano de
Gestão dos Suruí, ela é muito superior do que o projeto de carbono. O projeto de carbono é uma
das atividades do próprio plano de 50 anos do povo Suruí. Então a primeiro a gente entendeu...
a gente podia fazer o Plano pra gente usar o nosso território de uma forma sustentável... [a
gente] sabia, a gente entendeu que a floresta tem uma potencialidade muito grande pra oferecer
pra nos. [...] Só hoje a gente veio a entender o como a gente pode utilizar ela no dia de hoje.
Porque hoje já tá com [...] uma nova era. Principalmente de contato com a sociedade não
indígena. [...] A gente entendeu que a floresta tem uma potencialidade muito grande pra
oferecer pra nos, tanto pra sobrevivência, tanto pra geração de renda pelo uso de atividades
alternativas econômicas, de extrativismo, por exemplo seringa, castanha... [...] Artesanato
também.
Q: Então você tá dizendo que a cultura dos Paiter Suruí tem mudado, né, e tem novas
necessidades, novos desafios, então o Plano de Gestão 50 Anos oferece um olhar para a
floresta que utiliza os recursos da floresta para atender a essas novas demandas?
A: Isso. O objetivo principal do Plano de 50 anos é esse. Então o Projeto de Carbono é apenas
uma das atividades alternativas econômicas dentro do Plano 50 anos. E hoje se tornou uma
referencia por ter trazido recursos, né, pra desenvolver atividades econômicos [que
pretendemos desenvolver] dentro do nosso Plano 50 Anos. Por exemplo com recurso de projeto
de carbono a gente apoiou varias iniciativas sustentáveis... as de meio ambiente, cultura,
atividades produtivas, segurança alimentar, geração de renda, e tudo mais... Então só pelo fato
de ter apoiado como recurso o projeto de carbono se tornou uma referencia maior, dentro de
Plano de 50 Anos, de carbono Suruí.
Q: [...] quais são as prioridades no objetivo de resgatar, conservar a cultura?
A: [...] A questão cultural e uma das prioridades dentro do Plano de 50 Anos. Porque... porque
a gente sabe que hoje [...] hoje a gente sabe que cada dia que passa nos estamos correndo risco
de perder a nossa cultura. Então hoje dentro desse Plano 50 Anos a gente tem tentado a forma
que gente poderia incentivar as pessoas, principalmente os jovens a manter essa cultura viva.
Pelo menos por algum tempo né, porque a gente entende que a cada dia que passa as coisas
estão ficando cada vez mais difícil. Principalmente no avanço desses tempos modernos mesmo.
Então a pesar de tudo isso a gente tá tentado incentivar os jovens a procurar a dar importância
pra cultura principalmente na questão de língua, historias, cânticos, confecção de artesanatos,
tanto homem pra mulher, pra mulheres... então tudo isso a gente tem tentado incentivar a
comunidade nessa parte da questão cultural. Uma das coisas importantes que a gente tem
levado em consideração em todas as nossas reuniões e todas as nossas oficinas é a realização de
um ritual muito importante pro nosso povo que é o Mapimaí... [conta que ha algum tempo que
não esta sendo realizado e que também não está dando esse ano] Dessa forma a gente tem
tentado conscientizar o nosso povo a dar valor a importância cultural do nosso povo. A gente
sabe que sem cultura, o povo não tem uma identidade própria. Porque só tendo cultura a gente
pode definir quem somos nos. [ligação caiu]
A: [continuando] A cultura não é só importante agora, porque a cultura e muito importante pra
nos ha muitos anos atrás. Então por isso hoje a gente tem uma ferramenta de identidade do
nosso povo. Porque através dela que a gente... as pessoas reconhecem a gente que somos nos.
Sem a gente manter a nossa cultura futuramente a gente corre risco de perder a nossa
identidade. [...]
70 Q: Quais os tratos, características culturais que são os mais importantes para preservar, para
tentar resgatar?
A: Então, dentro do Plano 50 Anos a gente tenta trabalhar com a nossa comunidade e
valorização da língua, idioma, que é o Tupi-Mondé. E também as festas tradicionais, o mais
importante com o caso do Mapimaí, que é a festa que a gente celebra, a festa do criação do
mundo. Porque é o momento de gente agradecer o grande criador do céu e da terra pelo que ele
tem feito para nosso povo né – saúde, alegria, terra, tudo, tudo que é sagrado pra gente. É um
momento pra gente agradecer e celebrar isso ai. E também a maloca né, que é uma coisa
importante pra nos também, a pintura, o artesanato – tudo isso a gente tenta trabalhar dentro do
Plano 50 Anos que a gente considera importante. A própria alimentação, que a gente tenta
trabalhar muito. E também... [contando que tudo da cultura tradicional é igualmente
importante, e que tudo corre risco de estar desaparecendo] Então a gente tente conscientizar e
envolver os jovens através de oficinas, reuniões, junto com os mais velhos, sabedores, pra
passar qual é a importância da nossa cultura pra nos. ... e também, o uso das plantas medicinais.
Q: Falando em o que é sagrado... qual é a perspectiva para a religiosidade antiga dos Suruí na
situação de hoje... se tem pajé... Porque como eu entendo muitos são agora Cristões, não são?
A: Uhum.
Q: Mas isso coexiste, não sei, com algumas crenças nos espíritos da natureza... alguma coisa
assim?
A: Então, eu, particularmente, eu costumo falar assim nessa parte, porque como eu tava
falando: como a floresta, ela é importante pra nos ha muitos anos atrás, assim a gente já
entendia muitos tempos, muitos anos atrás que existia Deus, que criou o céu, a terra... então
tudo isso a gente já entendia. Então eu vejo que a gente sempre acreditou em Deus verdadeiro.
Porque a gente... os velhos sempre falavam para gente: respeitar, amar, não roubar, não matar,
não obliterar – tudo isso a gente já tinha como nosso, nossas regras de convivência entre nos.
Então a partir dessa reflexão eu vejo que, então a gente acreditava e acredita ainda hoje que
existe esse Deus que fez o ser humano, o céu ,e a terra. E só que, a gente admirava ele de outras
formas. Porque, então eu entendo que o pajé era uma figura importante pra nos aqui. Em anos
que não tinha contato ele que falava com espirito desse Deus. Então é essa forca que ele tinha
pra curar, pra fazer vários tipos de beneficio pro povo... então por isso que a figura do pajé é
importante pra nos, porque somente ele que tinha esse contato com esses espíritos da floresta,
pra trazer alegria, fazer harmonia entre os povos aqui, principalmente no caso dos Suruí. Então,
só que hoje nossa parte da religião troce uma confusão muito grande na nossa vida. Então
muitos de Suruí vai seguir uma religião de varias igrejas. Então eu vejo que mudou um pouco a
nossa maneira de a gente acreditar nesse Deus. Porque muitas igrejas se [palavra não
reconhecida] na cultura do povo Suruí. Porque falaram que, se a igreja não preenchia usar isso,
aquilo que e uma coisa cultural, principalmente colares, pinturas, realização de festa
tradicional, tudo mais. Então nessa parte a invasão das igrejas nas aldeias prejudicou muito a
questão cultural. Então eu entendo que pra você acreditar, pra você seguir esse Deus que é
importante não só pro povo Suruí, mas pra toda a humanidade, eu acho que, uma coisa que eu
vejo errado é que – pra você seguir esse Deus você não pode abandonar a nossa cultura. Porque
a cultura não pode – que, o próprio Deus deu pra nos. Então é uma coisa sagrada, então eu
particularmente vejo isso assim. Porque pra mim a invasão religiosa de igrejas missionarias
troce uma confusão na nossa mente. Porque muitas as vezes a própria igreja fala pros indígena,
que se ele continuar usando a sua festa tradicional, usando o seu colar, usando a pintura
71 corporal, eles vão pecar, a então... Mas eu particularmente não vejo isso assim. Porque tudo que
a gente tem hoje na nossa cultura – é musica, festa, pintura, nossa comida... Tudo é uma coisa
que vem de Deus, que Deus deu pra gente, como a gente tinha que viver. Então eu não vejo
nessa questão a cultura nada de precário. Pra mim é uma coisa sagrada. [...]
É assim que a gente tenta conscientizar e incentivar os Suruí que tão seguindo a religião.
Porque não adianta a gente tar seguindo uma religião e perder a nossa identidade cultural. Que
é uma coisa sagrada como eu falei, uma coisa dada pelo Deus pra nos.
Q: Então aquelas espiritualidades de antes do contato – vocês continuam promover-las?
A: Uhum.
Q: Quais são os desafios... [...] na realização dos objetivos do Plano de 50 Anos, por exemplo
falando em cultura.
A: [...] Na questão cultural a maior dificuldade que a gente encontra é o jovem não acreditar
que a cultura é importante como nos antigamente pensava. Então o que falta é eles escutarem
os pais, as mães. Então por isso que os pais tem que conscientizar os filhos a dar importância.
Porque eu entendo que pra preservar cultura não depende de ninguém, só depende da gente,
porque nos somos o dono da nossa cultura. Então o que falta pra mim é organizar mais o povo
Suruí, falta de organização social.
Q: O que poderia ser feito para fornecer aquela organização?
A: Cada pai, cada família ensinar os filhos... ensinar o idioma, ensinar o cântico, ensinar a fazer
artesanato, ensinar a fazer... participar na festa tradicional. Então tudo isso pra mim vale. [...]
Q: E as famílias são motivados para repassar a sua cultura?
A: E muito poucos se faz ensinar os filhos. Mas falta muito ainda pra a gente buscar alcançar o
nosso objetivo.
Q: E porque os pais não se importam tanto?
A: E me interessa mesmo. Porque o que mais manda hoje aqui na nossa sociedade é o mundo
capitalista. Então muitos tem que estudar na cidade, então, buscar [palavra não reconhecida] na
vida, e com isso acabam esquecendo da cultura, da sua vida, do seu origem. Muitos poucos
voltam pra aldeia. [...] maioria fica na cidade. Então começa o descontrole. [Conta que ele
mesmo depois de fazer faculdade voltou para a aldeia].
Q: Porque você escolheu voltar pro seu povo?
A: Porque quando eu sai da aldeia pra cidade a estudar, eu já tava vendo as dificuldades que o
meu povo tava passando. Então tenho que estudar pra mim futuramente poder assessorar ele a
encarar esse desafio que hoje o mundo oferece pra nos. Porque eu vi que tava precisando
pessoas capacitadas pra orientar a adaptar ao mundo que não é nosso. Principalmente na
questão das politicas publicas [...] porque muitos ações do governo, a gente precisa
conscientizar os povos indígenas, e muitas as vezes isso não é feito. Então uma pessoa que sabe
entender e falar português pode [palavras não reconhecidas] o povo. A trabalhar isso, dia a dia.
Enato é isso que eu faço hoje. Eu faço assessoria técnica, junto com meu povo, através da
associação Metareilá.
72 Q: E os jovens que não voltam – estão fugindo?
A: Uhum.
Q: Mas o Plano de 50 Anos oferece alternativas econômicas para atender as necessidades que
levam os jovens para a cidade? A mensagem esta compreendida suficiente? Eles continuam
fugindo porque não entendem o Plano, ou tem uma boa compreensão?
A: Maioria das aldeias acompanha o projeto. E muitas as vezes muitos também não conseguem
entender o Plano, os objetivos do Plano. Então é essas pessoas que não entendem isso bem
acabam fazendo coisas que não deve fazer. Então eles acabam praticando outras atividades que
são consideradas ilegais aqui no nosso pais. Quase no mundo todo né. Que é a extração ilegal
de madeira. [...] Isso é muito ruim aqui pra nos. [...]
Q: Como você acha isso pode ser resolvido?
A: A gente já tem tentado muitas vezes resolver essa situação. Só que eles já estão acostumadas
ganhar o dinheiro fácil. O projeto muitas as vezes não [palavras não reconhecidas] esse recurso
que eles estão acostumados a ganhar todo dia, toda semana, então, é uma situação bem difícil,
muito difícil.
Q: Atualmente tem um pajé?
A: Ate 5 anos atrás tinha, hoje não tem mais.
Q: O que aconteceu?
A: Como eu tava falando, a invasão da religião no nosso meio é uma das causas de extinção do
pajé. Porque falaram que o pajé é uma coisa do mal. Por isso muitos pajé deixavam de ser pajé.
Q: Se sentiam na situação precária?
A: Sim.
Q: As atividades do Plano de Manejo – são coletivas não é? E os ganhos econômicos – são
distribuídas da forma coletiva ou individual?
A: O recurso que a gente tem pra nosso projeto carbono, ele [palavras não reconhecidas]
família. Então a gente pergunta pra cada família que tipo de atividade eles querem desenvolver
pra eles. Só que muitas as vezes os projetos conseguem [palavras não reconhecidas] para
agricultura, extrativismo, que é castanha, artesanato, seringa, agricultura de café, banana... tido
isso a gente apoia, depende do que a família vai querer.
Q: Então o núcleo de família e uma entidade básica?
A: Uhum.
73 11.5. Interview with Ivaneide Bandeira Cardozo, conducted by Skype on
July 10th, 2015
Q: Como chegaram a integrar objetivo da conservação cultural no projeto que é
essencialmente ambiental?
A: Então, quando foi feito o Plano de 50 Anos – foi já naquela época em 1998 até 2000 – ele
não foi feito pensando em fazer unicamente projeto de carbono, ele não foi feito pra projeto de
carbono... ele foi feito pensando como melhorar a qualidade de vida do povo naquele período
estabelecido de 50 anos. Então, e cada temática na vida desse povo ela foi pensada dentro desse
plano. Desde educação, saúde, meio ambiente... e dentro, ao se pensar em meio ambiente se
pensou em uma serie de atividades que se teria que desenvolver para poder alcançar o ter o
meio ambiente protegido. O projeto de carbono não foi pensado dentre de uma questão cultural,
ele foi pensado dentro de um programa ambiental no Plano de 50 Anos dos Paiter Suruí. E
nesse caso ele tava junto com vários outros projetos – ele era só mais uma ação dentro de vários
projetos pensados pra área. Porque na época, quando os Paiter junto com a Kanindé fazem o
diagnostico da área, eles detectam – e isso foi indicado pelo diagnostico – que eles tem 7% da
área desmatada. Então eles entendem que precisa dentro dessa área de 248,000 ha ter 7%
desmatado – era necessário reflorestar esse 7%. Então o Projeto de Carbono Florestal como um
projeto de reflorestamento – eles foram pensado dentro disso. Como reflorestar, como retomar
parte desse território, como fazer recuperar o meio ambiente, restaurar os 7%. Então nesse
momento não se pensa em um projeto para ter recurso pensando em uma serie de coisas. Mas
se pensa muito em se manter a floresta em pé. Como manter a floresta em pé. E o projeto de
carbono entre ai para ajudar manter, sendo uma pequena parcela dentre do plano de gestão,
para recomposição da floresta e manter o que se tinha da floresta primaria, sobrevivendo
durante o período de 50 anos, quando se teria uma nova avaliação. Não sei se respondi.
Q: Como eu entendi o plano de gestão é o gestão etnoambiental...
A: Exatamente.
Q: Então tudo nesse plano é sobre a preservação do meio ambiente, dos recursos naturais... é
o Projeto Carbono Suruí é a fonte principal dos recursos, não é?
A: Não hoje, não hoje. A Metareilá, que é a organização gestora dos vários projetos dentro da
área, é que é gestora não só do projeto de carbono, o projeto de carbono não é o único. Eles tem
apoio para fortalecimento institucional... eles, a parte toda cultural eles não tem só o recurso do
carbono. A parte cultural ha um compromisso da comunidade, e o recurso do carbono apenas
uma pequena parte é empregada para esse questão da cultura. Porque eles entendem, que a
cultura é uma responsabilidade do povo, que é independente de ter recursos financeiros, projeto
ou não, o povo tem que fortalecer a cultura. Então eles buscam apoio em vários ações para
fortalecer essa cultura. Então eles tem, isso dentro do projeto de reflorestamento, dentro do
projeto de carbono, dentro das atividades de educação. A cultura ela perpassa todo, então é uma
atividade transversal dentro do Plano de 50 anos.
Q: [...] Você tá falando que a cultura – o trabalho cultural é uma atividade que sempre
acompanha os projetos ambientais?
A: Todos os projetos, não só ambientais. Todos os projetos. Por exemplo, para ficar mais clara:
dentro do projeto de meio ambiente, com o apoio do carbono eles tem o biomonitoramento da
fauna. O biomonitoramento da fauna é trabalhado encima do etnozoneamento que eles tem,
74 então tem que atender não só a questão ambiental, mas a questão também dos tabus alimentares
que eles tem. Então eles fortalecem a questão cultural nessa parte da fauna, né, como a
preservação de animais que pra eles são sagrados.
[...]
Q: Então, fica que todas as atividades envolvem a cultura Suruí... E você, como a gestora dos
projetos etnoambientais, como você veja a função da cultura no sucesso dos projetos
ambientais?
A: Pra mim, se você não valorizar a cultura, nem um projeto consegue andar. Eles são
fundamentais pra... entender como funciona a cultura é fundamental pra entender as relações
dentro da terra indígena, como que elas se dão... Eu tava discutindo esses dias com pessoas
certificador. Né, que eles por não entender a cultura dos povos indígena acabam mandando os
certificadores que jamais entendem as relações e acebam tirando as decisões precipitadas e
informações erradas. Porque a cultura, ela se entrelaça no dia a dia em todos os... em toda a
vida do Paiter. Então ela é fundamental. Porque você... uma coisa que eu acho que o projeto de
carbono deu legal pra eles, né, foi por exemplo: ha anos eles não retomavam a forma de
governança própria indígena. E isso é uma coisa que eles conseguiram com o projeto de
carbono. Ao pensar como ia fazer a gestão do projeto, eles trabalharam [...] todo esse processo
de governança deles. E a partir de trabalhar todo esse processo de governança eles passaram a...
eles inclusive publicaram o Código Paiter Suruí. E o primeiro povo no Brasil que tem seu
código de normas, ações e leis publicada. E isso é a retomada da forma de organização cultural
que é tradicional. Que eles transportem... como eles são povo oral, eles partem pela primeira
vez em traduzir pra, na forma escrita as suas normas e costumes – claro que não todas, eles
levaram 2 anos para traduzir, para chegar naquele código. E tem muito ainda a se fazer, muito a
se colocar. Mas aquilo já é um pouco que eles conseguiram resgatar, é que eles já começaram a
trabalhar pra sair dos impactos que a nossa sociedade não indígena fiz encima da questão da
governança deles. Então é muito interessante porque muitos jovens por exemplo não conhecem.
E passam a conhecer, a partir desse trabalho que eles fizeram, e muitos que já não estavam
adaptados e tinham perdido muita coisa da cultura, eles começam a, a não querer aceitar o
próprio código. Entendeu, porque eles não conheciam. Então eles tem todo esse processo de vir
trabalhando todas essas questões culturais, então eles retomam toda essa atividade cultural. Que
é encima das suas normas e códigos. De costumes. Que são bem ancestrais. E tentam a traduzir
isso pra uma linguagem que os mais novos e a nossa sociedade, porque eles tem essa
preocupação que a nossa sociedade entenda também – podem entender o que são as normas
ancestrais deles. [...]
[Discussão sobra a participação da entrevistada na formulação do código] Por isso eu sei todas
as dificuldades. Por exemplo no código não entra uma coisa que hoje pra eles é bem complexa.
Que é a questão da religião. Se você pegar o código ela não entra ali. Porque hoje é algo
bastante conflituoso entre eles, e eles tomaram a decisão de não... de passar mais tempo
discutindo isso para depois tomar uma decisão de como vão colocar. Então nesse código que
está lá você não vai encontrar a questão de religião e espiritualidade.
Q: Mas o código menciona o pajé, menciona os espíritos... mesmo que não esclarece o que é a
religião e a espiritualidade...
A: Sim. Eles mencionam que tem a pajelança da ancestralidade. Mas por exemplo eles não
colocam como tá hoje. Que tu vai, por exemplo, quando tu for pra educação, tu encontra o que
eles pensam [...] mas eles fazem uma transição tanto da ancestralidade pra atualidade. Isso tu
75 não vai encontrar na parte religiosa. Porque foi decisão do povo. Então eles referem aos pajé,
aos ato do pajé, mas muita coisa de aprofundar da espiritualidade, por exemplo, tu não vai
encontrar... [nomes dos espíritos], uma serie dos espíritos que eles referenciam, que são da
floresta, da agua, do ar, da terra... tu não vai encontrar isso lá, porque é algo que eles estão
trabalhando ainda. E pra eles é muito fechado. [Conta o como varias igrejas cristas que tem na
TISS não conseguem ter concordo].
Q: E as outras coisas praticas rituais – são parte da vida de hoje?
A: Tem pessoas que manteiam, outras não – a grande maioria não manteia, porque o que que
acontece hoje, por exemplo naquela questão das parteiras, dos partos. [As instituicoes oficias],
quando uma mulher indígena engravida, eles levam ela para hospital e eles ficam fazendo
chamada pré-natal dentro da cultura do não índio. E quando essa mulher tá pra ter bebe eles vão
e buscam. Ou as próprias mulheres vão no hospital porque o governo brasileiro [impôs]
inclusive um registro. Você altear a criança, ela é automaticamente registrada. E a imposição da
secretaria de saúde do governo brasileiro de impor a forma de parto que não é o parto que os
indígenas fazem. Mas ainda tem mulheres que fazem parto natural. Mas são poucas. Dai a
importância deles ter colocado para mostrar a importância que é o parto natural. Eles
discutiram muito isso, isso foi uma discussão com as mulheres, e quando a gente tava
discutindo, a grande reclamação é por exemplo, quando a gente vai pro hospital ter bebe...
[Relatando praticas especificas que tem que fazer no parto tradicional, que é impossível fazer
no hospital e que por isso o ritual tradicional associado com o parto só acontece quando o bebe
chega para a aldeia, 1 semana depois de ter nascido]. Mas é uma pressão do governo
brasileiro... Ai retomar, descrever é importante. Porque isso levou um debate muito grande,
principalmente junto com as mulheres mais jovens. A gente passou quase 2 anos para escrever
esse Código, e a gente aprendeu monte de coisa que a gente não sabia também, que os mais
velhos ensinavam.
Q: [Pergunta sobre a reclusão da mulher na menstruarão].
A: Hoje ainda fazem, só que hoje [enquanto antigamente era 6 meses] no máximo 15 dias - um
mês.
Q: Tá dizendo que todas as coisas que estão no Código, elas todas estão praticadas de alguma
forma?
A: De alguma forma sim. [Falando como as igrejas estão oprimindo os pajés]. Tanto que se
você vai conversar com um pajé, ele vai dizer que não é pajé. Mas se você acompanha ele...
[Da exemplos de como os pajés que deixaram de ser pajé continuam praticar pajelança para
curar pessoas].
Q: A pessoa mesmo não acredita mais na pajelança, ou ela não quer admitir que é pajé?
A: Ela não quer ser discriminada. [...] Eu acho que eles fizeram o quem nem é candomblé no
Brasil. Eles fizeram uma espécie de sincretismo religioso, de – por exemplo, eles misturam, se
você vai perguntar pra meus cunhados se a religião deles é de fora eles vão dizer que não. Que
é tradicional. Porque eles misturam todo esse processo religioso que eles tem da espiritualidade
com esse novo que entrou. Porque é uma forma pra eles não se sentirem excluídos, eles não se
sentirem discriminados. E ter esse – por exemplo os missionários, missionários levam remédio
para a terra indígena, levam antibióticos, que eles não conseguem em outro canto. Então é
interessante ter. Então tu tem toda uma mistura feita pra... e os mais jovens acabam entrando –
76 e como os mais jovens sofrem uma pressão muito maior da cultura que vem de fora – o mais
jovem ajuda a pressionar os mais velhos. [...]
Q: [...] Então estão acontecendo processos culturais, que são processos em criação, que pode
ser dito que uma nova cultura esta sendo criada?
A: Sim.
Q: E nesse processo que ainda tem esses objetivos de valorização e de até resgate cultural,
nesses objetivos, da sua perspectiva, o que, você acha, deve ser priorizado? Porque a cultura
sempre está mudando quase sem controle, mas tem os objetivos de guiar esse processo cultural
para algumas direções – quais, você acha, são as direções mais importantes, para esses
povos?
A: Pra mim, os povos indígenas, e não só Suruí... [...] tem uma frase do Almir, porque eu ficava
bastante apreensiva com essa coisa da religião dentro das terras indígenas. E o Almir me disse
assim – o Almir Suruí – ‘tu tem que pensar que a gente vai vai vai vai a religião, a cultura, a
forma de ser do não índio, vai pressionar pressionar pressionar até agente ir lá no fundo no
fundo no fundo, e a gente vai pensar que a gente não tem mais nada da nossa cultura. Mas toda
essa pressão vai fazer com que a gente retome, se fortaleça, pra que a gente retome toda essa –
o fazer cultural. Porque é fundamental para identidade. Se você pensa os marcadores culturais
territoriais. No caso dos Paiter Suruí. Esses marcadores – eles são o que define a identidade do
povo. Então eles se trabalham nessas questões desses indicadores, desses marcadores culturais,
porque é fundamental para se manter enquanto Paiter. [...]
Q: Então o frase de Almir quer diser que tem que deixar claro a perda cultural para
possibilitar o resgate... é assim?
A: Exatamente. Porque muitas vezes o que ocorre... você... pelo menos a gente, porque eu
trabalho com 21 povos diferentes. [...] Então, o que eu observo – porque eu trabalho com povos
de diversos estágios de contato. E ao observar eu vejo como que as pressões se dão encima da
cultura de cada povo. Alguns eu vejo que conseguem resistir mais que outros. E vejo que
outros, ainda eles tem um processo de retomar todas as questões culturas, mas também fazendo
uma transfiguração dessa coisa da cultura. Se você pega os Paiter Suruí que tem [...] 45 anos de
contato. O que ocorre. Eles tem – e ai por uma organização também, a forma que se organizam
socialmente... eles por terem uma organização de 4 clãs, e cada clã tendo uma significação
diferente dentro da cultura, o processo da pressão que se da dentro dessa cultura, tu consegue
ver inclusive as diferencias dos clas. Outros povos, por exemplo, Uruewauwau, que é um povo
que eu trabalho – não tem esse processo cultural, e só tem 33 anos de contato. Né, não tem um
– eles se dividem em 2 clãs. Então, o processo, e a pressão encima desses 2 clãs com formas
culturais diferentes é diferente do processo dos Paiter Suruí que tem 4 clãs cujo cada clã tem
uma forma de organização cultural diferente. De modo que as vezes... Se tu pega ali o corredor
Tupi-Mondé, a impressão que da pra gente, embora tudo mundo seja monde, e embora cada clã
seja um diferenciado, esses clãs, junto com, se tu junta os marcadores que os diferenciam, na
verdade os marcadores os unem, como se fosse uma identidade única. E ai nos Paitertu vai ver
que o Mapimaí que é um rito de origem deles – é um dos marcadores muito fortes pra unir o
povo. E como Almir diz – então a gente desce ate onde todas as pressões de fora vem, e a gente
retoma toda nossa identidade cultural. E que é um processo que eu vejo hoje que tá
acontecendo com os Paiter desde 98 pra cá. Porque, quando eles, né, quando eles tenham
contato, eles tem todo processo de dizimação do povo, eles saiam de 5000 pessoas pra 250
pessoas, dentro desses 250 pessoas eles tem tudo o processo de impacto na organização social,
77 porque o governo brasileiro – o indígena que aprende a falar mais rápido português vira líder, e
o governo passa assumir ele como líder... então tudo tem esse impacto nessa forma de se
organizar – tu tem o clã Gamep que e o clã guerreiro, tu te o clã Makor que e um clã mas
voltado na espiritualidade... tu tem os Kaban que são mais... e os Gabgir, que são mais da roça.
né, o Gabgir mais da roça, o Kaban formado a partir de um grupo de uma mulher Cinta-Larga.
Então tu tem toda – entender esse universo e entender também como se retoma a cultura. Todo
o processo dessa retomada cultural dessa... é bem complexo.
Q: Então parece que a cultura esta sendo reconstruída depois de ser perdida...
A: Sim! Sim é isso que tá acontecendo. Mas por um processo orgânico, por um processo
próprio deles. Isso que eu acho interessante – não é ninguém que foi de fora, não é a Kanindé
que foi lá e – não. Eles tem um processo orgânico, eles retomam. Por exemplo, todo trabalho
do diagnostico, do etnozoneamento, do plano de gestão, nessas coisa toda... quem foi buscar
foram os Paiter. A gente, ate 96 a gente não queria nem chegar perto dos Paiter. Porque como
tinha um envolvimento com a madeira, com o roubo de madeira... e a gente passa, o nosso
trabalho era muito de combater a corrupção, roubo de madeira essas coisa toda, quando eles
nos procurava, a gente era bem honeste de dizer: olha, a gente não quer saber de vocês. Vocês
são envolvidos com roubo de madeira, e a gente não quer saber de índio que rouba madeira.
Q: E o que eles disseram?
A: Ate que um dia eles chegam, eles vão pro Ministério do Meio Ambiente, eles conseguem
apoio do Ministério do Meio Ambiente pra fazer os estudos da terra deles. Porque nisso os
Paiter são bem diferente dos outros. Os Paiter gostam muito de pesquisa. Você chaga lá e você
falar – a eu tenho meu projeto não sei o que que tenho uma pesquisa – pronto, você já ganhou,
já vai querer que você vá lá pesquisar na terra dele. Eles gostam disso, eles gostam de sabias,
gostam de... [...] Sim, mais isso é muito dos Gamep. Mais se você observar, se parasse a dar
uma olhada a caminhada do Almir – o que que Almir faz: ele tá viajando, fazendo monte de
coisa no mundo, mas ele tá sempre levando um de outro grupo, um de outro clã. Porque ele tá
no processo de formação desses outros clãs... [...]
Q: E o projeto de resgatar a cultura tradicional quando ela já está bastante transformada –
isso não fica forcando as coisas?
A: Eu acredito que não, porque se isso passe do povo, e ele tem consciência só que esta
fazendo, do seu papel do que ele quer alcançar... eu não, eu acho – pra mim é uma coisa muito
legal. Né, vem do povo, quando vem do povo, não quando vem uma coisa imposta de fora. Mas
por exemplo, no caso dos Paiter... eles tem uma retomada, própria deles, própria de... então isso
não é forcado. O problema hoje que eu vejo lá dentro dos Paiter, é que eles estão nessa
retomada, mas ha varias varias instituições de pesquisa fazendo pesquisa dentro da terra
indígena. Ai o que ocorre. Cada instituição de pesquisa ela tem uma linha diferente de pensar,
uma forma diferente de pensar. E isso acaba interferindo. [Conta de como varias instituições de
pesquisa estavam fazendo estuso no território com vários grupos dos Suruí para elaborar a
escrita da idioma Suruí, e como as diferenças nas abordagens teóricas dessas instituições
acabaram incentivar discordo entre os Suruí, resultando em que para um documento que
precisava ser publicado na idioma materna dos Paiter, tinha uma decisão pela coordenação de
Metareilá de desenvolver a escrita da idioma independentemente, entre os próprios indígenas].
Q: [...] O que você acha sobre as relações econômicas em desenvolvimento, que mudam a
forma das relações sociais e as relações com a natureza?
78 A: [...] Eu vejo assim, tu faz um contato com povo, ele tem uma forma, uma economia, que ela
é coletiva. Onde as famílias repassam, dividem, a solidaria, e monte de coisa. E ai a nossa
sociedade, a sociedade não índia, ela não é assim. Ela é uma sociedade mito individualista. E o
capitalismo faz as pessoas se tornarem pessoas egoísta. Esse egoísmo, no contato, ele começa a
interferir na forma da economia do povo. Os Paiter Suruí sofreram muito esse processo, de
deixar de vir... de ser solidário, de, por uma pressão toda de fora, de adquirir os bens, que não
eram próprio deles, mas que eles passaram a ter necessidade. Então entra aquela economia que
e a economia de grande escala, economia que tu, tu... se antes tu plantava para subsistência,
agora tu tem que plantar pra ter excedente, e vender o esse excedente. O que que eu acho que o
plano de gestão ajudou muito a eles. A discussão do plano de gestão faz pensar a terra, fazer o
etnozoneamento, e tá voltado a fortalecer a cultura. E que ha um processo de retomada pra essa
discussão mais solidaria. [...] quando eles tomam a decisão, por exemplo, de fazer o
reflorestamento da área, o reflorestamento e todo voltado não pra o excedente, mas pra resolver
toda a situação de desmatamento, mas também pra resolver uma coisa de ficar mais junto.
“Como e que eu fico junto com os meus”... O reflorestamento ajudou isso. Quando o plano de
gestão trás todo pensamos em cultura, por exemplo ‘a eu preciso agora fazer uma piscicultura,
mas a minha piscicultura ela não vai ser só pra mim, ela vai ser coletiva’. Eu volto ao questão
do coletivo. Enato eu volto a uma grande piscicultura na minha aldeia que não vai ser só pra
minha família, mas vai atender a todo mundo que tá na aldeia. E ai eu [tou] começando a fazer
isso de aldeia a aldeia. Eu passo a pensar a retomada das rocas tradicionais, porque as rocas
tradicionais ela me traz a questão do coletivo. Vou coletar cara para fazer chicha – a chicha é
uma bebida para ser tomada em um coletivo – então eu não posso tomar a chicha sozinho, não
posso tomar a macaloba sozinho. Eu faço a macaloba e eu reparto a macaloba. E isso fortalece
meus laços de parentesco, meus laços de afetividade. E dentre desse mundo eu sei que eu
preciso ter excedente também. Enato eu passo a viver essas duas culturas – a cultura de
produzir duma forma solidaria para a subsistência, mas também para produzir excedente,
porque eu preciso comprar outros bens, que a mim a pratica da minha cultura não vai me dar.
Então a entrada dessas novas alternativas econômicas que me exige outras praticas trás o
impacto muito grande na cultura. Então trazem a necessidade de eu saber como eu vou
conviver dentro dessas duas culturas. Sem deixar que isso abala a minha cultura ancestral. Sem
deixar que isso faz com que eu deixo de ter minhas praticas ancestrais. Mas eu vou entrar nesse
novo sistema que eu sei que é um sistema egoísta. Onde eu vou produzir as sacas de café e vou
vender o café e eu sei que não vai ser para o coletivo. E ai entre toda essa estrutura que vem de
fora é um formato de organizações, que eles passam a criar no modelo do não índio – mas na
demanda das alternativas econômicas que não são próprias deles. Mas que precisa atender a 2
modo: quando eu trabalho a venda do meu café, eu trabalho dento de 2 sistemas: o sistema
ancestral e esse sistema novo que entrou. E como é que isso se da, isso se da quando eu faço a
minha venda, eu faço um plantio coletivo, divido isso e faço as vendas para o [palavras não
reconhecidas] que os recursos vão tar divididos com as famílias. E ai sobreviver nesse meio é o
que eu vejo que eles tão tentando. E que pra eles é muito difícil. Pra mim a parte das
alternativas econômicas, da economia é a parte mais difícil de lidar. A outra coisa que – eles
não sabem fazer gestão de dinheiro. [Conta sobre a necessidade de deixar uma outra instituição,
FUNbio, tomar conta de Fundação Paiter, por causa dos Paiter Suruí ainda não ter capacitação
e experiência para a propria gestão desse tipo]. Mas isso nem todos entendem hoje. Hoje tem
uns – por exemplo, pessoal que vende madeira e que é ligado a ilegalidade, eles fazem uma
pressão imensa contra o projeto de carbono. Porque eles não querem executar o projeto que não
sejas coletivo. Eles querem continuar que o dinheiro venha fácil na mão. E ai o Almir enfrenta
um problemão com isso.
Q: E esse processo econômico afeitou a coletividade do povo?
79 A: [...] Quando a FUNAI entra – que é o governo brasileiro – com contato, a FUNAI entra com
uma pratica de que não, tu, cada um tem o seu pedaço. Isso era impacto cultural. Porque eles
não tinham isso antes. E ai conviver, misturar esses dois mundos... e pra mim isso é um dos
impactos gravíssimos, porque isso afeita a segurança alimentar, isso afeita os lassos de
amizade, porque tu introduz o egoísmo no ser das pessoas. E romper com isso – é como o
Almir diz, leva tempo. [...]
Q: Então agora a pretensão e restaurar a coletividade utilizando o sistema capitalista né?
A: Não, é restaurar a coletividade mesclando o sistema tradicional com – usar frase do Almir
Suruí, que não é minha [...]é restaurar os laços entre o povo usando o sistema tradicional e o
sistema do não índio. [...] Por exemplo ele disse assim: eu quero tirar do sistema do não índio o
que da tecnologia que é bom pra nos, e que é bom tecnologicamente eu vou usar, e que não é eu
não vou usar.
Q: E assim no sistema econômica, né, que é restaurar a produção coletiva e integrar ela no
mundo capitalista moderno?
A: Exatamente. [...] Pra mim é o mais difícil, porque ela [questão de economia] mexa
diretamente com as questões do plantio. Eu passo a ter – ‘a, aquela roça é só minha’. Quando
antes eu ia fazer uma roça, eu ia com o coletivo, tudo mundo ia me ajudar a fazer, hoje eu vou
só. E se eu vou só, eu perco um monte de coisa da cultura – porque antes pra fazer a roça, gente
ia no coletivo, tinha musica pra roça, ou seja tu impacte diretamente a questão da musica, da
musicalidade, tu tinha dança pra fazer roça. [...] Quando o sistema capitalista se instala, ele vai
destruindo as coisas que são importante da cultura. Antes eu repartia tudo: a gente fazia a
derrubada junto, a gente plantava junto, a gente coletava junto. E aquilo era por bem de todos.
Com a entrada do capitalismo que isso começa a se deteriorar. Já não vai em conjunto pra roça.
Então tu perde muito, por exemplo, na parte musical, na parte muito nos laços de amizade, e tu
perde muito no tempo também. Porque se tu fazia roça no coletivo tu fazia mais rápido, então
tu tinha mais tempo pra ficar – pra voltar pra aldeia, ficar conversando, ficar contando historia,
ficar brincando com tua mulher, com teu filho, indo tomar banho no rio, ou indo casar, então tu
perde mais tempo. Porque tu vai gastar mais tempo porque tu vai fazendo sozinho, tu e sues 2-3
filhos. [...]
Q: E essas coisas são os mais difíceis para se restaurar...
A: Sim. E porque também o poder do dinheiro é muito complicado. Se tu é um gestor bom, tu
vai ter mais dinheiro, quem não sabe tão bem de gestão vai ter menos que você... isso vai gerar
o sentimento de inveja, de querer algo do outro, que é muito uma coisa do mundo capitalista.
[...] Eu acho que essa coisa de pensar em bem estar dos outros é muito abalado pelo capital
quando entra nas terras indígenas.
Q: Mas ainda assim o plano pretende restaurar a coletividade?
A: Eu acredito que ele tá conseguindo, de vagar mas tá conseguindo. [Conta como ela lembra
para os impacientes, que ‘gente, o plano é de 50 anos, não de 50 dias’]. Tu levou 46 anos de
impacto, e tu faz um plano pra tentar retomar a sua cultura...
Q: Então, é um desafio para criar uma ideologia muito forte para que ela não fica corrupta
pelo dinheiro...
80 A: Eu vejo isso assim, eu vejo que o capital vai tentar destruir essa ideia. E eu já vejo isso
acontecendo agora. O que que ocorre agora... a FUNAI, o CIMI, que e o Conselho Indigenista
Missionário, os Madereiros, então eles tentam destruir o projeto de carbono dos Suruí, os
Paiter. Então eles apoiam os índio que comete ato ilegal. Então, ha pressão do capital porque –
porque o projeto de carbono tá levantado monte de coisa pra ajudar a cumprir o que tá no Plano
de 50 Anos. Interessa pras não-índio Paiter com a autonomia, com sua cultura forte – não, não
interessa. Fazem o discurso, mas não interessa. Porque o índio com a autonomia é o índio que
vai incomodar o governo. É o índio que não vai ficar fazendo o que a igreja quer. [...] O capital
vai jogar através de religiões, através de madeireiros, através de uma serie de empreendimento,
formas para tentar destruir o Plano de 50 Anos. Eles vão fazer uma luta muito grande pra
conseguir que esse plano não ocorra. Não vai ser fácil pra eles.
Q: Vai ser também uma luta contra se mesmo... sobre os índios que escolhem valores do
capital sobre valores tradicionais...
A: [...] E a nossa sociedade, ela, sociedade, ela costuma ser etnocêntrica, ela quer transformar o
outro naquilo que ela considera que é o bom. Que é o certo. E muitas coisas da cultura indígena
eles acham que não é bom, que não é certo. Então eles vão pressionar pra mudar essa questão
da cultura. E os indígenas por outro lado [...] principalmente os mais jovens, que já nasceram
pós-contato, que já se envolveram nas benesses da nossa sociedade – tem muita coisa que eles
não querem perder. [...] isso é uma coisa que vai ser muito difícil de romper. E talvez nem
consiga romper. Talvez seja, age uma transformação pra outras coisas. Ele agem uma passagem
cultural onde eles possam transformar essas duas culturas, entendeu. Mas tudo vai ser uma
descoberta eu acho. Mas isso não é fácil pra eles – eles tão, quem nasceu pós-contato, tem
varias outras costumes. [...] Pra mim a maior pressão... tem 2 pressões grandes encima deles: a
religiosa e a econômica.
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